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Municipal domestic waste (MDW) management is essential to maintain ecological security. Waste classification is seen as a solution to the urban waste dilemma. However, very few residents in China are currently involved in waste classification. Based on the public goods theory and the hypothesis of rational behavior, with the aid of GIS, this paper develops a multi-agent model to simulate the features and evolution of residents' waste classification behavior in the context of community. By comparing the percentage of those who participate in waste classification in different scenarios, various factors that may influence residents' waste classification behavior are analyzed. The simulation results show that the improvement of convenience facilities and the promotion of awareness-raising activities help enhancing residents' waste classification behavior. An increase in rewards and penalties by the government will promote residents' waste classification behavior, though this promotion is not significant. Adherent enforcers can provide a continuous incentive for residential waste classification behavior. This study provides evidence for the government and communities to develop waste classification policies and motivate residents to participate in waste classification. Implications: Municipal waste seriously restricts the survival and development of cities, and waste disposal has become a problem that plagues government managers in various countries. Waste classification is considered to be an effective way to solve the municipal waste dilemma, but currently China faces the dilemma of low residents' participation in waste classification. Through multi-agent modeling, the interaction and decision-making of urban residents in the process of waste classification are simulated, and introduce GIS to truly restore the daily classification scenes of residents. Explore the dynamic evolution of urban residents' classification behavior and the change of residents' waste classification rate under different situations to find more effective ways to improve the participation rate of residents in waste classification and give targeted and practical countermeasure suggestions. It provides decision-making reference for the formulation of governmental waste classification policies and the design of community behavior programs, and to contribute to the sustainable development of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Challenging a popular view that China's rise will lead the United States and China to fall into the 'Thucydides trap'—a possible hegemonic war between the two—this paper proposes an 'institutional peace' argument, suggesting that the ongoing international order transition will be different from previous order transitions in history. Instead of using military means to change the international order, China and the United States have relied on various institutional balancing strategies to compete with one another for an advantageous position in the future international order. The discussion on the institutional competition between China and the US around the AIIB and the ARF-related multilateral security architecture supports the 'institutional peace' argument: institutional competition in the form of institutional balancing strengthens the dynamics and utility of international institutions, encourages states to offer new public goods, and could lead to a more peaceful order transition in the international system. However, this institutional peace argument is constrained by two caveats: the continued validity of the MAD nuclear deterrence and a limited degree of ideological antagonism between the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of the abolition of the civil service exam on local governance in early twentieth-century China. Before the abolition, local elites collected surtaxes that financed local public goods, but they were supervised by the state and could lose candidacy for higher status if they engaged in corrupt behavior. This prospect of upward mobility (POUM) gave them incentives to behave well, which the abolition of the exam removed. Using anti-elite protests as a proxy for the deterioration of local governance, we find that prefectures with a higher POUM experienced more incidents of anti-elite protests after the abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do authoritarian governments' responses towards different civil society organizations (CSOs) reflect policy differentiations? Building on the existing literature of graduated control, diversification of civil society, and consultative authoritarianism, this paper utilizes an online field experiment, and interviews with government officials and CSO leaders to demonstrate that local governments have the tendencies to intentionally treat different CSOs with different policy responses, referred to as "deliberate differentiation" in this paper. However, contrary to what the existing literature would suggest, this study reveals that at the local level, such differentiation is driven more by the state's interest in extracting productivity and outsourcing responsibility for the provision of public goods and less by the state's need to acquire information from CSOs, including politically sensitive advocacy groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the challenges of community self-organisation in contemporary China, where the retrenchment of the party-state and the decline of social cohesion under late socialism have left underresourced communities increasingly responsible for the self-provision of public goods and services. Through a comparison of two case studies – a village shareholding corporation and a community foundation – the paper identifies three dimensions of institutional choice in community self-organisation: the efficient maximisation of resources, the equitable distribution of resources, and the affective recruitment of ideological support. This analysis suggests both a tradeoff between efficiency and equity and a reliance on nostalgia as the basis for the selective mobilisation of affect. These dynamics intersect to produce programmatic biases that privilege the interests of some residents while excluding others. While new forms of affect can help increase inclusion, the initial choices made by organisers result in institutional path dependencies that prove difficult to escape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the