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The study examines the early incorporation of reinforced concrete in the architecture of Historicism in Austria–Hungary. Spanning the late 19th to early 20th centuries, the research illuminates the period's stylistic pluralism and the transformative impact of reinforced concrete. The paper examines the integration of reinforced concrete into traditional forms, providing detailed case studies and architectural examples. It navigates through various aspects, including the evolution of reinforced concrete during the historicist period, its adoption in notable structures, and its documentation in contemporary literature. Case studies, such as the Lutheran Church in Battyánd (now Puconci, Slovenia), the Roman Catholic Church in Topolya (now Bačka Topola, Serbia), and the former Synagogue in Český Krumlov, Czechia, showcase the innovative ways reinforced concrete addressed structural challenges while adhering to historicist aesthetics. The research concludes by reflecting on the transformative role of reinforced concrete in challenging the conventions of Historicism, paving the way for modern architectural expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second half of the nineteenth century was an era of mass labour migration in Europe, when the Atlantic route became of paramount importance alongside intra-continental mobility. From the last third of the century Italy and Hungary were among the most important emigrating countries. By this time changes in the regulation of migration had begun to take place with the development of stronger state control, which affected mobility and the relationship between emigrants and transporters. The question also arose as to whether and how the large emigrating states could ensure the loyalty of their emigrant citizens and control them en route and in the destination states. The regulatory process which began in the 1880s gradually moved from an administrative approach to the development of more comprehensive legal sources covering more and more aspects of emigration with the Hungarian government making use of foreign solutions, particularly the Italian Emigration Act of 1901. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vladimir Putin's legitimation of Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? How did Austria's governments rule a multi-lingual, multi-confessional society effectively, without resorting to brutal policies of nationalization? When nationalist conflicts arose in different settings, how and why did they originate? I conclude that in European terms, Imperial Austria and even nationalist Hungary apparently managed daily-life issues around diverse language use and religious practice far more humanely and effectively than did the successor nation states after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when nation-builders in an independent state imagine themselves to have fallen behind kinfolk living under imperial oppression, and how does this affect their vision of a future of national unity? This paper explores the shapes that critical self-comparison could take among Romanians in the Kingdom of Romania around the turn of the twentieth century by considering three interconnected vignettes. First, it outlines the context in which politicized notions of mutual interdependence between the Kingdom and Transylvania allowed for comparison as self-criticism to take root and gain salience in the public sphere. It explores the implications that comparison as self-criticism had on ascribing agency and apportioning blame for causes of the disparity between state and kinfolk. Second, it examines two Transylvanian travelogues produced by major political and cultural figures on the fringes of the Romanian establishment, and, in a reflexive move, contrasts their politics of comparison. Third, it offers a grassroots perspective on how the travelogues of teachers and priests, as rank-and-file nation-builders, expressed these topoi. The article contributes to the nascent trend of considering historical comparisons in actors' own terms, and as historical processes unto themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine the printed official coverage of the ruling Democratic Party in Bulgaria in the period 1908-1910, the newspaper "Priaporets", the development of the international crisis that broke out in Europe after the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908. The article attempts to clarify the development of the crisis in 1909 and its reflection in Constantinople, the Balkan and European capitals, the actions of the Great Powers, the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, British, German and Ottoman diplomacy, based on the numerous publications in "Priaporets" newspaper. Materials from Ottoman, European and Russian newspapers, as well as authored Bulgarian articles published in the newspaper "Priaporets" in the period January - April 1909, were used for the purposes of the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine an important moment in the history of the Balkans, namely the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908, the international crisis that broke out in the first decade of the 20th century - the Bosnian crisis, its influence on the relations between the Dualistic Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbia and the further deepening Austro-Serbian conflict. The article traces the actions of Serbian diplomacy in its attempts to obtain territorial compensations, the belligerent moods that arose in Belgrade, the public discontent that erupted in Serbia and the reactions in Vienna. The attempts of the Great Powers to prevent the outbreak of military conflict on the European continent are examined. The diplomatic moves of the German diplomacy, which exerted pressure on St. Petersburg and Belgrade to recognize the act of annexation, are also clarified. For the needs of the research, Bulgarian and foreign scientific works on the subject were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the nineteenth century, both the Kingdom of Italy and Austria-Hungary, which were members of the Tripartite Alliance, were diplomatically involved in the Albanian National Question. Albeit their geopolitical rivalries, both Great Powers were willing to assume the common sponsorship of a future independent Albanian State. Sometimes antagonistically, Vienna and Rome tried to befriend the nationalistic impulses of the Albanians, including those of the Italian-Albanian community (known as the Arbëresh) settled in Italy since the late fifteenth century. This article investigates how between 1895 and 1897, both Austria-Hungary and Italy tried to gain the support of the Italian-Albanians in function of their respective foreign policies. In the late nineteenth century, different intellectuals from these communities envisioned nationalist programs for an independent Albania. Some of them found support in the imperialistic segments of the Italian governmental establishment; others were willing to cooperate and forged stronger contacts with Vienna. Yet, regardless of their frictions, both Great Powers succeeded in preserving an equilibrium between their contesting interests for controlling the Albanian nationalist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about Austria-Hungary under the state of emergency during the First World War. Historians have analysed many aspects of wartime government, among them the political, bureaucratic, and constitutional background since 1867. Emphasis has been placed on the legal regulations that underpinned