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There is a long history of starvation, including reports dated back to antiquity. Despite exceptional scientific developments, starvation still exists today. The medical aspects of starvation were well established in the twentieth century, particularly following studies related to the 1943–1944 Bengal famine in India and starved prisoners of war and survivors of World War 2. The refeeding of the starved victims provided disappointing results. Nevertheless, those studies eventually led to the development of a new branch of research in medicine and to the definition of what is now known as refeeding syndrome. This paper briefly reviews the history and groundwork that led to today's understanding of starvation and refeeding, with a particular emphasis on the observations from studies on starved Holocaust survivors and prisoners of war after World War 2. The relevance of these studies for modern times is briefly discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who controls the income earned by members of women's self-help groups (SHG) from group activities – the women or their husbands? The answer indicates one dimension of the level of economic empowerment attained by SHG members. This paper examines whether identity of the person controlling the income earned depends upon the political party ruling the municipality where the SHG is situated. Two parties are considered – the Left Front, a coalition comprising of Leftist parties, and the Indian National Congress. This paper is based on a field study of 240 SHG members in six municipalities in West Bengal, India. Les participants aux groupes d'entraide pour les femmes économiquement plus habilités dans les municipalités de gauche? Qui contrôle les revenus tirés par les membres des groupes d'entraide de femmes (GEF) de leurs activités - les femmes ou leurs maris ? La réponse indique une dimension du degré d'autonomisation économique obtenu par les membres de GEF. Cet article traite de la question de savoir si l'identité de la personne qui contrôle les revenus gagnés dépend du parti politique qui régit la municipalité où se situe la GEF. Deux partis sont considérés – le Front de gauche, coalition composée des partis de gauche, et le Congrès national indien. Cet article se base sur une étude de terrain de 240 membres de GEF répartis sur six municipalités dans le Bengale-Occidental, en Inde. ¿Están los participantes en los grupos de autoayuda para las mujeres económicamente más empoderadas en los municipios de izquierda? ¿Quién controla los ingresos generados por las mujeres que participan en los grupos de autoayuda (GAA) a partir de actividades grupales: las mujeres o sus esposos? La respuesta dada a esta pregunta opera como indicador de una dimensión del grado de empoderamiento económico logrado por las integrantes de los GAA. Este artículo examina en qué medida el género de la persona que controla los ingresos depende del partido político que tenga el poder en los municipios donde existen los GAA. Para ello, se analizaron dos partidos: el Frente de Izquierda (“Left Front”), una coalición de partidos de izquierda, y el Congreso Nacional Indio (“Indian National Congress”). El artículo se basa en un estudio de campo realizado entre 240 integrantes de los GAA residentes en seis municipios de Bengal Occidental en India. São membros de grupos de auto-ajuda para mulheres economicamente mais habilitadas na esquerda municípios? Quem controla a renda ganha pelas participantes de grupos de mulheres que se auto-ajudam (Self-Help Groups - SHG) – as mulheres ou seus maridos? A resposta indica uma dimensão do nível do empoderamento econômico alcançado por membros dos SHGs. Este artigo examina se a identidade da pessoa que controla a renda recebida depende do grupo político que governa o município onde o SHG está situado. Dois grupos são examinados – a Frente Esquerda, que é uma coalizão formada por partidos da esquerda, e o Congresso Nacional Indiano. O artigo baseia-se em um estudo de campo com 240 membros de SHGs em seis municípios de Bengala Ocidental, Índia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates some key questions regarding the socio-cultural implications of a relatively understudied print media, the literary miscellany, its production and consumption in early twentieth century British Bengal. Through a study of Ramananda Chattopadhyay's Prabāsī, a major literary journal that set the trend of sacitra māsik patrikā or illustrated monthly magazine in Bāṅglā, its literary innovations and editorial interventions, this paper explores how periodical reading and the notions of aesthetics and culture that it cultivated became intimately tied up with questions of middle class identity and class differentiation. It shows how this pioneering sacitra patrikā came to command a literary and visual space that, by the time of the Swadeshi years, was conceived as co-extensive with the future sovereign nation. Problematizing notions of a quotidian practice like leisure-reading that had become integral to the lifestyles of an expanding middle class, this study shows how Prabāsī not only lent new meanings to ideas of sustained interest and participation in public life amongst its readers, but that it also represented a self-consciously, high-brow cultural sensitivity that the Bengali bhadralok were to claim and safeguard as their own. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The creation of Assam as a new province in 1874 and the transfer of Sylhet from Bengal to Assam provided a new twist in the shaping of the northeastern region of India. Sylhet remained part of Assam from 1874 to 1947, which had significant consequences in this frontier locality. This paper re-examines archival sources on political mobilization, rereads relevant autobiographical texts, and reviews oral evidence to discover the ‘experienced’ history of the region as distinct from the ‘imagined’ one. The sub-text of partition (Sylhet) is more intriguing than the main text (Bengal), because events in Sylhet offer us a micro-level study. Generations of historians—writing mostly in Bengali and relying on colonial archives—have tended to overlook the mindset of the people of Sylhet. This paper, on the basis of an examination of combined sources, argues that the new province was implicated in overlapping histories, across Bengal-Assam borders. The voice of the indigenous—mostly Hindus but partly Muslim—elites were dominant from 1874 onwards. However, the underdogs—particularly ‘pro-Pakistani’ dalits (lower-caste Hindus) and madrasa-educated ‘pro-Indian’ maulvis—emerged as crucial players in the referendum of 1947. Hardly any serious study, however, has focused on the Sylhet referendum—a defining moment in the region. This study of the Sylhet referendum will reveal a new dimension to the multiple responses to these issues and provide a glimpse of the ‘communal psyche’ of the people in this frontier district, rather than a binary opposition between ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ forces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through the work of amateur archaeologist Kalidas Datta, this paper explores an alternative view of archaeology in India. Datta's writings, produced between the late 192os and the early 196os, reconstruct the regional history of the Sundarbans, a region lying in the south 24 Parganas, West Bengal, in eastern India. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw the crystallization of a nationalist reaction against British colonial rule. Datta's publications, produced outside the institutional structure of the Archaeological Survey of India, the University of Calcutta, and the local societies dedicated to promoting Bengali history and archaeology, can be used to reveal how a geographical region was transformed into a cultural entity in pre- and post-independent Bengal. This paper explores whether this transformation led to the formation of a distinct regional identity and to what extent this regional identity was important when considering the professional institutional efforts to create an overarching Bengali history and identity. These queries are situated in the backdrop of early twentieth-century developments in the intellectual milieu of Bengal. Although framed in regional terms, these developments have wider implications for understanding Indian nationhood, during a period when nation states in much of Asia and the Middle East were emerging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an ethnographic study examining the gendering of jewellery production in the villages of Medinipur, West Bengal, India. The jewellery (primarily hand woven silver chains) is marketed nationally and internationally and the villages are linked to the domestic and the global markets through a series of subcontractors. The paper is a critical analysis and deconstruction of the gendered division of labour where women's work in chain-weaving is constructed as 'leisure activity', requiring little training and carried out at home. The women are rendered invisible as workers through the discursive practices of control over their sexuality, restricting their mobility geographically and in the job hierarchy, and earn a low average wage of INR 1.35/hour for chain-weaving. Men engage in the soldering and finishing of chains, which is constructed as 'tough', requiring long training, carried out in the visible spaces of the workshops and are paid an average wage of INR 5/hour. The discourses feed into the subjective identities of men as bread-winners and constitute women as housewives. However, women challenge the construction of chain-weaving as 'leisure'. In their affirmation of chain-weaving as 'work' they present a fragmentation to their subjective identities as housewives and navigate their paradoxical situation; an ambivalence created by what they do, how they view what they do and how they are viewed in doing it. In addition, some women cross the gendered division of labour and engage in soldering, thus challenging its construction as particularly 'tough' for women. Although how this disruption is currently negotiated mutes its resistive effect, the fact of it has created new discursive practices by which the crossing of the gendered divide is achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the multiple forms and layers of porosity that give borderlands, such as the Bengal borderland, their distinctive nature as zones of contestation. Cross-border interactions continue to be an integral feature of everyday life in the Bengal borderland despite increasing militarisation and regulation by the Indian government in the last decade. Criminalization of local cross-border flows has driven them underground - while organized cross-border crimes (smuggling and trafficking) enjoy considerable attention, the breadth and depth of informal cross-border interactions in the quotidian lives of borderlanders remain understudied. What is the significance of such daily cross-border transactions? How do they feed into the local perceptions of the state policies of border control? How do they relate to larger organized flows of smuggling and trafficking? Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork in the border district of North 24 Parganas in West Bengal, India, this paper critically examines the rationales and practices of such informal 'illegal' cross-border interactions and problematizes the territorial logic of the postcolonial nation-state as it is contested in the realities of the borderland. Such a focus also enables a construction of the social history of those people in whose worlds an international border appeared in the monsoon of 1947, thus relating the present configurations of porosity to the regional unity that existed in the pre-Partition past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Partition of India (1947) is commonly understood as a violent territorial and political separation of peoples, their forced evictions and migration as well as communal upheavals. But India's Partition can be seen as something more than separation of communities and the creation of distinct national identities. This paper suggests that refugee rehabilitation, one of the important processes of the post-Partition years, formed the rubric through which we remember 1947. Rehabilitation and resettlement of refugees formed the narrativizing principle of a number of novels that were written in the 1960s and 1970s in Bengal that deliberately looked at the fall-outs of the Partition other than communal tensions and migrations. Rehabilitation created a different experiential reality for a large number of refugees, and issues of home, settlement, livelihood, and work created a new body of literature that re-looked at Partition in important ways. In the course of this paper I examine some such novels in Bangla; one of which, Shaktipada Rajguru's Dandak Theke Marichjhapi (From Dandakaranya to Marichjhapi), is the story of a group of refugees' journey to Dandakarnaya and then onto Marichjhapi in the Sunderbans that probes the circumstances behind one of Partition's most forgotten histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the history of child-care by non-kin, 'non-family' members and their representations in colonial India. It focuses primarily on Bengal and relies on several genres of literary documents. Bengal harboured the seat of the British imperial capital in the city of Calcutta until 1911 and its culture was shaped in unique ways compared with other Indian cities. Based on a reading of select literary documents such as European advice manuals and Bengali personal narratives, the paper argues that the relationship between caregivers and children in colonial households attests to the building of new ties and deep ambiguous, multi-dimensional relationships with non-kin members thereby revealing the plasticity of Indian families where sociocultural boundaries were blurred and intimate relationships forged. Beginning with the literary representation of a wet-nurse in Mahasweta Devi's short story Breast-Giver, the paper delves into the world of European and Indian accounts to recuperate the history of the caregivers. It demonstrates that despite the emphasis of recent scholars that the construction of a respectable middle-class identity was based on a sharp distinction from lower social groups, such as working women and prostitutes, the history of child-care by hired domestics reveals the sharing of a common world by different caste-class groups and the interpenetration of the two domains of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the work of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880-1932), urban Bengali Muslim educator and writer, placing her in the wider context of women organising themselves in associations to create social change through education for women, in the province of undivided Bengal in colonial India, from c. 1900 to c. 1932. A subject of the British Indian Empire, Rokeya, and many of her colleagues, wrote back to the empire against both colonialism and patriarchy, and created innovative educational discourses and practices. The history of education is inscribed not merely in the formal school that Rokeya founded, but in her larger career as writer and builder of women's associations. An analysis of the enmeshing of women's writing and women's networks thus yields a creative, nuanced history of women's education. This paper also connects micro-histories and macro-histories of women's education, correlating macro-level data about Indian non-governmental agency in advancing female education with the work of individual figures such as Rokeya. The paper analyses Rokeya's novella Padmarag (“The Ruby”), showing that the integrated paradigm of women's educational and welfarist work found here has many similarities with the actual educational-welfarist work done by women such as Ramabai, Sarala Ray, or Abala Bose. Through her activities and writing, often made in alliance with other educating women such as Sarala, Rokeya gave voice to ideologies and views widely at variance with conservative Indian nationalists and hegemonic British colonial officialdom. The paper also shows that women of different races and religions formed networks and alliances, in the transnational British Empire, to further women's emancipation and education, in bodies such as All India Women's Conference and Bengal Women's Education League. The paper recognises how much women such as Rokeya were able to actually be and actually do in achieving social change in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effort to locate nearly 1.5 million tribal people in six districts of North Bengal in development map of the state the paper disentangles the mechanisms of further marginalization of the