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This paper examines when states stop receiving US foreign assistance. Using duration models on all US aid recipients from 1948-2000, this paper examines the influence of realist, liberal, and economic explanations on when states stop receiving aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As we await a final report from the commission investigating the terrorist attack on the US in September 2001, we know enough now to determine whetehr or not the failure to detect and thwart the surprise was the fault of America’s multi-billion dollar intelligence system or something else. The purpose of this paper will be to evaluate the intelligence activities surrounding 9/11, determine what failed and why, and draw lessons for the future from this extraordinary event. The paper will comment as well on the steps that have already been taken to prevent such surprises in the future and the laws that have been passed to protect national security, perhaps at a great cost to human rights and personal freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparing three theoretical approaches to congressional-presidential interplay in foreign policy, this paper argues that the most useful and convincing theoretical explanation of congressional deference to the George W. Bush administration national security policy focuses on three variables: a) Congress?s perception of the existence of a global threat to U.S. national security; b) presidential success in foreign affairs; and c) the presence of an undivided government in Washington (with both Congress and White House controlled by the same party). Of the three variables, a) seems to be the most significant important. Thus, this paper concludes that the 9/11 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington have created the conditions for a Cold War-like consensus in the United States. The general agreement that international terrorism is a global threat that needs to be fully assessed by the U.S. government reverts back to the Cold War pattern with respect to national security affairs of a dominant presidency and a compliant Congress in U.S. legislative-executive relations. In the near future, Congress may assert its foreign policy powers to a greater degree if the White House experiences difficulties with the global war on terrorism or if the Democratic Party regains control of the Senate and/or the House of Representatives. However, it seems that as long as Congress perceives that U.S. national security is threatened by the ?global and urgent threat? of terrorism, the presidency will be able to concentrate national security powers in its own hands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how the profound changes at work in the world, known commonly and somewhat opaquely as globalization, have altered the behaviors and orientations of those citizens who participate in the dynamics of globalization. The evidence of rapid and pervasive transformation seems to be everywhere as neoliberal economic policies, vast movements of people around the world, communications and transportation technologies, and a host of other dynamics have led to what has been called the death of time and distance. These changes are so profound that it calls into question the assumption that those who preside over economies, societies, and polities simply absorb these changes into traditional practices. Rather, we theorize that globalizing processes and the backlashes against them alter the lives, outlooks, practices and relationships of all people?rich and poor, leaders and followers, Northerners and Southerners. More than that, we suspect that some of the most extensive transformations have occurred in the lives of those elites in all walks of life who are on the cutting edge of the dynamics presently underway. Using two surveys of over 800 American elites conducted in the fall of 1999 and the winter of 2002-2003, this paper investigates the degree to which an individual’s participation in the processes of globalization transforms his or her loyalties to a nation-state, attitudes toward authority, and orientations toward other collectivities. It also measures whether protests against the WTO and World Bank, the September 11th terrorist attacks, and the war in Iraq have affected the orientations of elites to globalization. To identify those respondents on the cutting edge of global processes, the authors develop an index to measure a respondent’s involvement in global processes. The authors then use this index to conduct chi-square tests that uncover significant attitudinal and behavioral differences between elites on the cutting edge and the other respondents. These tests find that an individual’s participation in the processes of globalization significantly affects his or her orientation toward both the nation-state and other authorities. Those respondents on the cutting edge viewed globalization significantly more favorably than the other respondents. They travel significantly more; use communications technologies more extensively; are more likely to place their employers’ or organizations’ interests before their governments’ interests; and feel significantly more empowered in the face of global processes. These findings support the argument that global elites today are developing political orientations that are incommensurate with traditional, state-centered notions of identity and loyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether or not Gore's campaign significantly differed from those of his predecessors to the extent that it under-emphasized the economy. This paper is based on an analysis of candidate emphasis of economic issues in presidential campaigns from 1960-2000. In addition, this paper explores variations in television news media coverage of campaign issues for the last several elections. It also examines election 2000 public opinion in order to assess other possible sources for determining issue salience in the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from classical