the state of emergency and their wartime implementation, institutional responsibilities, and the different kinds of hardship emergency decrees imposed on the Habsburg Empire's diverse population, including the targeting of particular nationalities and political ideologies. Much of this scholarly work, however, focuses solely on one or other of the two halves of the monarchy without looking at their differences and similarities. This article therefore analyses: To what extent did one of the main characteristics of Austria-Hungary as a state, namely its dualism, influence planning for and implementation of the wartime state of emergency? While in both halves of the Monarchy parliamentary legislation transferred authority to the government in the event of a state of emergency, in Austria there were fewer safeguards against the military's abuse of power. The more significant limitations on the military's authority in wartime Hungary and the greater powers reserved to its Parliament and judicial system were not sufficient in themselves to reduce the repressive nature of emergency rule or its negative impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses 36 clay pipes unearthed during archeological excavations at five sites in Osijek: Tvrđa – Courtyard of the Franciscan monastery (2012), Tvrđa – Imperial gates (2016), Tvrđa – Eastern entrance (2017), Osijek – Vukovarska 192 (2014), and Osijek – Queen Katarina Kosača Park (2015–2016). The first three are post-medieval sites in Tvrđa, while the last two are in the Downtown, where a postmedieval settlement emerged on the remains of Roman Mursa after the end of Ottoman rule. Most of the pipes are of Ottoman type and style (17th–19th century). The two most numerous groups from the 17th and part of the 18th century with apparent distribution patterns stand out. The pipes from the first group are characteristic in the area that more or less coincides with the territory of royal Hungary while finds from the second group have parallels at numerous sites in southeastern and partly central Europe but primarily in the area that was under Ottoman rule. Finds of Hungarian (18th–19th century) and Austrian types (19th century) are present in a smaller number. Among them there are pipes with master or workshop marks, often from major production centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was undoubtedly a complicated state formation whose foundation was influenced by many factors in the 1860s. The Compromise of 1867 established a unique governmental system that had many uncertain legal elements and details that could be interpreted in different ways. Therefore, Austrian and Hungarian politicians and scholars viewed the empire's legal framework mostly through their individual (national) ideologies. This manifested even in the formulation of the Austrian and Hungarian laws which granted the basic administrative structure of the empire. Presumably, this phenomenon caused a long-time discrepancy in the scientific research of the empire. Although the empire's unified customs area enabled the free movement of capital, labour, goods, and services, scholars from Austria and Hungary tended to study socioeconomic dynamics separately in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the empire, even in recent studies. There is a paucity of comprehensive studies treating the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a singular entity, aiming to comprehend the interconnections among its diverse regions. This study aims to shed light on a research perspective centred on the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a unified state space, granted by the customs union. First, the study takes a brief look at the discrepancies between the interpretations of the past studies on the empire and the legal facts of the customs union. Then, as a case study, the paper discovers the main migration patterns between Austria and Hungary, utilising data extracted from the Austrian and Hungarian censuses carried out throughout that era 1870-1910. Using three specific migration indicators, the study analyses the volume of migration and identifies the primary migration patterns between Austrian crownlands and Hungarian counties. The case study not only underscores the importance of this innovative research perspective on the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy but also unveils, for the first time, a seemingly fundamental yet previously undiscovered area of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Polish critical edition of Józef Wittlin's World War One novel, Salt of the Earth, features a footnote where the editor unequivocally identifies the main protagonist's military unit as the Austro-Hungarian 55th Infantry Regiment, based on the initial letter of the unit's Colonel-in-chief 's name mentioned by the author. This aligns with the 1991 edition, which previously identified him as Nicholas I of Montenegro. With publications on the Austro--Hungarian army now more widely accessible, the new editor enumerates the regiment's characteristics and briefly outlines its history. However, other pertinent details scattered throughout the novel, such as the unit's recruiting district (Śniatyn in Eastern Galicia), its garrison town (Stanisławów), and facing colour (orange), are completely disregarded. This article aims to demonstrate that, when considered collectively, these clues lead to the conclusion that Wittlin's portrayal of the unit is entirely fictitious. The writer not only fails to mention the regiment's number (replacing it with "X") but also presents its mutually exclusive formal characteristics. It can be inferred that the author either could not present the unit consistently or, more likely, intentionally did so to prevent readers from associating it with any actual place and people. This conclusion is drawn from scrutiny of official printed sources in German, along with fundamental Austrian and Polish publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anton Korošec was from Biserjane, a village northeast of Sv. Jurij ob Ščavnici. He was born on the 12th of May 1872. His parents were Janez Korošec and Neža (née Ploj). After the wedding Janez and Neža bought a house in Biserjane 7 (20 today) and started a family. The colloquial name of the house was Bižik, and so Anton Korošec was known as Bižikov Tonček during his formative years. Today his family house still stands (with an addition). As far as Janez is concerned, in his son's later report cards he is always described as a landowner or a cottage owner. The Korošec family certainly did not have lots of money. They still were able to give Anton a good education, most probably with the help of relatives. Neža and Janez had two other children in addition to Anton. Their son Jakob was deceased by 1875. Their daughter Marija later married Jakob Sinko and had two sons of her own. They were named Jožef and Ivan. After them there was no further generations in the family, since neither one of Marija's sons had posterity. Jakob Ploj, a Slovenian patriot and lawyer based in Ptuj played a major role during the formation years of young Anton. Jakob supported young Anton for two years (while Anton was going to school in Ptuj) and obviously molded him into a vivid and nationally conscious person. Jakob's son (and consequently Anton's first cousin) was Miroslav Ploj, the one-time head of the Maribor oblast and Yugoslav senator during the 1920s and 1930s. Anton went to the gymnasium in Ptuj for one year (1884/1885) and after that switched to the one in Maribor (1885-1892). Fran Ilešič (1871-1942), the later