spillover effect of fiscal decentralization on the provision of local public goods. The paper's objectives are as follows. First, we seek to discuss whether fiscal decentralization can affect “Promotion Tournament Game” among local governments through spillover effect of local public goods supply. Second, we also examine the intrinsic mechanism of such decentralized spillover effect. Finally, we analyze, if the spillover effect is possible, how much influence of fiscal decentralization on local public provision from both expenditure and revenue perspectives. Our analysis is based on a user fee model. The panel data from 31 Chinese provinces for the period of 1994–2013 are estimated using the spatial econometric method. The results show that revenue decentralization is negatively related to the local public provision, which is consistent with the “Leviathan hypothesis”. However, expenditure decentralization leads to an increase in the local public provision, which statistically proves the fierce competition in “Promotion Tournament Game” among Chinese governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China's economy enters a new normal, economic growth shifts from factor investment to innovation. The quality of government needs to be improved to create a good environment for the development of innovation and entrepreneurship. This paper uses the CGSS data to empirically study the impact of government quality on the happiness of entrepreneurs. Research shows that the improvement of government quality can significantly improve the self-rated happiness of entrepreneurs, but these three dimensions have different effects, and only the public goods supply index has a significant impact. According to the analysis by region and city level, the government quality has a significant impact on the happiness of entrepreneurs in the less-developed non-eastern and non-provincial cities, but insignificant in the eastern and provincial cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through use of a unique, multi-year public opinion survey, this paper seeks to measure changes in self-reported governmental satisfaction among Chinese citizens between 2003 and 2016. Despite the persistence of vast socio-economic and regional inequalities, we find evidence that low-income citizens and residents living in China's less-developed inland provinces have actually reported comparatively greater increases in satisfaction since 2003. These results, which we term the "income effect" and "region effect" respectively, are more pronounced at the county and township levels of government, which are most responsible for public service provision. Our findings also show that the satisfaction gap between privileged and more marginalized populations in China is beginning to close, in large part owing to efforts by the Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping administrations to rebalance the gains of economic growth and shift resources towards the populations most overlooked during China's first few decades of reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few civil-conflict studies explore the role played by subnational-level governments, especially the impact of their providing public goods. In this paper, I argue that local governments can mitigate the risk of ethnic conflicts by increasing their provision of public goods. I situate this argument in the context of ongoing ethnic conflicts in Xinjiang, China. With a new data set of 105 ethnic conflicts in Xinjiang between 1997 and 2005, this study finds that counties with higher government spending on education were significantly less likely to experience conflicts. The results are robust to a wide range of robustness checks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tendencies to marketization and privatization in higher education, along with other factors, have challenged the idea of higher education as a public good in many countries over the years. China has experienced this situation to some extent. During the last 20 years, this has triggered various discussions on higher education and public good(s) in China. Drawing on qualitative data from 24 semi-structured interviews in both government departments and universities, this study defines and explores public and common good(s) in relation to higher education in China. As the first empirical study on this theme in the country, it is argued that this study makes a significant and original contribution to knowledge with international relevance. This paper identifies the complex nature of higher education in China and proposes that it may be better described in relation to common good(s). Also, as a common good, higher education in China contributes to the (global) common good and generates (global) common goods in many aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the development process of China's rural governance system, indicating that the current system of "township governance based on village autonomy" is facing a new situation such as the weakening governance capacity of grass-roots authorities and the emergence of new governing bodies. Aiming at promoting practical rural planning, the paper conducts research about the rural governance system, public goods supply, and rural planning reform. It divides the rural governance mechanisms on public goods supply into three categories: government, community and market. The paper then focuses on how to achieve a community-based supply of public goods via emerging "rural organizations," as well as on how to transform the public service center allocation and spatial planning philosophy and methods in rural planning accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have shown that positive and negative incentives can greatly promote cooperation in public goods games. The best policy for turning a population of defectors into a population of cooperators is to provide the “carrot” first and the “stick” later. Cleaner production (CP) is a new preventive environmental strategy, and its promotion is also an example of a public goods game. Voluntary participation and other positive incentives have been widely used to encourage industries to implement CP worldwide. However, taking into consideration specific industry characteristics and new environmental management requirements in China, the Chinese Cleaner Production Promotion Law proposes use of mandatory cleaner production audits (as