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In responding to Fikret Adaman and Pat Devine's essay "Revisiting the Calculation Debate: A Call for a Multiscale Approach," Hannah Archambault and Luke Pretz, Aaron Benanav, and Ted Burczak at points reinforce the text's positions, reinterpret arguments from different angles, complement arguments, and raise their own concerns. With gratitude, the authors here provide their own reflections on these responses, advocating for politically determined economic priorities, with negotiated-coordination bodies deciding the investments to realize those priorities and with market exchange at the enterprise level. This corresponds to a self-governing society in which the self-realization of individuals can be fully achieved and in which people have real autonomy to participate directly or indirectly in all levels of decision making that affect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay provides a framework to develop policies that can both resist the capitalist system and formulate alternatives to it, by critically reviewing discussions of an ecosocialist society and its economic organization through revisiting the "calculation debate" that was started in the 1930s and is still ongoing. It underlines the importance of repoliticizing the economic sphere to reembed the economy in society rather than society being subordinated to the economy. To that aim, it emphasizes the gravity of (1) planning our future, (2) coordinating our decisions before we embark on any action, (3) relying on knowledge in different forms and formats as articulated at both the individual and societal level, and (4) generating real democracy via participatory and deliberative mechanisms. Finally, the essay critically assesses progressive responses to current economic, ecological, and health crises and, because local and macro initiatives are equally important and feed one another positively, advocates for adopting a multiscale approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on most vivid illustration of how the rising authoritarian rule under Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP in its Turkish acronym) within the last decade was wedded to the aggressive neoliberalisation that marked much of the same era. Topics include the analytic of ‘authoritarian neoliberalism' in explicating Turkey's more trajectory under the AKP rule, albeit through different entry points.

A push to reverse unsustainable trends has come from environmental civil society, but its track record is somewhat inconsistent. Why are some environmental organizations able to enhance the environmental cause, while others fail to create a substantial impact in the move toward environmental sustainability? This paper considers related but disparate clusters of literature and identifies factors that have an impact on the effectiveness of civil society. It also addresses the ambiguity that is attached to civil society-a concept with considerable historical baggage and contextual differentiation. Given that each conceptualization of civil society has its own body of literature and that these do not necessarily speak to each other, we propose an analytical framework that integrates a variety of dimensions relevant to the analysis of environmental civil society organizations (CSOs): the degree of institutionalization, the mode of interaction with the state, sources of funding, the locus of mobilization, the choice of issue(s), and the degree of politicization. Using these organizational characteristics, our framework further integrates contextual factors, constructing a multidimensional space where there are opportunities and constraints for environmental CSOs. This framework allows us to examine diverse paths shaped by context-dependent strategic choices of environmental CSOs which may either limit or enhance their capacity to make an impact. These strategic choices are tracked by selecting entry points inspired by fieldwork conducted in Turkey-specifically, institutionalization, the choice of issue(s), and politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Contemporary mainstream development economics is an overdetermined product of three historical processes: the late neoclassical turn within mainstream economic theory; transformations within the institutional-discursive matrix of development, from growth-centred policies to poverty alleviation- and good governance-oriented policies; and a broader transition from post-war Keynesian developmentalism (with its variants in the second and third worlds) to existing varieties of neoliberal governmentality. This article assesses the trajectory of development economics through two historical shifts in the theoretical field. The first is from the 'old' school of structural transformation with a focus on sectoral balance and shifts to the 'new' school of structural adjustment programmes with a focus on micro-level incentive problems. The second shift is from the aggressively neoclassical orientation of the 'new' school to that of the contemporary constellation, where what is considered to be 'good' development economics has been gradually reduced to micro-level impact appraisals of developmental projects (the so-called 'randomization approach'), while the broader macro-economic and historical questions are being increasingly handled through methodologically-individualist, late neoclassical models of institutions and growth (the so-called 'new institutionalism'). The article concludes by insisting on the need for a new paradigm of development economics that would not only unearth the conflictual and antagonistic nature of development, but also render it an indispensable dimension of the study of development in a pluralist manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a historically contextualised intellectual history of the entangled development of three competing post-war economic approaches, viz the Austrian, Chicago and post-Walrasian schools, as three forms of neoliberalism. Taking our cue from Foucault's reading of neoliberalism as a mode of governmentality under which the social is organised through 'economic incentives', we engage with the recent discussions of neoliberal theory on three accounts: neoliberalism is read as an epistemic horizon including not only 'pro-' but also 'post-market' positions articulated by post-Walrasian economists who claim that market failures