university professor in Zagreb, a publicist and literary historian was in the same class as Korošec. Also, Ilešič was Korošec's compatriot. His hometown was Brezje is only 2,5 km away from where Korošec was from (Biserjane). During the schoolyear of 1886/87, Korošec had a man by the name of Leopold Pötsch as one of his teachers. The reason we are focusing on Pötsch specifically is the fact that Pötsch also taught Adolf Hitler (history) some decade and a half taler (in Linz). Not only was Pötsch able to make a positive impression on Hitler - the future politician regarded his history teacher as downright superb. Korošec, being Pötsch's student some fifteen years earlier probably did not share this opinion with the future dictator. We have no direct information regarding the opinion of the then fourteen- or fifteen-year-old Anton. We can take a guess and assert he probably did not think the world of Pötsch. As one of the Slovenian gymnasium students of the day, he was most probably a target of the scoff and ridicule of the German more national minded professors. In the fall of 1892 Anton Korošec began his studies at the seminary of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Lavant. He took part in the literary club of the Maribor seminarians and the paper entitled Lipica. This was a private, hand-written bulletin, which contained a few serious scientific disquisitions, but mostly literary and patriotic texts, poems, short stories, riddles, comedic stories and itineraries, as well as various translations from Serbian, Czech and English. Among the texts written by Korošec we find titles such as „V krščanstvu je rešitev!" („Deliverance is in Christianity!"), „Skrb za kmečki stan" („Concern for the country folk") ter „Skrb za dobro ime" („Concern for one's good reputation"). We see Korošec did not write light poetry but tr oubled himself with serious social problems. On 25th of June 1895 celebrated his first mass in his home parish, in the fall however, he returned to Maribor to finish his (fourth year of) studies at the seminary. During this same time period he met Janez Evangelist Krek for the very first time. Krek was a professor of theology in Ljubljana and later close collaborator of Korošec. After the end of his time in seminary Korošec became a chaplain first in Sladka gora pri Ponikvi (between August 1896 and March 1897) and after at Marenberg (until May 1898). After that he became a prefect of the Maribor seminary for highschool boys. He stayed there until June of 1902 when - due to his work in journalism and politics - he was given indefinite leave. After that he was never assigned to regular parish duties again. At the beginning of May 1898, he became involved in the leadership of a catholic weekly newspaper Slovenski gospodar in Maribor, as well as another paper named Südsteierische Post. In 1900 he acted as one of the founders of the newspaper Naš dom. During these years he got himself involved into a political quarrel with the editorial office of the newspaper Štajerc, printed in Ptuj. In this context he was even sentenced to six weeks in prison - time which he ended up never serving. The first time Korošec actively entered politics was in 1902. Et the end of that year he ran for a seat in the Styrian provincial assembly. He lost. The (today not so very clear) reasons for that most likely lie with Mihael Napotnik, the Lavantine bishop of the day. After that Korošec pressed on, his name soon becoming synonymous with a patriotic Lowerstyrian Slovenian. After his defeat in 1902 he first decided to get a doctoral education, before continuing to run for political office. At the end of his youth it all really started. He received his PhD in Theology from the University of Graz on the 11th of July 1905. In May of 1906 he was elected to the national assembly at Vienna. After the collapse of Austria-Hungary, he continued his political work in Yugoslavia. Among other things he served as minister for the interior, as well as minister for education. He died in December 1940 in Belgrade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milan Obrenovic, who ascended to the Serbian throne at a very young age after the murder of Prince Mikhail Obrenovic, remained on the throne between 1868 and 1889. He spent the first four years of his rule, 1868-1872, under the supervision of the regents. From this date on, rumors of marriage arose about Milan Onrenovic, who took over the government as a minor in 1872. First of all, he wanted to marry the Russian Grand Duchess Vera and Milan Obrenovic, who was rumored, to be one of the Russian princesses. He married Nataliya Keşko in 1875. At the wedding, the Russian Tsar became the groom’s best man through his special envoy. During the Ottoman-Serbian War of 1876 and the Ottoman-Russian War of 1877-1878, the RussianSerbian unity continued. In 1878, the Russian-Serbian union came to an end when Russia gave priority to the Bulgarians and put the Serbs in second place. Therefore, Milan Obrenovic, who was under the influence of Russia in the first half of his power, became anti-Russian in the second half of his power and got closer to Austria-Hungary. The policy of Serbia, which gained its independence with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, was determined accordingly. In this study, the effects of the political orientations and personalities of Milan Obrenovic and Nataliya Obrenovic on their marriage, and the effects of Russia and Austria on Serbia will be examined. The fact that Nataliya Obrenovic is a Russian supporter and Milan Obrenovic a supporter of Austria-Hungary will be the beginning of the problems. The fact that Milan Obrenovic is an unfaithful husband is also an important factor. All these factors will lead to the divorce of Milan Obrenovic and Nataliya Obrenovic. Milan Obrenovic will forbid his wife to come to Serbia, attempt to marry his mistress, and then marry his wife again. He will reflect his drifts in his private life to the state administration and will leave the throne to his son Aleksandar Obrenovic at the end of twenty-one years. The issue of abdication will also be examined in detail in our research. The assassinations of Milan will also be examined together with the conflicts between the parties in Serbia. Afterward, Milan’s death and his son Aleksandar Obrenovic’s attitude towards his father is discussed in the current research in order to understand the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the historiography on the origins of the First World War, the visions of war among European elites remain controversial. This article examines how Austria-Hungary's military officers imagined the character and outcome of a general European war before 1914. It argues that Habsburg officers writing in military journals adhered to the idea of a short war with only limited impact on economy and society. They were optimistic about winning a major European war alongside their ally Germany. Their belief in a limited war was based on the experiences of the modern cabinet wars fought in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the prevalent nationalist interpretation of historical images featuring textiles from rural regions. In an effort to disentangle the threads of folk costumes, it proposes a conscious unlearning of the way we read images of rural material culture from the late 19th century. This period has entered historiography as a period of intensifying national movements and political use of rural culture, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe. So-called folk costumes have been viewed as a symbolic representation