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‘Integrated care’ is pitched as the solution to current health system challenges. In the literature, what integrated care actually involves is complex and contested. Multi-disciplinary team case management is frequently the primary focus of integrated care when implemented internationally. We examine the practical application of integrated care in the NHS in England to exemplify the prevalence of the case management focus. We look at the evidence for effectiveness of multi-disciplinary team case management, for the focus on high-risk groups and for integrated care more generally. We suggest realistic expectations of what integration of care alone can achieve and additional research questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I explore the rise of the concept of ‘leadership’ in the English NHS, highlighting the similarity with a previous shift from (bad, old) ‘administration’ to (good, new) ‘management’. I take a critical look at this discursive shift and highlight some of the overblown claims made for the value of ‘clinical leadership’. I argue that, rather than turning all NHS staff into leaders, we should perhaps tone down the level of our rhetoric and instead emphasize the need for a service full of good followers who will maintain a relentless focus on care, quality and efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objectives: The Health and Social Care Act 2012 introduced Clinical Commissioning Groups to take responsibility for commissioning (i.e. planning and purchasing) the majority of services for local populations in the English NHS. Constituted as 'membership organizations', with membership compulsory for all GP practices, Clinical Commissioning Groups are overseen by, and are accountable to, a new arm's-length body, NHS England. This paper critically engages with the content and policy narrative of the 2012 Act and explores this in relation to the reality of local policy enactment. Methods: Set against a careful review of the 2012 Act, a case study of a nascent Clinical Commissioning Groups was conducted. The research included observations of Clinical Commissioning Group meetings and events (87 h), and indepth interviews (16) with clinical commissioners, GPs, and managers. Results: The 2012 Act was presented as part of a broader government agenda of decentralization and localism. Clinical Commissioning Group membership organizations were framed as a means of better meeting the needs and preferences of local patients and realizing a desirable increase in localism. The policy delineated the 'governing body' and 'the membership', with the former elected from/by the latter to oversee the organization. 'The membership' was duty bound to be 'good', engaged members and to represent their patients' interests. Fieldwork with Notchcroft Clinical Commissioning Group revealed that Clinical Commissioning Groups' statutory duty to NHS England to 'ensure the continuous improvement' of GP practice members involved performance scrutiny of GP practices. These governance processes were carried out by a varied cast of individuals, many of whom did not fit into the binary categorization of membership and governing body constructed in the policy. A concept, the governing assemblage, was developed to describe the dynamic cast of people involved in shaping the work and direction of the Clinical Commissioning Group, many of whom were unelected and of uncertain status. This was of particular significance in Notchcroft Clinical Commissioning Group because the organization explicitly pursued a governance system based on developing positions of consensus. The governing assemblage concept is valuable in articulating the actual practices of Clinical Commissioning Group governance, how these relate to the normative content of the 2012 Act, and the tensions that emerge. Conclusions: The governing assemblage concept provided clarity in discussion of the dynamics of organizational governance in Notchcroft Clinical Commissioning Group, which did not follow the simple template articulated in the 2012 Act. The concept merits application in the study of other Clinical Commissioning Groups and may prove valuable in illuminating governance processes within a range of other health care organizations in different contexts. The governing assemblage holds promise for the analysis of ongoing changes to NHS organization, as well as international health care organizations such as accountable care organizations in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how ‘place’ is conceptualised and mobilized in health policy and considers the implications of this. Using the on-going spatial reorganizing of the English NHS as an exemplar, we draw upon relational geographies of place for illumination. We focus on the introduction of ‘Sustainability and Transformation Plans’ (STPs): positioned to support improvements in care and relieve financial pressures within the health and social care system. STP implementation requires collaboration between organizations within 44 bounded territories that must reach ‘local’ consensus about service redesign under conditions of unprecedented financial constraint. Emphasising the continued influence of previous reorganizations, we argue that such spatialized practices elude neat containment within coherent territorial geographies. Rather than a technical process financially and spatially ‘fixing’ health and care systems, STPs exemplify post-politics—closing down the political dimensions of policy-making by associating ‘place’ with ‘local’ empowerment to undertake highly resource-constrained management of health systems, distancing responsibility from national political processes. Relational understandings of place thus provide value in understanding health policies and systems, and help to identify where and how STPs might experience difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]