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The article provides a historical account of the abolitionist white supremacy work of Henry N. Frisbie and his defrauding of Black and white proponents of abolition in the name of profit, power and capitalism in the Civil War era. Information is provided on the role of elite capture in the persistence of racial capitalism and egalitarian movements, as well as Frisbie's systems of deception of enslaved Black working class using a fraudulent land company to steal their crops and wages.

The article presents highlights of a roundtable discussion on the significance of the American Civil War. Topics discussed include emancipation of African American slaves and African diaspora, secession of Southern states that led to the passage of the Homestead Act and Pacific Railway Act, Civil War as a formative event of Reconstruction, freedom and anti-racism in U.S. history, and relevance of the Civil War to capitalism and neoliberalism, as well as to political and agricultural economy.

The media narrative around the exceptional rise and fall of Elizabeth Holmes is crafted out of the ideological interplay between the logics of American neoliberal capitalism and popular feminism within the microcosm of Silicon Valley—itself machinated by venture capital, fueled by libertarian techno-determinism, and Sheryl Sandberg's Lean In appropriation of feminism. Holmes's celebrity, coinciding with the proliferation of national discourse around the "gender problem" in STEM, placated neoliberal and popular feminism's calls for representation in a space that, per these ongoing discourses on diversity and inclusion, needed her visibility. Holmes's media visibility grafted over the void of women's representation within the notorious boys' club of Silicon Valley under the American veneer of meritocracy. Holmes's celebrity making, subsequent unmasking, and continued retelling through various fictional portrayals point to the inherent tensions in neoliberal logics and the superficiality of visibility, furthering the erasure of structural, material, and intersectional inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Impoverished and working-class migrant women have been the hardest hit and most exploited people during both the real estate-financial accumulation cycle and the aftermath of the 2008 crisis in Spain. Since 2009, these women have also been the key actors in outstanding civil disobedience to the neoliberal financial rule through their engagement in housing activism. How has this happened, and with what effects? Our research responds to these questions by focusing on the collective and contextualized strategies of extended struggles for social reproduction. This analytical framework integrates intersectional social structures, spatio-temporal dimensions of social reproduction, and the historical context of real-estate financialisation. Additionally, we argue that the notion of a "double horizon of political temporality" helps explain how the housing struggle evolved and identifies which social and political outcomes were produced. We suggest that this case reveals the mechanisms and impacts of similar grassroots movements challenging the current financialised dynamics of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of popular commentaries in recent years have contended that the emergence of an advanced, platform-oriented digital economy marks the end of capitalism as such. This paper evaluates these claims from theorists such as Mckenzie Wark and Yannis Varoufakis. Ultimately the paper suggests that a more useful and plausible alternative to them is to be found in the Regulation School assertion that 'platform capitalism' constitutes a new 'regime of accumulation': a successor to 'Fordism' and 'post-Fordism'. The paper explains the historical origins of this approach, arguing for its continued usefulness and its compatibility with important recent developments in institutional, technological and media sociology. It explains the compatibility of an approach characterising 'platform capitalism' as a new regime of accumulation with a range of other perspectives on both 'platformization' and contemporary capitalism, and discusses both recent changes to popular music culture and broad trends in populist politics in recent decades as exemplifying cultural, social and political features of platform capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview, Fraser reflects on the meaning of the so-called 'culture wars' for theorising power and domination, the nature of contemporary struggles for liberation, the role the concept of labour could play in bringing those movements together in political action, and the wider theoretical and political work needed to achieve it. She also offers her assessment of some of the theoretical literature that has addressed those issues. In doing so, she both situates her own work within the wider tradition of Frankfurt School critical theory and clarifies her views on intersectionality theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two different ways of naming and narrating historical periods, including the present time, involve using the terms 'capitalism' and 'modernity'. Each terminological set opens certain intellectual vistas, while foreclosing others. This article argues that while 'late capitalism' is, despite its many problems, a meaningful concept to use today, 'late modernity' is not. Offering a genealogy of each term, the article considers how ascriptions of lateness to modernity result in some absurdity, while ascribing lateness to capitalism does not involve such marked risks. Nonetheless, more comprehensive and all-encompassing definitions of capitalism may be incompatible with ascriptions of lateness to capitalism. These various issues are considered in light of the need to name the current world-condition in a period of accelerating