compared to voluntary cleaner production initiatives) as innovative measures for advancing CP. This paper provides a general overview of this innovative system, explaining how the mandatory audit system was established and promoted in various policies, regulations, and national plans, and analyzing the design of the system. The paper also summarizes implementation results of the mandatory cleaner production audit system, based on annual surveys conducted in all provinces of China between 2008 and 2011. The Chinese experience can be used as a reference case by other developing countries similar to China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eco-innovation is an important driving force of high-quality economic development, which can promote economic growth while also ensuring ecological benefits. However, the characteristics of public goods, as well as the dual positive externalities of eco-innovation, lead to its internal reliance on government. Using China's low-carbon city pilot policy as an example, this paper empirically examines the impact of the pilot environmental policy on urban eco-innovation. The results demonstrate that the pilot policies promote urban eco-innovation and a progressive pilot policy promotion model presents an 'experience accumulation effect' in which the effect of the second batch of pilot policies is significantly better than that of the first batch. Dynamic analysis indicates that the eco-innovation effect of the first batch of pilot policies exerts a policy lag. Specifically, the impact of pilot policies on the number of urban green invention patent application lags by approximately 2 years, whereas the impact on the number of patent applications regarding green utility models exhibit a longer lag time. Mediating mechanism analysis reveals that the pilot policy can promote eco-innovation by promoting the agglomeration of innovation factors, including investment and human capital. This paper confirms the eco-innovation effects of a pilot environmental policy model with Chinese characteristics, with significant theoretical implications. The conclusion also offers practical advice to other countries on how to implement progressive environmental governance reforms. • The eco-innovation effect of pilot environmental policy with Chinese characteristics is investigated. • The effect of experience accumulation exists in different period policies. • There is a time lag in the effect of pilot environmental policy. • Factors agglomeration plays a mediating role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's need to ensure food sufficiency for its people is nothing new. What is new is the country's recent active search for food from around the world, including small states in Africa and Latin America. The country has begun to acquire food of a high quality, in competition with other countries. China can make use of its politico-economic power to influence the behaviour of others to achieve food security, thereby highlighting a puzzling question: How does China balance its national interests against its global responsibility? China competes with other countries for a steady supply of food at an affordable price, while at the same time it wants to be seen as a peaceful country and a responsible member of the international community. As the largest developing country in the world, how does China see its role in the global management of food security, and how do others see China in this role? In addressing these questions, this paper argues that China begins to shoulder greater responsibility globally in this area, based on its bilateral and multilateral engagements, especially with small states, in a win-win way. The paper concludes that China has to do more to allay the fears of the outside world and to clear the suspicions harboured by others about its intentions and behaviour, a lesson which carries wide implications for China's global governance in other issue areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do authoritarian regimes try to improve the quality of their governance? In the absence of democratic institutions to monitor, reward and punish their performance, authoritarian politicians are normally expected to seek their self-interest through corruption and rewards to cronies, rather than providing for the public welfare. However, the Chinese state has actively promoted improved governance in recent years, with greater attention to quality of life issues to balance the primary focus on sustaining rapid economic growth. This paper analyses intra-national variation in the provision of public goods in urban China and the impact of public goods on regime support. Does better governance lead to higher levels of public support for the regime, even in the absence of democratic elections? Our evidence suggests that it does, with a greater impact for the local level than for the centre. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates the nature of two military alliances under Chinese threat. The findings are as follows: First, South Korea does not consider China a significant threat while Japan and the United States have recognized China as a serious threat since the 1990s and the 2000s, respectively. Second, the relationship between South Korea and the United States is a true military alliance for all time periods, but the nature of the alliance has changed since the 1970s. Third, although Japan began to form an alliance relationship with the United States in the 1990s, Japan is considered a more significant ally by the United States. This paper implies that, should China provoke a military confrontation, it might be difficult to deduce a common solution among the three countries because of the different response to military threats from China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines three controversies that revolve around the Hong Kong government's efforts to privatise components of its property assets in the years following the Asian financial crisis in 1997. While the rolling back of welfare and privatisation of public goods are typical features of the 'neo-liberal turn', the consequences of and responses to these processes are highly contingent upon specific historical experience and social practices. By examining the narratives of different actors over the course of these controversies, this paper aims to elucidate the contradictions and mutual entanglements between the ideology of neo-liberalism