necessitate the design of 'incentive-compatible' remedial mechanisms; the Austrian tradition is distinguished from the Chicago-style pro-marketism; and the implications of the differences among the three approaches on economic as well as socio-political life are discussed. The paper maintains that all three approaches promote the de-politicisation of the social through its economisation albeit by way of different theories and policies. © 2013 The Author. Antipode © 2013 Antipode Foundation Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the world, unfettered capitalism and the obsession with economic growth have led to the destruction of many ecologically important sites, and generated sharp conflicts between the state and civil society actors concerned to protect the environment. Some optimists about the role of civil society actors gloss over the power dynamics in which they are embedded, and their economic and political contexts. The roles civil society organisations (CSOs) can play are contingent on such relationships and contexts, which in turn are affected and transformed by the dynamics of neoliberal globalisation. Our study of environmental CSOs in Turkey, focusing on their institutional context, identifies two crucial dimensions that shape their contribution: their interactions with the state and with financial donors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses an ongoing environmental conflict over the prospect of gold mining at Mount Ida, Turkey, and aims to unpack the valuation languages social actors in the conflict use to either support or oppose gold mining. Based on a field study consisting of 37 in-depth interviews, three focus groups, and a survey administered to a total of 738 citizens, the factors that affect local public''s positions vis-à-vis gold mining at Mount Ida and their choice of valuation languages are examined. Assessing the conflict at Mount Ida in terms of valuation languages enables us to better comprehend the various dimensions of the conflict and differentiate between the disagreements that can be controlled and solved via technical measures or bargaining over the amount of monetary compensation and those that cannot. We also intend to provide a useful and general methodology that combines qualitative and quantitative research methods for understanding a broad range of environmental conflicts. The results are in line with earlier findings in that local people oppose such projects for various distinct reasons and monetary and/or technical compensatory schemes do not suffice to solve the disagreements that arise in a satisfactory way. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Musgravean public economics, as the dominant public policy framework of the post-World War II era, argued that the government can and should supplement the price mechanism in order to create a social order within which a democratic society can flourish. Starting with the late 1970s, this project of public economics has been challenged by the growing dominance of neoliberalism as a form of governmentality that extends the economic logic of markets into the domain of the state and its mode of exercising sovereignty over its subjects. After outlining the historical and the disciplinary context of this challenge, the article maintains that endogenous theoretical confrontations internal to public economics should also be taken into consideration to provide a fuller account of the eclipse of the Musgravean public economics in the era of neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Burdur Lake basin in Turkey's Mediterranean region has been facing severe environmental damage in the form of increased pollution and a decrease in water volume, despite its Ramsar status as a major wintering site for the endangered white-headed duck (Oxyura leucocephala). In fact, after the basin was granted Ramsar status it was made the subject of a `hard-park' conservation policy. This in practice disenfranchised and alienated local people but did not lead to the effective preservation of the basin. We aim to shed light on the political ecology of the ongoing degradation, which has layers at local, national, and international levels, by using both quantitative and qualitative methods (consisting of in-depth interviews, focus groups, and face-to-face, randomly selected interviews with 625 people). We specifically explore the possible reasons why local people by and large did not despite their high level of environmental concern about the site-demand conservation policies or voluntarily take action to preserve their site. Acknowledging that the sources of the problem are multilayered in nature, thus requiring a multilevel solution, we then propose a governance modality tailored for the case at hand. Since many of the problems that Burdur Lake faces are not unique, it is hoped that the conducted analysis will be relevant to other similar sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes patient characteristics that affect the choice between public and private healthcare providers in Istanbul. In addition to socioeconomic variables often considered, this study focuses on another factor that might determine the ease of access to hospital services in developing countries: the availability of social networks. The analysis is based on data from a household survey conducted in Istanbul. The econometric results provide some evidence that potential social ties play an important role in choosing public healthcare centers over private ones for minor health problems. This finding indicates that households with higher-level social networks might be using them in easing access to public facilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polanyi argued that the project of creating a fully self-regulating market was utopian, in the sense of impossible. However, movement towards this utopia, the ever greater but never completed process of disembedding the economy from both society and nature, creates growing dislocations and tensions which call forth a counter movement. This double movement may be thought of as successive changes in the way in which the economic process is instituted. The focus of the paper is on the meaning of embeddedness, the ways in which the economy was reinstituted during the Great Transformation and the subsequent counter movements, and alternative approaches to further reinstituting the economy in ways that