environmental crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the contribution of Wertkritik, a contemporary tendency in German critical Marxist thought, to the theorisation of capitalism, and in particular its relationship with geopolitical conflict and war. Against traditional Marxist and liberal determinism, Wertkritik emphasises how the rationally organised 'forces of production' do not motivate the historical development of capitalism, but rather the forces of destruction. This article suggests that Wertkritik illuminates contemporary capitalist development insofar as it lays bare how the apparent 'post-neoliberal' turn to state-driven industrial policy is motivated less by a drive to unleash the productive forces in pursuit of a more dynamic or green economy and more by the management of the unfolding destructive forces represented in the new forms of conflict and competition arising between warring military and economic powers. The explanation this offers of the cultural dynamics shaping a context of authoritarian convergence provides vital materials towards a critical theory of a capitalism conditioned by increasing geopolitical tensions. Offering the concept of a 'world civil war' as an alternative to the rationalisations inherent in prevailing notions of a 'new' or 'second' cold war, this theorisation also offers pointers for an emancipatory praxis attuned to the current context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While capitalism continues to be regarded as the dominant socioeconomic system globally, some observers have sought to show that recent economic and technological developments could pave the way for something new and potentially more destructive than capitalism itself. In this special issue, the persistence of capitalism is highlighted. It is treated as a dynamic system, capable of adapting to the different challenges thrown at it, be they economic, political, cultural, or technological. The different contributions take stock of capitalism's latest evolutionary tendencies and offer analyses which reflect two themes central to capitalism's theorization: its characterization and critique. In this introduction I preview each article in the light of those themes and identify the two overarching contributions this special issue makes to the theorization of contemporary capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides the first comprehensive empirical analysis of global profit repatriation as a mechanism of uneven development, thereby challenging the development model of Foreign Direct Investment. Between 2005 and 2020, transnational corporations repatriated an annual average of one trillion USD, corresponding each year to 4.2% of the global FDI stock. Net profit flows take on a centripetal form: the biggest net losers are middle‐income countries such as the Russian Federation, Brazil, and Nigeria; the winners are a few high‐income countries, above all the United States. By analysing the impact of profit repatriation on accumulation dynamics in net profit exporting and importing countries, and by examining the exploitative conditions under which profits are generated in the former, we situate our findings in current theoretical debates on uneven development and geographical transfer of value, as well as on the intertwining of capitalism's class and geographical antagonisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reads the sale of citizenship via citizenship‐by‐investment (CBI) programmes through an offshore lens. Scholarship on offshore industries has long positioned citizenship sales as part of offshore capitalism—without exploring the phenomenon in any depth. Research on CBI, in turn, has with some notable exceptions neglected the phenomenon's offshore nature. This paper argues that CBI is an outgrowth and increasingly integral part of offshore capitalism, offering a new form of what Susan Roberts calls "regulatory arbitrage", aiding elite wealth accumulation and power. The paper establishes this relationship by examining the countries and firms selling citizenship, their marketing strategies and customers and, crucially, the nature of the product which rests on the three "offshore pillars", as described by Ronen Palan—virtual residency, easy incorporation, and secrecy. Conceptualising CBI as an offshore provision can transform how the phenomenon is understood and opens new avenues of thinking about its socio‐structural role and impact in an unequal world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper progresses research on resistance in the context of financialisation by drawing on various social reproduction legacies. I explore how social reproduction theory offers conceptual and methodological tools that can deepen research on de‐financialisation and resistance against predatory finance. Expanding upon relational approaches to social reproduction, this paper frames "the financialisation of social reproduction" as the dialectics between the reproduction of financialised capitalism and the regeneration of life. This supports a perspective on resistance through the identification and analysis of the interplay between the objective and subjective limits to the financial extraction from life. I examine how methodologies like "counter‐topographies" can demystify financialisation while supporting the cultivation of alternative geographies of finance. Through "financial counter‐topographies", I explore how global reproductive entanglements contradictorily fragment working‐class interests across space while creating conditions to envision and cultivate de‐alienated financial landscapes. This approach seeks possibilities for collective action and international collaborations beyond financialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses data at the intersection of digital geographies, critical data studies, and Black studies to bring clarity to relations, differences, and