of the nation, whereas their broader social and economic role in the history of industrial society has been overshadowed. By bringing together the production, collection, and exhibition of rural material culture, this article reveals processes in industrial society that shaped the modern history of folk costumes. It draws on late-19th-century source material stemming from a network centered in Prague that promoted textiles from rural Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, and Galicia as ethno-commodities. Textiles were integrated into women's industrial education and presented at events promoting national economy and the latest technological innovations. Thus, this article contributes to nationalism studies by discussing capitalism and industrialism and seeks to further scrutinize the history of nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1916, about 800, mostly Hungarian soldiers arrived in Ottoman Palestine. The Hungarian artillerymen organized in two batteries took part in the second attack by the Turks against the Suez Canal in the following period. In the spring of 1917, on the side of their Turkish and German allies, they fought fierce battles with the British in southern Palestine (first and second battles in Gaza). In late 1917 and during 1918. advancing British troops inflicted heavy losses on them in Palestine and Syria. After the ceasefire, the remaining troops were repatriated to Hungary via Constantinople and Trieste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diplomacy of the Great Powers in the Bosnia-Herzegovina conflict of 1875-1878 led the Ottoman government to sign The Treaty of Berlin in 1878. The Treaty of Berlin gave the Austria-Hungary empire a mandate to occupy and administer Bosnia-Herzegovina. It has initiated a migration process in Bosnia-Herzegovina among its population, especially the Muslims. This article will examine issues that led to the migration of Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina to other territories in the Ottoman Turkish empire before the outbreak of World War 1. Analysis on these issues used primary data from the British records from its embassy in Bosnia- Herzegovina. The study found that the issue of religion was the dominant factor in the migration process that took place among the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The migration process increased after Bosnia-Herzegovina was officially announced under the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1908. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on spatial history can be enriched by using approaches from quantitative geography. We analyse an historical regional system and highlight three basic assumptions, building upon Christaller's central place theory: cities do not stand alone in space, they interact with their hinterlands, and they are hierarchically organised. We investigate the relative position of central places in space and define their hinterlands using a spatial interaction modelling approach. We present the example of functional regional taxonomy in past environments, which therefore has a higher degree of uncertainty in the results and in their interpretation. We use a variant of Reilly's model to define the functional regions in Austria-Hungary at the beginning and at the end of the 20th century. We present a possible interpretation of the model results based on the identification of the major factors responsible for developments in the urban and regional systems of Austria-Hungary over 100 years. We conclude that the development of urban and regional systems in the territory of the former Austria-Hungary was not considerably affected by the role of political-economic systems, the administrative organisation of states, nor by the different stages in economic development of its formerly constituent territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was definitely stated in the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and in the Convention of Istanbul dated April 21, 1879 that the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were temporarily occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the rights of sovereignty of the Sultan over the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina weren’t effected by the occupation. Despite this, the Austro-Hungarian Empire declared on October 5, 1908 that it annexed the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was an act contrary to the decision taken by the Austro-Hungarian Empire with Russia in 1897 to protect the status quo in the Balkans and the decisions of Mürzsteg (1903). Therefore, with this act, the Austro-Hungarian Empire disrupted the treaty with the Ottoman Empire as well as the European status quo and opposed the states that signed the Treaty of Berlin, particularly Russia. In this article, answers were sought to the questions of why the Austro-Hungarian Empire annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, how the annexation was reacted by other governments, especially the Sublime Porte, what the consequences of the annexation were. The study is original and important because it deals with this issue which is addressed mostly in point of relations between the great powers, in terms of its reflections on the Ottoman government through Ottoman archive documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Europe witnessed an urban boom at the beginning of the 20th century. By that time, the leading state of the area was Austria-Hungary, with Vienna as its capital. Before the First WorldWar, even larger expansion of the cities was predictable. OttoWagner, a leading architect of the empire and an expert in urban planning and architectural theory, published his vision about the future of the evolution of cities in 1911. In this book, he formulates clear rules about how a city should sustainably expand in a controlled manner. In this article, these rules of the inherited patterns are systematised and turned into recursive algorithms to simulate the urban growth controlled by them and the resulting patterns. The algorithms are tested on 1911 Vienna and, as comparison, on 2021 Miskolc, a medium-sized city in Hungary with different geographic surroundings. In the article, the resulting patterns are presented in 2D and 3D. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our special issue discusses different perspectives on the important changes that took place in the transition from empire to nation-state at the end of the First World War, focusing especially on transnational connections, structural and historical continuities, and marginal voices that have been fully or partially concealed by the emphasis on a radical national awakening in 1918. Specific articles broach topics such as the implications of 1918 on notions of gender and ethnicity, 1918 and the violence of the "Greater War," and the legacies and memories of 1918 across the 20th century. Our approach treats the "New Europe" of 1918 as a largely coherent geopolitical and cultural space, one which can be studied in an interdisciplinary fashion. We contend that 1918 is not simply a clean break in which one epoch cleanly makes way for another, but rather it is an ambiguous and contradictory pivot, one which created an "Old-New Europe" caught between the forces of the imperial past and those of the national future. Our intention is not to dismiss entirely the importance of the transformations of 1918 but rather to show how there exists a tension between those changes and the many continuities and legacies that cut across the traditional