negative liberty, this paper shows how a civil regime of private property under liberty must assure to each individual the opportunity to provide a socially decent standard of living through work as measured by current societal norms. The paper then shows how contemporary economic and social policies of the United States, expending more than $1 trillion annually, relate to and logicaly grow out of this concept of liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the economic theory underlying the concept of privatization. In contrast to the conventional wisdom about privatization, this paper will argue that all persons working for the government-- including government employees-- are "contractors." As a consequnce, there are real economic choices about how government functions should be carried out-- either by employees or contractors-- and that these choices should be made based on a cost-benefit evaluation and not automatically assumed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) has made it increasingly important to determine their effects on trade flows. At the center of the debate over the impact of these agreements are the questions of whether they are trade diverting or trade creating (Rahman et al 2006) and whether they are on balance trade-liberalizing or protectionist (Krueger 1999). Goldstein et al (2007) find the impact of nonreciprocal PTAs to be negative, contradictory to the underlying goals for such agreements. This paper seeks to further test this and other studies that have found a negative relationship between nonreciprocal trade agreements, preferences, and trade using a recently implemented non-reciprocal trade agreement between the U.S. and Sub-Saharan Africa, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) of 2000. The AGOA seeks to promote trade, investment, and economic cooperation between the U.S. and AGOA countries by offering 36 eligible African countries duty-free access for most goods, providing coverage for additional commodities above and beyond those covered under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). U.S. non-oil imports under the AGOA have become the largest category of trade for eligible countries. A traditional gravity model is employed to test whether the AGOA is trade creating for eligible countries targeting the U.S. market. The findings of this study suggest that AGOA membership or eligibility for AGOA textile benefits have no significant impact on trade. The uncertainty of the life span of preferences, eroding preferential margins, and the inability for African producers to respond adequately to preferences are theoretical explanations for these results. The importance of this paper is to advance our understanding of the effect of PTAs, specifically those between a major economic power and less developed countries at a time when preferences are eroding yet remain at the center of debate in the current Doha Round. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States have all released defence industrial policy papers in the recent past. Canada has yet to release a similar document. This paper will examine the defence industrial policies of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States with a view to establishing common themes and principles that each nation has established. Next the paper will explore reasons for why Canada has not found it necessary to release a defence industrial policy and discuss whether or not one is necessary within the context of a broader North American Defence Industrial Base. Finally, the paper will conclude that regardless of the broader North American Defence Industrial Base, Canada should have a defence industrial policy. The paper will present, based on the common themes of our allies, what Canada’s defence industrial policy principles and strategies should be for the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an examination of the implications of retelling American welfare state history by honing in on policy outputs and outcomes -- charting welfare state development by examining its varied impact over time upon its targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes SNCC's and CORE's attention to anti-poverty policy after the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act in 1964 and 1965 and demonstrates that organizational structure will affect how interest groups arrive at their priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do conservative Presidents use welfare state retrenchment to make political appeals, and in particular to reach conservative whites on the basis of the sensitive subject of race? This paper examines claims that the Reagan administration's welfare retrenchment efforts were organized around a political agenda that sought to take advantage of the racial animosities of southern whites and northern white ethnics. Applying Pierson's (1994) approach to the politics of welfare state retrenchment, I focus on the administration's most successful effort to cut the federal welfare state: the 1981 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, examining the retrenchment strategies of obfuscation, division and compensation. Pierson's approach to welfare retrenchment is modified by the recognition that the racialized nature of welfare politics in the 1980s was integral to the administration's political successes in this area. For each of these strategies, race was of great importance in shaping retrenchment. While I find that the Reagan administration maintained a racially neutral public presentation in their public and private discussions of these budget cuts, I also find a somewhat consciously articulated but fragmented political agenda focused on conservative white southern democrats and northern working- and lower-middle-class whites. This is contrasted with an almost complete absence of concern over the disproportionate harm that African Americans faced as a result of their agenda. Most telling, the administration responded to the criticisms of their budget cuts by African-American leaders through a combination of silences and symbols, offering very little in the way of direct material or procedural rewards for African Americans. Taken as a whole, the pattern of welfare state retrenchment, political appeals to whites, silence on racial implications, and symbolic appeals provide a compelling portrait of the racialized quality of the Reagan administration's welfare cuts in 1981. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After involvement in terrorism and the pursuit of weapons of mass destruction for most of the period following Qaddafi's arrival in power in 1969, Libya has renounced terrorism and in December 2003 it abandoned its WMD programs. This paper proposes an analytical framework for understanding the role that United States coercive diplomacy played in leading to this dramatic change. The paper argues that American coercive diplomacy was most successful when it combined the qualities of proportionality, coercive credibility and reciprocity. The paper also examines how political and economic developments inside Libya made it more sensitive to the coercive pressure exerted by the United States. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, the new economy infrastructure has emerged as a strategic resource that municipal governments are increasingly attempting to harness. This infrastructure, sometimes punned as "broadband", is comprised of proprietary fiber, wireless, microwave and satellite networks of local telecommunications service providers. It remains largely invisible, yet is pivotal to the future economic vitality of cities. The paper utilizes a nationwide survey of cities that examines the role of local telecommunications infrastructure in economic development policies. The findings indicate that a majority of the cities have had telecommunications infrastructure improvements in their jurisdictions. Suburbs and central cities are more likely to have such improvements. The top three objectives of these improvements are to attract business and jobs, to enhance the regional backbone and distribution systems, and to serve the needs of schools, government, or publicly owned utilities. As for effect of these improvements, cities overwhelming indicate that it increases business growth. Cities perceive telecommunications as a critical infrastructure to their local economies; however, few cities have an inventory of the telecommunications infrastructure in their jurisdiction or directly link it to economic development policy. One of the major reasons is that local government remains outside of the telecommunications planning process of private service providers. Although private sector telecommunications providers will continue to hold the key to infrastructure, cities desiring telecommunications for expansion will need to break the barrier to gain a seat at the table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization’s onset inspired predictions about convergence of diverse capitalist economies to American-style liberalism (Kurzer 1994; Frieden & Rogowski 1996). Even dissenters (Garrett 1998; Boix 1998; Hall & Soskice 2001; Kitschelt, Lange, Marks & Stephens 1999), who insisted on the persistence of different capitalist models, agreed on liberalism’s comparative advantages: fewer regulations, less particularistic policy-making, and swift asset redeployment. Rather than inspiring hands-off government, however, increased international competition has often been accompanied by industry-specific tax cuts and credits, subsidies, and import relief. Neither the convergence school nor its critics, can explain when and why the liberal market economies (LMEs) in the UK, US, and Canada stray from laissez-faire. This paper argues that political institutions explain divergence among LMEs. My argument is that the key variable distinguishing between the UK and US is the weakness of party discipline in the United States and its strong presence in the UK. The most important distinction in scholarly work, by contrast, has been between majoritarianism and proportional representation electoral systems (Rogowski 1987). Political party discipline influences politicians? incentives to adopt universalistic versus particularistic policies toward business in the aggregate, as well as policies regarding specific sectors. The policy result of weak party discipline is different from the result of federalism. In systems with weak party discipline, businesses can invest in particular favors from individual legislators. In federal systems, by contrast, the only industrial particularism is inter-state bids for mobile industries capable of making credible exit threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines support among individuals for redistributive policies? Do individuals care about others when they assess the consequences of redistribution? Using data for the US from 1978 to 2010, we find that differences in redistribution preferences between the rich and the poor are high in some states and low in others. Surprisingly, this difference has a lot to do with the rich and very little to do with the poor. While support for redistribution decreases with income, the preferences of the rich are very sensitive to the level of macro-inequality, and the rich are more supportive of redistribution in unequal states than they are in more equal states. To explain this relationship, we propose a model of other-regarding preferences for redistribution, which we term "income-dependent altruism." In making these distinctions between the poor and the rich, the arguments in this paper challenge some influential approaches to the politics of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While informed Americans are becoming aware of the power of right-wing foundations and patrons in areas of economic regulation, few know of their funding of the "colorblind" organizations seeking to dismantle civil rights policy. The failure to uncover the "invisible hands" is no accident -- the "free enterprise" right-wing foundations and patrons have deliberately kept a low profile in their efforts to shift