frictions between Black knowledge‐making and common data practices. I highlight artist Tonika Lewis Johnson's project, Inequity for Sale, and detail a genealogy of the data she uses in this project to illustrate how she situates these data within the afterlives of slavery. Drawing from Avery Gordon's theorisation of haunting and ideas towards absences and erasures in Black archival practice, I argue that absences in data can lead to narratives that focus on violence as a singular historical event that is isolated from a larger history of violence. I suggest that bringing a curiosity to these absences, rather than dismissing them or framing them as oversights, can help re‐situate data within a broader temporal‐relational context that brings a sense of Black humanity to the fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the work of two twentieth‐century liberal economists, Friedrich Hayek and James Buchanan, who have made lasting contributions to our understanding of the role of the market in a free society. I argue that they offer significantly different but complementary visions of the value of the market as a system of individual freedom. Hayek's vision is of the price system as a marvel of spontaneous order which solves a fundamental economic problem – that of making efficient use of a totality of knowledge that is divided between individuals. Buchanan's vision is of the market as a space in which individuals are free to make voluntary exchanges. In his words, 'this is all that there is to it': the market is not a solution to any collective problem. These visions have a common blind spot. Both writers recognise the need for programmes of social insurance and consider how they should structured so as to be as compatible as possible with the workings of a market economy and a liberal democracy. But, I argue, neither sees the full importance of social insurance in a justification of the market system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the conjuncture framing the recent rise of media representations of female con artists, looking at two recent examples of the trope on television: Inventing Anna (a fictionalized account of con artist Anna Delvey) and The Dropout (a fictionalized account of Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes). We situate the new visibility of women who lie, scam and cheat on television within a set of distinct yet interlocking cultural anxieties: about the “believability” of women’s speech in the aftermath of the #MeToo movement; about the capacities for inauthenticity, artifice, and deception inherent to digital media culture; about the con logics of contemporary global capitalism; and about the pernicious role that white women’s believability plays within everyday operations of white supremacy in the United States. Read through this lens, the “post-authentic” con woman becomes legible as an ambivalent backlash text: a parable that warns about what happens when (white) women are taken at face value and allocated the benefit of the doubt. In a contemporary popular feminist context where women have been implored to be confident, self-assured, and self-possessed “girlbosses”, shows like Inventing Anna and The Dropout reposition the con(fident) woman as a figure of necessary cultural suspicion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractAs a necessary institutional arrangement to maintain a fair, competitive order, implementing the Anti-Monopoly Law will significantly impact many aspects of the market economy system. The study examines the impact of China’s Anti-Monopoly Law on employment from 2005 to 2019, using A-share listed companies as a sample. It treats the law’s 2008 implementation as a quasi-experiment and applies the difference-in-differences method. Findings suggest the law significantly expanded employment, especially in non-high-tech and labor-intensive sectors. It improved enterprises’ employment absorption by enhancing factor mobility, market size, and business performance. The conclusions of this study not only provide a theoretical foundation for government departments to objectively assess the micro-performance of the Anti-Monopoly Law’s implementation but also contribute to advancing the development of a unified national market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish–European Union Migration Agreement (TEMD) was signed in 2016, at the height of the Syrian migration flows. Together with this deal, the EU aimed at blocking the migration flows from the Middle East to Europe, and for not so obvious reasons, Turkey accepted to be a buffer between these two. Immigration, in its numerous legal, semi-legal and illegal varieties, has been the lifeblood of capitalism. Despite all the harsh rhetoric against immigration, the flows are not abated, but rather the newcomers are stratified in a manner that locks the newcomers into vulnerable positions. In this article, I will examine the case of immigration control regulations between the EU and Turkey. The EU and Turkey has a complex relationship of immigration flows that include third-country nationals as well as the native populations. The ‘EU-Turkey Statement and Action Plan’ was signed to constitute the pinnacle of a series of dealings between these two entities, though the balance of power is clearly skewed towards the former. This article intends to start examining the stratification effects of the Syrian immigration and the subsequent transformation of the immigration politics played among the three actors: the EU/Germany, Turkey and Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I focus on a practice that is legally referred to as assisting or abetting abortion. Using the example of Margarethe Hardegger (1882–1963), a Swiss women’s rights activist and socialist who was charged with this crime in 1915, I analyze how she defended her assistance before the criminal court of the