disembed it further or (re)embed it more firmly in society and nature. It is argued that prior to the creation of the capitalist market the economy was organically embedded in society and nature. However, the creation of separate economic institutions, the institution of the economic process as a distinct system with its own laws of motion, severed these organic links and the economy came to dominate both society and nature. Here, however, the symmetry between society and nature ends. Society has the capacity for conscious, purposeful action; nature does not. For the economy to be reinstituted in ways that create a sustainable organic relationship with nature, it must first be reinstituted in ways that bring it under social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution investigates whether lack of trust among business people towards the business community, as well as towards the general public, is conducive to more corruption in Turkey. Based on a survey study conducted in 2001, we establish a link between trust and corruption. Accepting the claim that corruption plays a role in the emergence and persistence of economic--and political--crises, we suggest that the latest crises that hit Turkey should also be approached from a trust-based perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to further the understanding of the relationship between entrepreneurial success and organisational form. The role of entrepreneurship in the neoclassical, Austrian and competence theory approaches is analysed and five recurring themes are identified: the tacit nature of knowledge relevant for entrepreneurial activity; the presence of tacit knowledge at both the individual and organisational levels; the articulation of tacit knowledge through social processes; the distinction between the entrepreneur and the capitalist; and the motivation for engaging in entrepreneurial activity. Characteristics of the organisational context that emerge as necessary for entrepreneurial success are set out, an organisational framework promoting generalised participation in entrepreneurial activity is outlined and this is then evaluated in comparison with a capitalist system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Develops a critique of market socialism and the models of socialist economy. Socialist economic calculation debate; Principal-agent problem; Entrepreneurial discovery; Synthesis of the classic debates on market coordination; Calculation and planning; Allegation that even democratic planning systems are likely to stifle innovation; Use of existing capital stocks; Unresolved contradictions.

Ecological economics is at a sharp crossroads today, mostly due to the unprecedented scale of the intertwined social and ecological crises we face. We argue that the discipline should engage with the thinking and practices around alternatives to capitalism more substantially, as this is essential and invaluable for the discipline's ability to contribute to a just and sustainable future. We outline an agenda for future ecological economics research on economic alternatives that are shaped by the concrete ways in which economic democracy deals with issues of uncertainty, complexity and value incommensurability, and contribute to a kind of political economy that ecological economics would advocate. We lay out how this question could be operationalised within the context of allocation and exchange (i.e. alternatives to market), production and investment (i.e. alternatives to capitalist firm) and economic subjectivities (i.e. alternatives to self-interest). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented to this special issue arising from the May 2011 annual conference of the European Society for the History of Economic Thought on topics including the Phillips curve, German refugee economists in Turkey, and the "Essay on the Nature of Trade in General" by Richard Cantillon.

Turkey is one of the few countries in Europe without a minimum income scheme. In an effort to simulate the potential economic impact of introducing such a scheme in Turkey, data from the 2007 Statistics on Income and Living Conditions were used to consider various policy scenarios with regard to eligibility conditions and benefits. The impact of a minimum guaranteed income scheme on the extent of poverty, income distribution and the proportion of potential beneficiaries at the individual and household levels were investigated under different policy variations, as well as their corresponding costs. Subsequent analyses provided supporting evidence for the affordability of minimum income schemes in Turkey that would contribute to altering inequalities in income distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent healthcare reform in Turkey aims at achieving universal coverage with the introduction of General Health Insurance (GHI). As part of GHI, the state assumes the provision of health insurance coverage to those unable to afford the public health insurance premiums conditional on a means-testing procedure where the official threshold is set as one-third of the gross minimum wage. This article aims at exploring in Turkey the prevalence of non-take up of means-tested health insurance for the poor and the consequent financial burdens for those poor segments outside the coverage. Based upon Statistics of Income and Living Conditions micro data, the non-take-up rate is estimated to be around 44%, where the prevalence of non-take-up is lower yet still high, i.e. around 30%, for households with very low incomes as well as those with elderly or ill members. The results from a separate health expenditure survey on urban poor, which is specifically designed and implemented by the authors, reveal that poor households without health insurance coverage are faced with significant out-of-pocket expenditures. About 5% of those households without coverage were found to have inpatient expenditures that exceeded 20% of their annual disposable household income. Also, among the households without coverage but with at least one inpatient visit over the last two years, the median expenditure was reported as high as 8% of the annual household income as opposed to 0% median value for those with GHI. The results highlight that a large proportion of poor population still lacks public health insurance despite the overarching aim of universal coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]