marginalized, the "poorest of the poor". The tribes of North Bengal are overwhelmingly dependent on agriculture-based economy in four districts and on tea industry in two districts and the mechanisms of marginalization in the economic, social and political fields in the agricultural setup and in tea gardens are significantly different. The state, through its various development agencies, draws out development plans and programmes, which leave only skin-deep effect on the life of the tribals. Because of minimal or no control over material and human resources the tribals cannot take the advantage of the state-facilitated infrastructure and development schemes; a local neo-elite consisting mostly of the non-tribal neighbours corner the fruits of the development initiatives of the state and its various agencies. Asked to compete with relatively powerful economic and social forces in the market the tribals, who are still struggling to find a stable route to development, get further marginalized; the integrationist mechanisms of liberal democracy fail to reverse the trend. Keeping the constraints of liberal-democratic order the paper works out some development strategies based on the existentialist insights of the tribal people living in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses some fundamental aspects of the circulation of knowledge connected with the spread of the first global model of school management and classroom organisation in the early nineteenth century: the so-called “monitorial system of education” or, as it was named after its “inventors”, the “Bell-Lancaster Method”. By looking at the communication of educational ideas between England and the early British possessions in India, this paper first analyses the actors involved in this process, especially their agendas and means. Inspired by the widespread belief in the powers of education to improve both society as a whole and individuals, educational activists gathered in a number of committees and organisations - among whom the “British and Foreign School Society” proved most influential. Protestant missionary societies also became active in the field of popular education. The monitorial system of education attracted social reformers, British as well as Indian, and missionaries to whom it appeared to be a technology with civilising powers, a rational instrument to morally uplift and, at the same time, subject individuals “to their respective places” in society. Second, the paper looks at the processes of hybridisation and transformation of the pedagogical knowledge that was communicated between India and England: the origins of the monitorial system in an orphanage school at Madras, its export to London, where it was developed into a standardised model, and its subsequent “re-import” into India. Finally, reports about the implementation of the monitorial system in India again had an impact on English public discourses on education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the nature and understandings of history, or itihasa/Purana, in eighteenth-century India using two Mangalkabya narratives. These materials belong to a large genre of performance narratives, usually devoted to eulogizing various deities, that were produced in Bengal for several centuries. The paper illustrates how a "traditional" genre such as the Mangalkabya was effectively used to articulate contingent political and cultural preoccupations. The narratives studied here show that the historical experiences and contexts mirrored in them were derived from Mughal rule over Bengal and large parts of India during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The paper seeks to historicize and contextualize the shifts noticeable in these narratives and to engage with the notion that premodern, precolonial India lacked a sense of history molded by contemporary material and cultural imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Thalassemia is an inherited blood disorder that has been receiving increasing attention in India. However, prevention of thalassemia in India continues to be difficult despite efforts of public health professionals and the government. Using West Bengal as a case study, this paper attempts to unravel some of the barriers to the prevention campaign and the consequent under utilization of the program. Lack of access, low awareness, low-risk perception and poverty are all important proximate constraints; however, one of the greatest barriers to the program is rooted in cultural notions of blood, marriage, identity, personhood and kinship in Bengali society. Blood is so deeply valued in the Bengali kinship system that this genetic mutation is perceived to be corrupting the blood (rakter dosh). Being a thalassemia carrier (i.e., having thalassemia minor) renders an individual unfit as a suitable marriage partner because of beliefs related to purity of blood, its association with the continuity of the lineage, and subsequent transmission of desirable traits to future generations. The risk of non-marriage affects women disproportionately, and parents are not inclined to test their daughters because of the possibility of not being able to marry them off to eligible suitors. The stigma associated with having thalassemia minor (TMI) is a deterrent to the disclosure of thalassemia status as well as to testing. Using anthropological theories and ethnographic methods, this paper focuses on the gendered process by which the diagnosis of a thalassemia carrier ‘spoils’ identities, thereby creating a disjuncture between the goals of the prevention program and people''s need for social conformity, and ultimately between medical desirability and social desirability. The paper also suggests policies for enhancing the utilization of the program. Finally the conclusions from this study have potential applications for public health prevention programs that confront problems of stigma in program acceptability. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