the U.S. far to the right. By focusing primarily on two anti-affirmative action ballot measures -- California's 1996 Proposition 209 and Michigan's 2006 Proposal 2 - this paper raises concerns about the capacity of a small, elite, radical faction to quietly bankroll a right-wing backlash while the seemingly moderate public entrepreneurs shield them from the limelight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of political science literature addresses how religion affects voting behavior. In particular, the 2004 election was characterized by the media and political scientists as "a matter of faith" because both Catholics and Protestants favored the Republican party due to its conservative stances on moral issues and its efforts to attract religious voters. That changed in the 2008 election, as a majority of Catholics and higher numbers of other religious groups selected the Democratic candidate, Senator Barack Obama. This paper applies Schofield and Miller's model of realignment, in which candidates employ "flanking moves" to bring new constituencies into the party to form a winning coalition, to argue that Obama was able to win the Catholic vote by emphasizing his populist economic policies while courting religious voters and downplaying his liberal stances on social issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few transformations have been as important in American political history as the incorporation of African Americans into the Democratic Party coalition over the course of the 1930s-60s and the embrace of racial conservatism on the part of many Republicans. This paper, which is part of a broader book project, focuses on changes in mass opinion among Democratic and Republican partisans from the late 1930s through the 1960s. It traces, over time, the relationship between New Deal economic liberalism and racial liberalism, and between economic policy conservatism and racial conservatism. A key initial finding is that by the late 1930s, economically-liberal northern white Democratic voters were especially pro-civil rights, while economicallyconservative northern Republican voters were particularly hostile. This suggests that there was a connection between attitudes towards the economic programs of the New Deal and racial liberalism early on. One of the goals of the book will be to understand where that connection came from, along with its implications for subsequent developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until recently, little attention had been paid to the role that migrant-sending states play in shaping migration flows, the impact of their migration policies in the diaspora's activities in relation to the home country, and the bilateral or multilateral framework in which these policies and activities take place. Recent changes in the Mexican government's policies towards the 30 million Mexican migrants living in the United States and current developments in the debate over U.S. immigration reform highlight the importance that the Mexican diaspora has acquired in both countries' domestic politics given its size, its economic power and its growing political participation in both countries. Missing from these discussions at the academic and policy level is a systematic study of the various domestic, transnational and international factors that have historically shaped Mexico's positions on emigration control and diaspora engagement, and their relevance in the context of the U.S.- Mexico relationship. Since 2006, with the end of the Fox administration, characterized by its activism on migration issues and its proposal for a US-Mexico migration agreement, the Mexican government has opted for a more discreet approach to these issues, particularly with regards to its position on comprehensive immigration reform. For some, this signals a return to a traditional "policy of having no policy", while the Mexican government explains this simply as a refocusing of strategies in a new domestic and bilateral context but without changing the priority given to migration issues. Similar variations have occurred in the past based on Mexico's considerations of economic and political conditions in Mexico as well as the status of the bilateral relationship with the United States. However, this paper argues that an unprecedented transnational context where migrants are increasingly active, both economically and politically, a bilateral context where relations between the Mexican government and US actors have expanded in the NAFTA context and an international context with increasing attention to migrants' rights and the migration development nexus makes a return to Mexico's so-called "policy of having no policy" increasingly untenable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accounts of United States domestic and economic policy in the 1920’s privilege endogenous explanations and argue that these policies lacked intrinsic importance. Using qualitative and quantitative data, this paper argues otherwise. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between race, ethnicity, gender, and policy choices in U.S. cities. While much work has explored the public policy effects of elected women to state and federal offices, there is a substantial gap in the scholarship examining these effects at the local level. Furthermore, few scholars have studied the intersection of race and gender at the municipal level. Using budget data directly from 250 U.S. cities, I analyze the impact of female, minority, and minority-female mayors and city councilors on municipal level fiscal policies. I find that female mayors have a positive effect on spending for general redistributional programs and for welfare programs. I also find that the percent of women on a city council has a non-linear relationship with spending for redistributional and welfare programs, which supports theories of critical mass and tokenism. These findings suggest that women and minorities should seek more than simple electoral representation, if they wish to affect public policy outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does