chronology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Saint Nicholas Bay Shipwreck (SNBS) lies in 4 m of water near Chernomorets, Bulgaria. The wreck was studied in a rescue excavation in 2015. Design and construction point to the second half of the 19th century and Mediterranean European provenance. Analysis of fastenings attributes the ship's origin to the Adriatic coast of the Austro-Hungarian Empire linking its construction with the prominent shipyard Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino. Archival research reveals that the wreck may be one of several vessels, built between 1863 and 1869. The SNBS provides a valuable perspective on the globalization of Black Sea seafaring during the 'long 19th century'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Silesian spa town Lázně Jeseník commissioned the renowned Viennese town planer Eugen Fassbender in 1909 with a regulatory plan for the city’s future development, the town was about to transform itself from the birthplace of modern hydrotherapy – Vincenz Prießnitz founded his establishment here in 1826 – to a modern, allyear- running health resort. This article presents Fassbender’s urbanistic ideas for Lázně Jeseník’s future and his planning principles applied to a spa town. Although his plan was not realized, as a historic source, it offers valuable insights into the developments of Central European spa towns and their touristic, urbanistic, and architectonical challenges around 1900. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the 2020 pandemic, the regulation and content of the special legal order has come to the forefront of attention around the world. A similar thing happened in Hungary, but while new rules and legal concepts were developed to deal with the pandemic, there was a need to explore and present the historical background of the national regulation. This article presents the changes in the Hungarian regulations concerning the special legal order from the beginning to the communist takeover after the World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Maramureș (Máramaros) and Banat (Bánság) regions of dualist Hungary were classic borderlands with markedly different characteristics. While both zones were multiethnic, the former was a mountainous, backward and agricultural area. The latter was one of the richest and most industrialized in the country, with thriving cities and a developed economy. While social life in Maramureș was dominated by interethnic and trans-religious noble kins, who ruled over Ruthenian- and Romanian-speaking peasants and Orthodox Jews, the Banat had a diverse yet stratified society defined by a landowning aristocracy, urban bourgeoisie, families of military descent, immigrant worker groups and a multiethnic peasantry. These regions had very different roles and positions within Austria-Hungary and were ruled in a differentiated way. The new boundaries that were drawn after the First World War resituated these areas: new centres emerged; new elites came to dominate in the successor states; and the new state borders cut previously existing economic and social ties. Both Maramureș and the (Romanian) Banat were relocated in terms of space, economy and society. The once economically central and self-supporting Banat became dependent on a central government that aimed at its political subordination, which generated strong regionalist political currents. Maramureș became the most peripheral area of the new state, and the local elites had to rely on resources provided by the centre. Divided among themselves, Maramureș regionalists, Transylvanian regionalists and centralizers competed for favour in Bucharest, creating unexpected alignments within the framework of a layered type of regionalism, and offering diverging visions of the regions' futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the complex relationship between nation building and science of race by tracing the development of Czech physical anthropology before and after WWI. I am particularly interested in the shifting epistemologies of race as part of the political economy of knowledge and its transformations in the changing historical circumstances marked by nationalism. My argument pinpoints the ambivalence of racial theory, employed by Czech physical anthropologists, as both the precondition and product of the complex interplay between science, politics and popular culture in the early twentieth-century post-/Habsburg territories. Abbreviations: ANM (Archiv Národního muzea): Archive of the National Museum, Prague; AUK (Archiv University Karlovy): Archive of Charles University, Prague [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the consular reports of a European power having a notable geopolitical interest in Ottoman Albania especially since 1878, this article highlights the Dual Monarchy's consuls' appreciation on the diffusion and reception of Albanian periodical press in the western parts of the Balkan Peninsula in 1903-1904. The article thus analyses this perception while pointing out various factors of diffusion and non-diffusion of the "nationalist" press and tackles the issue of the receptivity among the Albanian population of this rising nationalist propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to outline some aspects pertaining to the economic and financial implications of the First World War, the mechanisms and means by which this conflict was financially supported. We will first look at how the war loans contributed financially to supporting the needs of the front, how the population was called upon to support this effort, and of course, the propaganda of the authorities in this regard. Given the economic situation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and in the context of international capital market, the only viable solution was to resort to domestic loans that became a tool used by the state to gather the financial resources needed to support the war effort from the population and the banks. Thus, following the example of Germany, Austria- Hungary launched a well-organized campaign to contract loans on the domestic market every six months. In total, eight loans were made. It was considered a patriotic duty of every citizen to support the cause of the war, all these efforts being considered part of a genuine "domestic front." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents a case study on influenza epidemic in Koper (Capodistria) between the autumn of 1918 and the spring of 1919. The epidemic outbreak is placed within the context of a long-lasting indigence, malnutrition (protein low and deficient food) and poverty, which was a direct consequence of the war and which strongly affected the immunity of the population in the region, with Trieste and smaller Istrian coastal towns included. Besides, chaotic political situation (war ending, changing of authorities and establishing provisional administrative structures after the end of the Austrian rule and before the final reestablishment of Italian authority in the Julian March) was not in favour of the hard situation and led to disorganized confrontation with health issues, absence of physicians and medicine shortage s. The paper tries to reconstruct the epidemic situation through scarce quantitative data (parish registers) and narrative sources (newspapers, memoirs, school chronicles etc.). Methodological obstacles in evidencing the appearance of this disease, are especially regarding inconsequent and non-uniform recording of the cause of death in the parish registers, lack of morbidity data due to non-obligatory announcing of influenza