As a tool both for research and for structuring community-level interaction, Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) is now well embedded in development practice. This paper, however, argues that in order to play an enabling role towards community action, facilitators need to offer much more than the traditional PRA approach. Based on work with groups of women and of men in North Bengal, the paper describes how local politics and facilitators' strategies interact and complicate the use of PRA-like planning approaches. The article stresses the need for effective and long-term facilitation strategies that take into account organisational, methodological, and contextual considerations, and argues that organisations need to invest far more in ensuring the quality of facilitators than is generally the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the deployment and symbolic appropriation of popular history and nationalist iconography within the campaigns and discourse of Hindu nationalist organisations in India. It examines how Hindu nationalists have deployed these themes over several decades in the east Indian state of West Bengal. This paper notes that the Hindu nationalist attempt to re-construct popular history and regional identity was contested. Specifically, it considers the political response of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the pre-eminent leftist party in India, within the public sphere at a national and regional level. In so doing, the paper attempts to delineate the varied ways in which the Hindu nationalist deployment of iconic figures from the past are simultaneously articulated and, paradoxically, anomalous, to the regional specificity of political culture and the social construction of historical memory and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unmetered electricity supply to agriculture has given rise to a unique and invidious water–energy–food nexus in India. Metering of agricultural consumers has been suggested as a way to break the nexus, but most states have not been able to meter farmers due to their opposition . The only exception is the state of West Bengal. Using primary data from a household survey conducted in 2010 when the metering process was still underway, this paper argues that farmers’ support for metering in West Bengal can be explained in terms of the economics of groundwater use and politics surrounding agriculture and groundwater in the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the assumptions and processes involved in identifying historically distinctive plant identities by their Latin botanical names. By following late-colonial efforts to identify a medicinal herb mentioned in some versions of the Ramayana, this paper argues for a historicist analysis of the process of “retro-botanizing.” In so doing, it also distinguishes between two different forms of “tradition,” the “factualized” and “embedded.” Finally, it blurs the allegedly watertight distinction between historical and mythic pasts. Instead of trying to distinguish these pasts ontologically, I argue that it is more productive to see specific pasts in relation to the sorts of futures they produce, that is, their respective historicities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Perhaps [transgression] is like a flash of lightning in the night which, from the beginning of time, gives a dense and black intensity to the night it denies, which lights up the night from the inside, from top to bottom, yet owes to the dark the stark clarity of its manifestation, its harrowing and poised singularity." — Michel Foucault (Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews). Gajan is a Bengali festival which is a combination of Foucauldian concept of multidirectional functioning of power structure, transgression and Bakhtinian concept of Carnival. This festival gives the subaltern masses the power of subverting every establishment, institutions of superstructures, order of hierarchy, and every form of classification possible- in terms of gender, caste, race, dialect, religion and law. It invokes the surreal state of mind were all barriers that separate the rational from the irrational collapses, leading to a random state of mind. It is the liberation of the libido, trapped desire for the 'Other' and an open display of the Freudian 'unconscious'. Gajan generally deals with the liberation of two kinds of marginalized groups: the namasudra (the caste of untouchables) and women. It portrays a woman who can be angry, thirsty, ferocious, warrior like almost giving men an 'anti-penis envy'. The aim of my paper is to deconstruct the fertility rites an its association with the castration complex, the various fissures and silences in the mythmaking of Gajan, its rites evolving gradually as a taboo, the issue of transgenderism, the eruption of the unconscious, its gradual marginalization and disappearance from a psychoanalytical, political anthropological matrix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, based on the results of a small pilot study of a Bengali supplementary school, discusses the features of the school in relation to other studies of supplementary 'mother-tongue' schools and goes on to explore the pedagogy