foreign aid affect government stability? Previous research presentsmixed answers to this question. I start with the largely uncontroversial finding thatdonor interests are major determinants of aid allocation. Donors may use aid tosupport loyal government leaders; on the other hand, aid suspensions are a form offoreign economic pressure on recipient governments. This foreign policy tool canonly work if it generates political costs or benefits for the leaders of recipient coun-tries. Consequently, the leader of a government that comes under pressure (whenthe donor suspends aid disbursements) should be more likely to lose office than aleader who does not or a leader who receives additional aid. This paper presentsa theoretical argument linking changes in foreign assistance levels to governmentinstability. I also test an observable implication of my theoretical argument usingcross-country time-series data on U.S. aid and leaders' political survival. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What political factors influence the allocation of economic patronage in democracies? Answering this question is vital to improving our knowledge of how states and markets interact. In this paper, I argue that changing levels of party centralization can drive important changes in the allocation of state largess. When governing parties are centralized, national party leaders will control sources of patronage, targeting benefits to particularly influential regions and industries. By contrast, when governing parties are decentralized, influential sub-national party leaders will advocate for their constituents, allocating patronage evenly through a national logroll. I find evidence for these relationships by comparing India's distribution process for industrial licenses and government finance under a decentralized Congress Party (1954-61) to its distribution process under a centralized Congress Party (1969-75). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislative oversight of monetary policy has a long history in many countries. While U.S. congressional oversight of the Federal Reserve goes back to the founding of the central bank in 1913, the nature of oversight has changed in that the process has become more formalised since 1978 when the provision was created for biannual oversight hearings before the Senate and House banking committees. A second and more speculative change is that the purpose and nature of oversight may well have changed as a result of the Fed's success in achieving stable low inflation. That is, we think it reasonable to surmise that oversight itself is conditional on the success of the central bank in achieving its objective of low inflation, and on whether there is a common view that low inflation is the best way to achieve sustainable growth throughout the economy. Within this mix of policy success and congressional oversight there lies a paradox. The rise of the emphasis on legislative accountability as part of the package of having an independent central bank has come at a time when low inflation has been established for a longer period than at any time since the nineteenth century. In short, legislators have come to play a larger role at a time when, arguably, there is less for them to do. Certainly, in an era of low inflation and stable growth of the sort seen since the mid 1980s, there is less need for them to signal their displeasure with the central bank. In the U.S., the 1990s were probably the key period in which the new era of stable growth and low inflation began to be accepted as a more enduring part of the economic landscape. How did the role of congressional oversight adapt in the face of this change? Indeed, is there a contradiction at the heart of the emphasis on accountability in monetary policy, namely that in the recent period it has played little role?In order to answer these questions, we need a better understanding of what happens at congressional oversight hearings, and how it has changed over time. This paper takes a small step in that direction by comparing in detail the records of two periods of House and Senate oversight-1991-93 and 1997-99. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have shown that the ways in which beneficiaries of policies are portrayed by elites have an important impact on the preferences of the public regarding these policies. This paper builds upon these theoretical insights, but unlike the existing literature, which focuses mainly on domestic policies and relies on experimental settings, we analyze foreign policy issues from a comparative perspective. More specifically, we examine the respective attitudes of the American and Mexican public toward political and economic ramifications of NAFTA ten years after the agreement was signed using data from national samples from both countries. This comparative framework allows us to examine two different elite frames of similar issues in both countries, thus significantly improving the external validity of the study. Using the data from 2004 Chicago Council of Foreign Relations, CIDE, and COMEXI public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico and the U.S we analyze the impact of affective attitudes toward both domestic and international groups benefiting from the economic changes caused by NAFTA interacted with elite political framing. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the report about the debate over the welfare reform in the U.S. The report examines congressional testimony pertaining to privatization and evening news programs covering welfare administration issue to find out how the public policy debate was framed. The authors of the report conclude that the public debate over privatization was relatively muted and somewhat misleading.

Assesses the U.S. interest in stability in the Persian Gulf Region. Economic interests of the U.S. in the region; Impact of the instability and violence in the region on the U.S. economy; Information on a model of how the global economy adjust to disruptions in the region.