city of Bern. I seek to show how her conception of voluntary action as feminist women’s solidarity entered into a battle of interpretation with patriarchal thought and legal-economic ideas of order, whose exponents sought to impute a commercial character to her engagement. Additionally, I explore how the medical profession positioned itself in this dispute and what the women who had abortions with her help had to say. In light of this case study, the article aims to bring out the multiform interpretations of a voluntary social practice and thus gain insight into the contemporary power dynamics and forms of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on voluntariness as a mode of restructuring work in 21st century digitalized capitalism. What can be observed is a blurring of the boundaries between work, reproduction, leisure and engagement. We pursue the thesis that this transformation in the ‘nature’ of work corresponds to a (newly emerging) ‘mixed-activity economy’ in which people, on the one hand, create economic value in the sphere of consumption or leisure. On the other hand, reproductive requirements and economic necessities in everyday work and life can be flexibly linked through time-flexible platform work. In any case, the forms of corporate value creation and access to human productivity are changing radically insofar as they are no longer limited to classic wage labor alone. The invocation of voluntarism plays a key legitimizing role in this transformation. Based on a theoretical reconstruction of the concept of voluntariness, we bring together new forms of value creation through appropriation of resources outside of wage labor and the systematic analysis of voluntariness as a currently significant mode of action and governance in the digital economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVIDicine, many nurses awoke to the ways that the Healthcare‐Industrial Complex (HIC) dictates the care we are able to provide. Using the Foucauldian concepts of pastoral power and governmentality, we explore the ways that nurses participate in upholding power structures within the HIC and reproducing them in our work, contributing to a carceral culture based on hierarchy and power dynamics. We also explore the ways nurses are both agentic in this system and subject to it, reluctant to make waves and lose our place within a system that can offer nurses safety and security in, and most importantly, a paycheck. This paper articulates a prefigurative anarchist approach to nursing praxis. Through the writing of Emma Goldman, we locate a historically founded philosophical basis for practical tactics that nurses can use to actualise this praxis. Both individually and as a collective, nurses can assert their own ethic and power through direct action, micro‐insurgency and solidarity to build the world we know can be. Our only limitation is our imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a 'more-than-human' theoretical framework to assess artificial intelligence (AI) in the context of a capitalist economy. Case studies of AI applications from the fields of finance, medicine, commerce and manufacturing elucidate how this capitalist context shapes the aims and objectives of these innovations. The early sections of the paper set out a more-than-human theoretical perspective on capitalism, to show how the accumulation of capital depends upon free flows of commodities, money and labour, and more-than-human forces associated with supply and demand. The paper concludes that while there will be many future applications of AI, it is already in thrall to capitalist enterprise. The primary social significance of AI is that it enhances capital accumulation and a capitalist 'black hole' that draws more and more human activity into its sphere of influence. AI has consequent negative social, political and environmental capacities, including financial uncertainty, waste, and social inequalities. Some ways to contain and even subvert these negative consequences of an AI-fuelled capitalism are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articulation of a universal right to freedom from enslavement in the 1801 Constitution of Saint-Domingue [which would become Haiti] points both to the potential of the law to depict ambitious imaginations of rights as well as the limits of articulating a legal-juridical freedom under racial capitalism. After abolishing slavery, the same document outlines the conditions of forced labour through cultivatorship, characterised by the continuity of the plantation system. This paper argues that Haitian Revolutionary emancipation offers a site from which to critique and imagine beyond the proprietorial subject of rights. Racialised property relations are foundational to capitalism, allowing for the production of both surplus value and profit, as well as a subject legible to the state. If proprietorial selfhood only constitutes partial emancipation, then the foundation for a universal right to freedom from enslavement must be found outside the capitalist social and legal forms – after property. Each instance of insistence on abolition challenges the failure of the Enlightenment to substantiate universal rights. Ameliorating group-differentiated vulnerabilities to premature death is a radical political and philosophical stance: access to the means of life is the minimal condition of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most people don't want their teachers, scientists, or journalists to be too ideological. Calling someone an "ideologue" isn't a compliment. But what is ideology and why exactly is it a threat? I propose that ideology is fruitfully understood in terms of three ingredients: a basic moral claim, a worldview built on top of that claim, and the attempt to politicize this worldview by injecting it into social institutions. I further argue that the central danger of ideology is that