of the school, its relationship with other sites and spaces of learning and the implications of these for the school. There is a particular focus on the 'pull of the English primary school' in the desires and practices of the Bengali school educators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to estimate the possible rate of land subsidence of Kolkata City including Salt Lake City and the adjoining East Kolkata Wetlands located at the lower part of the deltaic alluvial plain of South Bengal basin. Demand of groundwater for drinking, agricultural and industrial purposes has increased due to rapid urbanization. The subsurface geology consists of Quaternary sediments comprising a succession of clay, silty clay and sand of various grades. Groundwater occurs mostly under confined condition except in those places where the top aquitard has been obliterated due to the scouring action of past channels. Currently, the piezometric head shows a falling trend and it may be accelerated due to further over-withdrawal of groundwater resulting in land subsidence. The estimated mean land subsidence rate is 13.53 mm/year and for 1 m drop in the piezometric head, the mean subsidence is 3.28 cm. The surface expression of the estimated land subsidence is however, cryptic because of a time lag between the settlement of the thick low-permeable aquitard at the top and its surface expression. Therefore, groundwater of the cities and wetland areas should be developed cautiously based on the groundwater potential to minimize the threat of land subsidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines themes related to cooking, food, nutrition, and the relationship between dietary practice and health in late-nineteenth century and early-twentieth century Bengal, and argues that food and cuisine represented a vibrant site on which a complex rhetorical struggle between colonialism and nationalism was played out. Insofar as they carried symbolic meanings and 'civilisational attributes', cooking and eating transcended their functionality and became cultural practices, with a strong ideological-pedagogical content. The Bengali/Indian kitchen, so strongly reviled in European colonialist discourses as a veritable purgatory, became a critically important symbolic space in the emerging ideology of domesticity during the colonial period. The gastronomic excesses of gluttonous British officials--crucial in asserting the physical superiority of a 'masculine' Raj--became an object of ridicule in Bengali culinary texts, signifying the grossness of a materialistic . The cooking and eating of food thus became deeply implicated in the cultural politics of bhadralok nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyse the impact of tenancy reform in the Indian state of West Bengal on consumption expenditure of tenants. We use a difference-in-difference methodology with data from a household survey (the National Sample Survey) to compare the growth of consumption expenditure of tenants with that of non-tenants. Contrary to the conclusions of other authors, we do not find indications of substantial improvements in the living standards of the reform's beneficiaries. Finally, we analyse possible reasons for the discrepancy between our results and the rest of the literature.Cet article analyse l'impact de la réforme des conditions de bail dans l'Etat Indien du Bengale occidental sur la consommation des locataires. Nous employons une méthode des écarts dans les différences avec les données d'une enquête de ménage officielle - la «National Sample Survey» - afin de comparer l'augmentation des dépenses des locataires à celle des non-locataires. Contrairement aux conclusions d'autres chercheurs, nous ne trouvons aucune indication d'améliorations substantielles du niveau de vie des bénéficiaires de la réforme. Nous concluons par une discussion des raisons possibles expliquant cette divergence entre nos résultats et ceux du reste de la littérature.European Journal of Development Research (2009) 21, 231-249. doi:10.1057/ejdr.2008.18 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Steganography is the method to hide a message inside another message in such a way that can only be detected by its intended recipient. Text documents have been widely used for a very long time. A number of text steganography algorithms have been introduced. This paper presents a new approach for steganography in Bengali texts. Considering the structure of Bengali alphabet/words, in this approach, we hide the secret message in the text by shifting the specific 'matra' towards left, by shifting the points of some characters and by shifting the character 'ref' respectively. This approach can be categorized under feature coding methods. The approach shows good result on the sample collected from different Bengali newspaper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People living in almost 50% of the districts in West Bengal are exposed to arsenic contaminated water. This paper seeks to estimate the economic costs imposed by arsenic-related health problems. We use data from a primary survey of 473 households carried out in the districts of North 24 Parganas and Midnapore. We take into account household actions to either decrease the exposure of family members to unsafe water or to alleviate the health effects of consuming arsenic-contaminated water. This allows us to assess the benefits of arsenic-safe water by estimating a three equation system that includes averting actions, medical expenditures and a sickness function. We find that by reducing arsenic concentration to the safe limit of 50 µg/l, a representative household will benefit by Rs 297 ($7) per month. The current cost of supplying filtered piped water by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation to households is Rs 127 ($3) per month per household. Thus, investing in safe drinking water is economically feasible and households are willing to pay for such investments if made aware of the effective gain in welfare. Poor households, who make up the highest proportion of arsenic-affected households and incur the largest number of sick days, will be major beneficiaries of such investments. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper reconsiders the concept of “syncretism,” and identifies its range and implications when applied to the analysis of the saintly cult of the Hindus and Muslims in Bengal. The mausoleum of Manamohan Datta (1877–1909) is situated in what is currently eastern Bangladesh. Both Hindus and Muslims in the area join together in the various rituals held at the mausoleum. The article discusses the social and cultural factors that explain the sharing of rituals and beliefs by these people. In particular, word correspondences in the religious vocabulary facilitates the mutual acceptance of different cultural forms and norms. The article also examines the critical discourses on syncretistic situations related to the mausoleum in the context of contemporary Bangladesh. Finally, the article discusses the usefulness of the concept of syncretism in elucidating the social and cultural conditions which make possible religious pluralism and multiple discourses. The article opens with a literature review and a statement of the problems. This is followed by a brief history of Saint Manomohan and a description of the ritual practices at the mausoleum. The pluralistic structure of these practices is then examined, and the conditions for acceptance of pluralistic practices are discussed with reference to the critical discourses conducted by the local population. The findings are summed up in a conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the culture of taste in the production of an urban, Hindu, Bengali middle class in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Bengal/India. It analyzes how the Bengali middle class, the bhadralok, attempted to construct a "doxa" of gastronomy in order to subsume a dominant position for itself and to classify hierarchically other classes and social groups. The aspirations of this class as the future guardians of an incipient nation were in reality a politics of self-identity, which was based on ideas of a cultural exclusivity. This politics of self-identity for the Bengali middle class were inextricably inter-woven with issues of modernity, nationalism, and colonialism. Through my analysis, I stress the importance of the "historical" or the "collective", particularly in the context of formation of the bhadralok, as a dominant class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societies delineate a person's sphere of social interaction and set socially permissible limits of physical and mental movements for both men and women. Traditionally women in Bengal as in most of India were confined to the private domain of home and denied access to public spaces. This had a negative impact on their social status. The Bengal Renaissance of the nineteenth century, the involvement of women in first the Swadeshi and then the National Movement as well as the Leftist polities, pro-women legislative changes in post-independence India were all aimed, directly or indirectly, to broaden the space accorded to women in Bengal. This paper attempts to examine the changes generated by the above mentioned factors on women's social space and consequently their status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the meanings, consequences, and emergent issues that arise from the 1947 Partition of Bengal as viewed through the analytic of displacement. The central themes addressed include state formation and nation building as the Partition was concurrent with an anti-colonial struggle that led to the establishment of two independent states, India and Pakistan. Highlighting the place of Bengal at this historical juncture, I show how East Bengali refugees in Calcutta complicate state and nation formation by unsettling notions of religious and ethnic identification and experiences of belonging. Their shared language, syncretic Bengali traditions, involvement in a collective nationalist struggle, and often common experiences, unmask the contradictions of the state and nation-making projects. These contradictions make processes of exclusion and inclusion, social rights, and boundary maintenance key sites of negotiation and part of a process that is not completed with the political establishment of nation-state boundaries. The interpretation offered here suggests that varied negotiations, networks, and pathways of displacement shape loss, resettlement, and rehabilitation among different classes of migrant and that national subject formation is a contingent process that did not, and cannot, depend upon fixed identities and identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to understand ways in which gender and racially defined communal ideologies worked simultaneously to produce Muslim women in colonial Bengal as invisible within nationalist historiography. It argues that the negative representations of Muslim women underpinned the construction of other identity categories in colonial Bengal, and highlights the participation of Hindu/Brahmo women writers in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]