cases, prevalence of political topics but also the censorship, to which the daily (and other) press of the time was subjected. Despite these limitations, the paper tries to contribute, at least in part, to the deficient knowledge about the living conditions and social circumstances of the civilian population within the Julian March at the very end of the World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problems among the Balkan powers in 1912 could not be resolved through the London Treaty 1913. This was due to the reluctance of the members of the Balkans League, Serbia and Bulgaria, who did not want to accept the terms in the treaty. They felt, they were forced to sign the treaty by the Great Powers. Bulgaria saw the treaty as bringing many benefits and advantages to Serbia in the Balkans. Bulgaria's dissatisfaction sparked another conflict in the Balkans known as Second Balkan War in 1913. In the First Balkan War, the Balkan League alliance consisted of Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro who went against the Ottoman government, however, in the Second Balkan War, the war was between Serbia and Bulgaria. Therefore, the objectives of this article are to analyze the issues that led to the conflict in the Serbian-Bulgarian relations and to analyze the intervention of the Great Powers in the crisis. This study employed a qualitative methodology which involved primary sources such as British records obtained at the Public Record Office, Kew, London. This article found that the main cause of the conflict in the 1913 Serbia-Bulgaria relationship was due to the conflict over Macedonia and the intervention of European powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the development and structure of an online information system, which aims to gather and visualize data on historical multilingualism in Austria (German: historische Mehrsprachigkeit in Österreich, short: MiÖ), with a particular focus on Slavic languages. The database tracks the development of multilingualism over time, its distribution in space and its representation in literature, therefore allowing to examine its dynamics and change. As an example, we investigate the area of the so-called Marchfeld (č./sk. Moravské pole). The paper further discusses how the database is embedded into the collaborative research platform of the Special Research Program "German in Austria (DiÖ)" as well as its technical realization and the possibility to include data from other related research projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the example of the Austrian crownland 'Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria', the essay addresses the question to what extent the imperial framework was capable of containing ethnic conflicts. In the last decades before the war, Austria-Hungary developed a culture of compromise and legality which provided a space for the development of national movements. The second and third part of the essay deal with the consequences of the war for ethnic relations and the legitimacy of imperial rule. The atrocities against civilians committed by Austro-Hungarian and Russian soldiers accustomed the population to violence and lowered the threshold for the use of force to further own interests. The last part discusses how the end of the imperial framework and the changes to the international context contributed to a downward spiral of violence and the delineation of ethnic boundaries. The demise of Austria-Hungary brought a collapse of public order and chaotic violence. It led to the Polish–Ukrainian war and antisemitic excesses. The victorious Polish authorities were no impartial arbiters and put the interests of the Polish nation and state above all else. The Entente, and later the League of Nations, were incapable of providing a political framework for a negotiated solution of the Polish–Ukrainian conflict as, unlike Austria, they lacked both the ability and the will to enforce it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers' movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the study of archival sources and scholarly literature, the paper discusses the urban development of the city of Maribor, specifically the construction and development of military infrastructure and its impact on the development of the city and the economic and daily life on the Slovenian territory until the end of the First World War. With the construction of the Southern Railway and its arrival in the city in 1846, Maribor, with its location as the centre of modern imperial transport routes, gained an important military-strategic role, with exceptional economic and transport development opportunities. It soon had the largest military infrastructure in this part of Austria-Hungary. The First World War placed Maribor at the heart of military and political developments, as the city became the headquarters of the Southwestern Front Command. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War engendered an emblematic image of the twentieth century: the figure of the war refugee. For more than four years, Europe was a theatre of war in which entire populations were displaced from their regions of origin, while others awaited similar decisions. Having entered the war in 1914, Transylvania was one of the areas where refugees sought shelter. Throughout the war, in different areas and in various stages, the Transylvanian population had to cope with several waves of refugees who tried to find a safe haven in the interior of the province. This research aims to reconstruct and analyze this experience of the civilian refugees from the border areas of Transylvania, who looked for safety inside their own province. In other words, we intend to focus on the behavior of the refugees and on that of the population from the receiving areas, the attitudes and reactions of the host communities, the image of the refugees and its reception at the local community level, the initiatives taken by the state authorities and by charitable organizations, the difficult integration in the new communities, the host communities' reactions of solidarity or rejection, the refugees' return and reintegration in their places of origin, as well as the rebuilding of areas and houses that had been partially or fully destroyed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a biography of Andrzej Krzywoń (1844-1911), a pastor in Międzyrzecze and Skoczów in Cieszyn Silesia, a Silesian senior, and from 1909 a Moravian-Silesian superintendent. He was one of the most important figures in the The Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in the Habsburg Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. I pay special attention to his attitude towards national issues. Krzywoń came from an ethnically Polish family, he studied in Vienna and Heidelberg. After returning to Cieszyn Silesia, he became involved with the (pro)German faction, similarly to most pastors in the region. In elections for Silesian senior he even obtained the support of proponents of the Polish national movement. After being elected in 1909 as Moravian-Silesian superintendent, he abandoned political neutrality and actively combated the Polish national movement. His biography is an example of the radicalization of political moods in the Habsburg Empire. It also illustrates the attitudes of the majority of Lutheran pastors in Cieszyn Silesia. Until now, there was a false conviction among researchers that that in this region, Lutherans in general supported the Polish national movement, and the Catholics supported the German party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The