activating these three ingredients tends to undermine liberal social institutions. And yet a certain amount of ideology is both unavoidable and desirable, as I show, since it supplies us with important goods like social cohesion and mobilization. This means the best we can do is to try and set boundaries on ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If anthropology once concerned itself with politics in stateless societies outside Euro-America over and against prevailing Euro-American political theory, today anthropologists see the state at work everywhere. Anthropologists have sought to trouble spatial metaphors of state power that assumed, among other things, its centralization and the unitary character of sovereignty. Locating the state through an attendant question of region, we explore recent literatures on everyday state practices in Central and Eastern Europe and South Asia to show how different regional histories and configurations of knowledge continue to structure our assumptions about the state and its functions as well as the grammar of our descriptions. We suggest that the state could prove to be a useful optic for the study of region, which provides an alternative to an overly rigid local/global dichotomy that continues to shadow our theorizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay, adapted from a conference keynote speech given at the time of the coronation of King Charles III, examines the impact of monarchy on the Cultural Parent of the United Kingdom. The author suggests that monarchy invites deadening and powerful injunctions, such as Don't Lead and Don't be Powerful, and a driver message of "Know your place." These ideas are further developed, examining the impact of capitalism on all people: the pressures to give up hope, to "other" people, and to give away our physis. The author uses models of analysis developed by Drego to confront the Cultural Parent of 21st century neoliberal capitalism and suggests actions transactional analysts might take to combat the nihilism that capitalism and monarchy might evoke in our community of practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the project of Asian Amerikan revolutionary theory through a dialectical and historical materialist analysis of the Asian Amerikan community. Drawing inspiration from the noninstitutionalized, loosely affiliated revolutionary nationalist school of thought that emerged during the 1960s and '70s, I reconstruct the national formation framework to analyze how the uneven development of capitalist class relations both determines and is determined by community consciousness. I then apply this framework to the historical development of Asian Amerikan consciousness, to identify the fundamental contradictions of the Asian Amerikan revolutionary struggle and propose a revolutionary path forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ownership has been a core research theme in parts of media and communication science since its establishment as a distinct research field. In particular, scholars in the field of political economy of the media, media sociology and media industry studies typically pay close attention to the role ownership has on various media and communication processes. In this article, we argue, however, that media ownership has been treated largely as a black box ignoring the inner workings and dynamics of it. Filling this void, we reach out to research on ownership from the field of political economy, sociology as well as social and legal philosophy to discuss two options to conceptually grasp the 'inner workings of property'. To showcase the importance of this conceptual redefinition, the article discusses the implications of unpacking property in the realm of digital capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1947–8 Nakba to the 2023–4 Gaza genocide, the history of Palestine appears to be stuck in a vicious circle of violence from which escape seems increasingly elusive. This leads one to ask, can one ever escape the Zionist circle? The work of Cedric Robinson provides a potential path forward. Since his death in 2016, Robinson's name has become synonymous with the study of racial capitalism. But while racial capitalism was the background of his work, his chief concern was the Black Radical Tradition. Unlike racial capitalism, this concept has remained under-theorised, but without thoroughly accounting for it, our understanding of racial capitalism remains incomplete at best, misguided at worst. In this article, I turn our attention to the Black Radical Tradition and attempt to define it. As Robinson argued, the Black Radical Tradition is not simply derivative of racial capitalism; it actually precedes it and subverts it. Returning to Palestine, I show how Robinson's notion of the Black Radical Tradition can contribute to our understanding of the struggle for Palestinian liberation, and I suggest that at least in some sense, the Palestinians have actually been escaping the Zionist circle all along. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the development of capitalism in Palestine under British colonialism and the Zionist settler colonial project. It examines first, Israel's internal and external capitalist dynamism, including its treatment of its non-European citizens, namely indigenous Palestinians, and non-Ashkenazi (Arab) Jewish settlers. Second, it explores the state's interdependent relationship with Western, especially US imperialism. The article argues that the British colonial state was crucial in enabling the Zionist project to materialize, leading to weakening the socio-economic fabric of the Palestinians in their own lands and homeland, creating a favourable condition for the Zionist project to gradually penetrate the land of Palestine and dispossess its population. As a European (Jewish) settler colonial movement, Zionism, founded on racism and