and everyday discourse and how the contestation in each of the three cases worked to reshape and ultimately to preserve the existing regime of legitimation. It also illustrates how the long-running 'laissez-faire' principles of Hong Kong's colonial period have contributed to the ongoing absorption of political critique, thus exposing the limits of 'people power'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a framework of incomplete contract, this paper shows that for provision of public goods such as medicare and education, pure privatization may not promote competition. On the contrary, the co-existence of public and private provision may enhance de facto competition. Two competitive effects are identified. When consumers are heterogeneous, the co-existence of public and private ownership gives consumers freedom to choose from different ownership, improving allocation efficiency (Tiebout effect). While consumers are homogeneous, the co-existence can promote yardstick competition, squeezing out information rents from both ownerships, improving production efficiency (benchmarking effect). In either case, the co-existence dominates unique ownership. The paper ends up with some implications for China.s medicare and education reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide an experimental investigation of the fair rule preference and its effect on anonymous cooperation, intending to test the hypothesis that people who exhibit high degrees of rule inequality aversion-consider 'equality and mutual obligation under the social contract' as justified, are disgusted with free-rider behavior in the public goods game and are more likely to be conditional cooperators and make conditional contributions. Based on experimental work related to rule-preferences Chlaß and Moffatt (Giving in dictator games: experimenter demand effect or preference over the rules of the game? (No. 2012, 044). Jena Economic Research Papers, ) and the public goods game Fischbacher et al. (Am Econ Rev 100(1):541-556, ), we designed a dictator game with the option of buying a veto (when the veto was purchased, the level of rule inequality decreased, making it an ultimatum game) to measure rule preference, i.e., rule inequality aversion, and conducted a two-stage public goods experiment to identify the cooperation preferences and repeated cooperation levels of participants. We investigated the relationship between rule preferences and cooperative preferences (conditional reciprocal preference) and tried to explain the adjustments people made when making repeated contributions of public goods (conditional cooperation behavior) from a rule preference perspective. The results show that: (1) Heterogeneous rule-inequality-aversion preferences are found in lab; (2) The stronger the rule-inequality-aversion preference is, the higher the probability is for the individual to become a conditional cooperator in public goods experiment; (3) Individuals who have stronger rule-inequality-aversion are more sensitive to the contributions that are deviated from the norm. Compared to the theory of conditional cooperation types, rule-inequality-aversion preference has a better explanation power when it comes to the behavior adjustment in repeated public goods contribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares and analyzes the practice of public relations between Southern European countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain) and China. The author argues Western countries are not a monolithic entity and there are a number of similarities, mainly focused on the importance of personal relationships, that shape the public relations field in Europe and Asia. A review of the concepts of guanxi and clientelism, both based on the asymmetrical character of relationships based on the abdication by the client of any potential autonomous access to the use of resources and to the setting up of public goods and services, revealed the importance of personal relationships and the emphasis of government relationships at the expense of other publics. Despite the consideration of the Anglo-Saxon symmetrical public relations model as a normative ideal among professionals, persuasive models are prevalent in the public relations practice in these societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that China's size was one reason behind its relative decline in the nineteenth century. A ruler governing a large country faces severe agency problems. Given his monitoring difficulties, his agents have strong incentives to extort the taxpayers. This forces him to keep taxes low to prevent revolts. Economic expansion could aggravate corruption and cause further fiscal weakening. To support the model's predictions, I show that the Chinese state taxed and administered sparingly, especially in regions far from Beijing. Furthermore, its fiscal capacity contracted steadily during the prosperous eighteenth century, sowing the seeds for the nineteenth-century crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers the conditions under which China's massive internal migration and urbanisation have resulted in relatively governed, less contentious, and yet fragile migrant enclaves. Shenzhen, the hub for rural-urban migration and a pioneer of market reform, is chosen to illustrate the dynamics of spatial contestation in China's sunbelt. This paper first correlates the socialist land appropriation mechanisms to the making of the factory dormitory and urban village as dominant forms of migrant accommodation. It then explains how and why overt contention has been managed by certain intermediate agencies in the urban villages that have not only provided public goods but also regulated social order. It ends with an evaluation of the fragility of urban villages, which tend to facilitate urban redevelopment at the expense of migrants' living space. The interplay between socialist institutions and market forces has thus ensured that migrant enclaves are regulated and integrated into the formal city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ordinary citizens often welcome nonstate provision of public goods and social welfare, but government officials, particularly in nondemocratic and transitional systems, may view nonstate actors as political competitors. Drawing on a combination of qualitative and quantitative data from rural China, this paper finds that some kinds of nonstate participation in public goods and