industrialization of the Banat Highlands began when the StEG Company took over the mining areas under an agreement made with the Austrian state in 1855. Historians have stressed primarily the modernization of the area (addressing topics such as the capital investments made by the company, the effort to set up mining towns, the industrial progress correlated with the development of railway infrastructure), but neglected one of the most graphic historical sources: photography. Without diminishing the importance of documentary photography, in this case devoted to industrial topics, we found it necessary to point out its advertising function, which began to emerge in the second half of the nineteenth century. Official photography was one of the strategies employed by the StEG Company in order to highlight their good management of mining areas in Banat. For this purpose a number of talented photographers were commissioned (Andreas Groll, Anton Rohrbach, G. A. Stosius) and numerous presentation albums were made for the universal exhibitions at which the company participated (London 1862, Paris 1867, Vienna 1873) or for commemorative purposes, like the ones devoted to special technical achievements such as the Steierdorf-Oraviþa mountain railway, finished in 1863. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes, in historical perspective, the various forms of autonomy granted to specific groups in Transylvania, which served to maintain the separate and superior organization of certain categories of people in relation to others, to ensure loyalty to the central power, and to serve the military, economic and confessional purposes of the authorities. Particular attention is given to the system of recognized "nations" and "religious" (in fact, denominations), which systematically excluded the Romanians, who were the majority population. Also discussed are the reforms implemented by the Austrians, especially in the 18th century, until the death of Joseph II, followed by the return to the old forms of medieval organization in both Hungary and Transylvania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the fall of the Hungarian Independence War, the Habsburg monarch desired to form an empire with unified jurisdiction and public administration organization. He realized this intention during the neo-absolutism in 1853, but the administration was restored prior to 1848 according to October Diploma in the Kingdom of Hungary, in 1861. After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, both parts of realunion strove to modernize the state organization, thus the jurisdiction and the public administration were separated. The Act XLII of 1870 established the local executive organs in Hungary, on the basis of feudal tradition, so the counties (megyeh) and the districts (jarasok) remained as part of public administration. Pursuant to Act 44 of 1868 (19th May 1868), the mixed district office of neo-absolutism (gemischtes Bezirksamt) was replaced by district authority (Bezirkshauptmannschaft). In my paper, I compare the public administration of these two states and these two district levels in detail in Cisleithania and Transleithania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates into the rendering of minority place names on maps of the Third Austrian Military Survey, i.e. the Francisco-Josephinian topographical survey in the scales 1:75 000 (‘Special Map’) and 1:200 000 (‘General Map’) executed and edited by the Military-Geographical Institute in Vienna in the 1870s and 1880s with a regional focus on two sample areas, i.e. bilingual (German-Slovenian) southern Carinthia and Italian-Croatian parts of the Austrian Littoral. On the background of already well-established national identities and a rather well-developed nationality legislation in these Austrian crownlands, the paper shows the extent to which the rendering of place names for all feature types on official maps reflects nationality rights, inter-ethnic relations and Viennese state policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia- Herzegovina's state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government's political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province's Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia's medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It would be difficult to imagine the events of World War I and at the same time overlook the importance of propaganda. In all areas of conflict, the period between 1914 and 1918 saw the circulation of numerous and convincing narratives regarding the stakes of the war. The belligerent states resorted to all the instruments likely to generate a mobilizing discourse that would vibrantly justify the participation in the war and make citizens identify with the national interests. However, when in a multiethnic state such as the Dual Monarchy Vasile Mangra (1850-1918), a metropolitan bishop belonging to a religious and ethnic minority assumes the prerogatives of a state agent and plays an essential role in the war propaganda, the analysis of such a phenomenon comes to include rather surprising levels of investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim of the essay is an interpretation on Italian foreign policy in the months between the beginning of First World War and the Italian military intervention. We wish to underline the external variables and constrictions (Italy's geopolitical weak position in the Mediterranean sea, the economic dependence from Great Britain, the possible Anglo-French military menace) that pushed Italy to take a "difficult decision", i.e. to abandon the pluri-decennial alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary and to side with the Triple Entente. In the final part of the text we analyze some of the political goals the Italian leadership tried to achieve in the negotiations which led to the London treaty of April 26 1915. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the main Italian war plans against Austria-Hungary since 1886. Up to 1914, although the two states were political allies, both had war plans against the other. The Italian plans were mainly defensive and planning the main Italian defense line on river Piave. There was only one offensive oriented war plan, pertaining to a scenario of a wider coalition whose member countries were not specified. Majority of Italian war plans foresaw the first Austro-Hungarian defense line on river Soča (Isonzo). When the First World War started in 1914 and considering that Austria-Hungary was involved on other fronts, these war plans became more aggressive and were incorporated into possible military coalition frameworks. Until 1915 when Italy entered the war, the collaboration between the leading Italian politicians and the military structure was at a very low level, which refl ected on Italian war planning. A Secret London Treaty from 1915 was prepared and signed without the knowledge of the Italian Armed Forces. Italian military were thus bound by a treaty to enter the war at that point and general Luigi Cadorna was unable to do anything about it. Consequently, Italy had entered the war without a real war plan, militarily unprepared and on a short notice. The author presents a general outline of the most important war planes from 1886-1915, trying to evaluate them as well from military point of view, using the original archive documents and some other studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is contextualise the debates on the future of the Habsburg Monarchy on the Eve of the First World War. The context included the