racialization, aimed at establishing a new Jewish enclave separate and independent from the indigenous Palestinians. This separateness made it resemble apartheid South Africa, yet the historical specificity of Palestine, where the Zionist settlers did not just alienate, exclude and when needed, use and exploit the Palestinians, but also expelled the indigenous Palestinians and claim Palestine as a 'pure' Jewish state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains entrepreneurial activity patterns in the United Kingdom labour market using theories of racial capitalism and intersectional feminism. Using UK Office for National Statistics Labour Force Survey data 2018–2019 and employing probit modelling techniques on employment modes, self-employment types and work arrangements among differing groups, we investigate inequality in self-employment within and between socio-structural groupings of race, class and gender. We find that those belonging to non-dominant gender, race and socio-economic class groupings experience an intersecting set of entrepreneurial penalties, enhancing understanding of the ways multiple social hierarchies interact in self-employment patterns. This robust quantitative evidence challenges contemporary debates, policy and practice regarding the potential for entrepreneurship to offer viable income generation opportunities by those on the socio-economic margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In racial capitalism, employers increase their profit by recruiting “cheap labor,” who are typically racialized minorities. States and employers govern these workers by carceral means, variously confining them, extracting their labor, and ensuring that they remain docile enough not to protest and demand better wages and rights. But how are workers—who draw high wages yet experience labor devaluation or “cheapening”—governed? Based on interviews and participant observation, I study Indian immigrant tech workers in the United States. To distinguish their class position, I characterize them as “high‐income cheap labor” and contend that these workers are governed by “covert carcerality”—where the material privilege of high income and documented migration make their labor devaluation by carceral means insidious. I identify three mechanisms of covert carcerality—neutral enclosures, informalization, and restricted family formation. The covert carcerality of high‐income cheap labor reveals the class‐based variations of carceral labor governance in neoliberal capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2021, the President of Mexico (2018-2024) declared that the priority megaprojects of the National Development Plan (Maya Train, Isthmus of Tehuantepec Interoceanic Corridor, Dos Bocas Refinery) fall within the realm of national security. Public and private investments in these projects are directed towards southeastern Mexico, covering the states of Oaxaca, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Campeche, Yucatán, and Tabasco. These regions are home to indigenous peoples and communities that hold 45% of Mexico’s total social property. In some cases, these communities are visibly linked to national political organizations that defend land and territory. The decree is considered a state of exception applied to land-territory use, with dual implications. On one hand, it represents the undivided social field monopolized by monetary metrics. On the other hand, it signifies the expansion of a neocolonial condition promoted by the Mexican federal government, which marginalizes the voice of resistance in favor of adopting the capital logic defined by the stratification of the global economy. The methodology involves participatory action research since 2019, collaborative research through the coordination of workshops, caravans, marches, and political-community meetings, promoted in conjunction with assemblies fighting for territorial defense. We anticipate the increased use of such state of exception in response to the intertwined rise of health, environmental, and economic contingencies that drive the economic cycle, coupled with ineffective governmental policies formulated for regular times. In other words, the state of exception is activated to ensure the continuity of capital accumulation driven by the concentration of private property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One might expect skateboarders to be jubilant that the Olympics recognized theirs as an Olympic sport, but their response is ambivalent. Alexis Sablone, a women's street competition participant, does not consider skateboarding 'a sport'. What is it if not a sport? This article argues that it is a fugitive, non‐teleological, open‐source practice for creating new 'existential territories' – new forms of personhood, public space and social relationships. Skateboarders' resistance to centralization and their emphasis on DIY creativity suggests skateboarding involves challenging culturally specific and local norms. It rests on creative remakings of derelict and unevenly developed urban spaces and the construction of new forms of identity and social purpose. The argument is based on fieldwork with the Osaka Daggers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article charts a critical history of drawing, as it was taught within “general” schooling in colonial Bombay (now Mumbai), beyond the artisanal workshop, art, and industrial schools. Rather than children’s creative or subjective expression as it is commonly seen today, drawing’s presence in the school curriculum was a sign of the efforts being taken to create a workforce suitable for industrial capitalism, in Britain and in India. Analysing archival sources, and situating them within the broader discourses around colonialism, work, and the industrial subject, the article points out that when drawing was taught in Bombay it was hamstrung by issues metropolitan in