social welfare provision can actually make local officials more optimistic about their ability to implement state policies and elicit citizen compliance. Local officials often believe that coproduction of public goods and services with community groups in particular, often with community actors taking the lead, can build trust and social capital that can spill over into increased citizen compliance with state demands, a central element of state capacity. Simply increasing levels of public goods provision, however, is not associated positively with optimistic perceptions of local state authority and capacity. Moreover, other forms of nonstate participation such as coproduction between private businesses and local officials or substitutive provision by nonstate actors have less potential for building trust between officials and citizens and are not seen by officials as beneficial for increasing citizen compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the growing phenomenon of public and private partnerships (PPPs) in developing public goods – through a study of a particular instance in the development of SARS vaccine in China. The case highlights the factors shaping this development: The specific nature of SARS vaccine as a public good – which differs from other medical products – as well as the social, economic and political context in China where this development takes place. Our observation points to the pivotal elements of PPP in drawing upon complementary resources for technology development – especially in a developing country like China: The complexity of motives and incentives of individual actors, the governance and organisation of the partnership, and the role of the Chinese government. The case also draws our attention to the different nature of partnership, which may have impacts on the choice of technology, the length of R&D process and long or short term effects to the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insufficient sewage treatment facility is one important reason for wastewater entering and affecting aquatic ecosystems. The PPP mode, serving as one of the fastest-growing mechanisms for public service provision in recent decades, is considered to be an effective way to alleviate the pressure of funding shortages and to improve the efficiency of sewage treatment. However, the performance of PPPs has been questioned, especially the service quality given the inherent nature of the private sectors' pursuit of maximizing economic profit and the shortcoming of incomplete contracts. This paper evaluates the service quality, namely the environmental performance, of the PPP mode in China's urban sewage treatment sector. Based on detailed firm-level data in Jiangsu Province, China, we find that the PPP mode has improved the pollutant treatment performance, and increased operation cost and promoted sewage treatment efficiency serve as the main mechanism for the improvement of environmental performance. The research findings could help both developed and developing countries to apply and design a public-private partnerships mechanism. [Display omitted] • Public-Private Partnership (PPP) in China provides higher sewage treatment quality. • Under the PPP mode, the operation cost of sewage treatment increases. • PPP contracts of sewage treatment plants are relatively complete in China. • The government payment mechanism provides less strong incentives to reduce costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study develops a method to decompose total national indirect value added effects (induced by final demand) into intraregional effects and interregional spillovers. The decomposition is applied to China's 2002 and 2007 interregional input-output tables with foreign-owned processing exports separated from normal exports. First, we find that interregional spillovers account for one quarter to one half of the total national indirect value added multipliers in 2007, with the largest spillovers occurring for the coastal regions. This finding is important when explaining regional value added generation and thus has real implications for regional policy programmes. Second, we develop a new measure, namely, 'net interregional value added spillovers' to position China's individual regions in the global production chains. This measure shows that upstream regions in the Centre, Northwest and Southwest of China are net recipients of interregional value added spillovers generated by foreign exports in coastal regions. Over time, this observation becomes more pronounced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Farmers with more secure property rights are more likely to take action to adapt to climate change. • Security of property rights has an impact on managerial decisions concerning operational matters. • Farmer adaption is influenced by government provision of public goods and by the local extent of social capital. • Policy reform to add to the security of land tenure to support adaptation to climate change is important. Improving land rights in China is often considered as an important factor that facilitates farmers' investments in agriculture. However, whether securing land rights is important for farmers' adaptation to changing climate or not has not been addressed in the literature, particularly with respect to management decisions. This paper examines the relationship between land tenure types and farmer adaptation through management decisions in response to extreme weather events in Guangdong Province in China. Based on a household survey of rice farmers, our results show that compared to a normal year with minor weather events farmers with contracted land are more likely to implement adaptation measures in response to extreme weather events than those who have rented their land from the collective and from other farmers. The results suggest that farmers' adaptive behaviour in response to extreme weather events is significantly different from their day-to-day adaptation to ongoing changes in climate. Farmers' adaptive capacity is also positively influenced by age, the public provision of information, by the presence of social capital, and by plot quality. The results of this study highlight the importance of properly defined land rights for the likelihood of adaptation, and thereby increasing agricultural productivity and ensuring food security in the context of a changing climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]