assumed possibility of a European war, the issue of proposals to partition provinces and "National Compromises" in Cisleithania; the prominence of the debates on the electoral reform of 1906/1907, and the relevance of concerns on trends in ethnic demography. The final section of the paper makes reference to the terms in which the collapse of the Monarchy could be envisaged, and in conclusion addresses the issue of the actual collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Habsburg takeover of Ottoman Bosnia Herzegovina (1878–1918) is conventionally considered the entry of this province into the European realm and the onset of its modernization. Treating the transition from one empire to another not as a radical break, but as in many respects continuity, reveals that the imperial context provided for the existence of overlapping affiliations that shaped the means by which modernity was mediated and embodied in the local experience. Drawing on Bosnian and Ottoman sources, this article analyzes Bosnian intellectuals’ conceptions of their particular Muslim modernity in a European context. It comparatively evaluates the ways in which they integrated the modernist discourse that developed in the Ottoman Empire and the broader Muslim world, and how they also contributed to that discourse. I show that their concern with modernity was not abstract but rather focused on concrete solutions that the Muslim modernists developed to challenges in transforming their societies. I argue that we must incorporate Islamic intellectual history, and cross-regional exchanges within it, to understand southeastern Europe's past and present, and that studies of Europe and the Middle East need to look beyond geohistorical and disciplinary divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this research was the general census of the population of Hungary from 1910, with the aim of showing the basic demographic characteristics of its population based on the results of the census. The census was carried out simultaneously throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The authors paid special attention to the territories of today's Vojvodina. The general population census of Hungary from 1910 is particularly interesting for researchers for several reasons. It was more modern, more comprehensive and more detailed than all the previous Hungarian population censuses. It recorded the state of the population and society in the time closest to the disintegration of the Hungarian state, and it fixed an image of Hungary as of a state with reminiscences of the past, but also with the processes typical of modern capitalist and civic development. The inventory is especially valuable to the researchers, since it included the population of different ethnic and religious affiliations, in areas with many different geographical features, with different economic, social, and cultural preferences, but under the same state-legal framework and for a thousand-year-long common destiny. So, these circumstances could awaken the curiosity of numerous researchers of different profiles, especially from the aspect of the functioning of complex societies. The results of the census showed the continuity of demographic and social tendencies observed in previous decades. The process of urbanization, intensive internal migration, and a massive migration to the USA, as well as changes in the social structure, were clearly visible. In general, the census showed Hungary in development: all the more significant demographic indicators (population increase, population density, improved housing quality, increasing proportion of Hungarians and those who spoke the Hungarian language; stability of families, a noticeable increase in population in urban settlements, a strong attractive force of Budapest, the proliferation of industrial labour, increasing proportion of literates, increasing differences in the structure of the population of cities and rural areas, etc.) testified about the upward path and the development of the Hungarian society. Of course, there were certain signs that provoked serious contemplations and considerations of necessary state measures to take: the consequences of economic emigration have left more and more traces on a number of demographic factors (a significant reduction in real population growth, a gender imbalance, discrete changes in ethnic and religious structure, lack of labour in some areas, etc.); on the basis of the census, contemporaries also pointed to the negative consequences of a decrease in the average family size, which primarily occurred in urban settlements. The consequences of these phenomena are especially well known to us today. Continuity or cessation of the phenomena noted in this census after the dismemberment of the Kingdom of Hungary can be, with considerable difficulty, investigated through the history of the successor countries to Hungary. The information that the census of 1910 tells us gets the right weight if we look at the results of the previous four censuses (1870, 1880, 1890, and 1900). In this way, a solid picture of the development of the Hungarian society in the age of dualism can be formed on quite reliable, quantitative data. Such analyses would surely benefit not only historians, but also sociologists, economists, demographers, and economy historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Berlin Treaty of dated 1878 is an important begining in the relations of Austria-Hungary-Serbian. These relations were seen in favorable direction until the Karajauvic dynasty came into power in Serbia in 1903. After this date, the policy of Serbian against Austria-Hungary has came along in different direction. Austria-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, living many Serbs, which was crucial for the establishment of the "Great Serbian" state for Serbia, caused to break down the relations between two countries in 1908. The Sarajevo homicide, which took place in June 1914, broke the bonds between the two states, and this event was the development leading to the outbreak of World War I. This study aims to present the controversy between two countries towards World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Austro-Hungarian authorities employed censorship and propaganda throughout the war to keep the soldiers on the fronts as well as the civilians at home optimistic and loyal. Nevertheless, exchange of information between the front and the home front occurred. By the end of 1917, a new element was added to information exchange. Thousands of former POWs began returning from Russian camps. To prevent the spread of revolutionary Bolshevik ideas among the Habsburg civilian population and in the army, the Ministry of War and the Army High Command created a department responsible for the returning soldiers, the Heimkehrwesen. Habsburg Romanian military chaplains were among those officials who examined the returning soldiers’ physical and mental condition. Soldiers needed a “positive” evaluation before they were permitted to return home or were sent to the fighting front. This article analyzes how the Romanian military chaplains coped with this secular duty in addition to their pastoral obligations. The priests were more successful in acquainting the soldiers, mostly of peasant background, with theology, than with gaining and regaining support for and loyalty to the emperor and monarchy through subtle propaganda. Partial explanations for their failure: the emperor and the Fatherland were no longer considered symbols of security, peace and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]