origin, viz. course design, inconsistent pedagogic vision, lack of financial outlay as well as local conditions of low industrialisation. Similar problems plagued drawing in Britain. However, colonial power relations held Indian teachers and school-goers responsible for drawing’s “failures” in addressing the crisis of technical skilling and employment generation in India, while in Britain the critique was directed towards the system. Drawing – despite these “failures” – came to be valued as a practice necessary in and of itself. Drawing, the article contends, offered an embodied and verifiable response to wage labour, as seen in its unfolding in the colony, i.e. a moral technology geared towards wage labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses a reinterpretation of the role played by micro-units (i.e., the set of own-account workers, unpaid family workers, and wage workers in units of less than five workers) in contemporary capitalism, through the combined use of the notions of the reserve army of labor and the petty commodity production. Statistics from Mexico show that there are flows between this sector, medium and large units, unemployment, and inactivity so that their intersection with the reserve army of labor is verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of "chilling effects" is not new, but several theoretical and empirical gaps remain. Existing evidence of chilling effects lies primarily in social media consumption rather than production behaviors. Do Chinese content creators consciously experience chilling effects? What do creators do when they perceive chilling effects? This study helps to answer these questions by exploring chilling effects among 32 content creators on Chinese social media. Through in-depth interviews, this work proposes a model of chilling effects for content creators, including (a) the three major influencing factors, (b) the four manifestations of chilling effects, and (c) the presentation of chilling and anti-chilling effects. The results indicate that the influencing factors of content creators' chilling effects are extremely complex and cannot be attributed solely to political factors in China. Instead, the impacts of platform capitalism, data surveillance, and personal factors should be emphasized. Furthermore, creators have taken a series of anti-chilling effects measures to minimize the conflicts between chilling effects and freedom of creation so that they can remain stable, profitable, and creative. This is one of the first studies investigating chilling effects among content creators in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I reflect on how my positioning along axes of disability, race, and class shapes my interaction with dominant discourses of motherhood and on how these tensions are explored in The Mother, a public installation of my artwork shown in 2023. Situating myself in the liminal space between participation in and resistance to normative motherhood ideology, I invite other disabled mothers—especially other cisgendered, heterosexual white women—to consider how they practice disabled mothering in the context of racial capitalism. Through both the installation and these reflections, I assert that visible disabled mothering can be a powerful act of community care and crip resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, large-scale urban reconstruction has been ongoing in Dushanbe, Tajikistan's capital city. In this process, the city's Soviet architecture is being demolished and replaced by Dubai-inspired high-rises. This transformation of public space is a manifestation of the process of silent de-Sovietization that has taken place in Tajikistan. Unlike what has been seen in other post-Soviet countries, this form of de-Sovietization does not result from rethinking the country's Soviet past and deliberately departing from it. Rather, it is a casual by-product of Tajikistan's capitalist transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trade-off policy framing has been a central feature of green growth since the 1980s, employed to frame the countervailing spheres of social, environmental, and economic policies purported to ensure the sustainable development of the global economy. This article argues that so central has this framing become that IPE scholars have tended to focus on different types of 'greenable' growth observable within capitalism, rather than question the prospect of greening growth itself. Far from value-free, the trade-off framing is ultimately determined by the structural imperative for economic growth, veiling the disciplines anthropocentric ontology in a normative or objective guise. To account for the tacit prioritization, the trade-in policy framing – the compromising of environmental objectives to accommodate the growth imperative – is advanced as an alternative framing. The trading-in of environmental policies is legitimized through political-industrial narratives, of which three, the (i) consequential, (ii) allay, and (iii) finance are outlined in this analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with the debate about the causes for Russia's full-scale military invasion in Ukraine. The existing explanations are organized into three groups revolving around commonalities in their basic assumptions and causal arguments: geopolitics, civilisational choice, and dead-end capitalist transition. The aim is not to advance any theory in particular but to facilitate theory-building in general by identifying intellectual shortcuts and unresolved contradictions in all groups of explanations. The categorization cuts across disciplinary divisions and theoretical camps to propose a typology of arguments that can facilitate the development of better explanations for the invasion. This is relevant not only for the heuristic value of theorisations, but also for ensuring that the conditions precipitating the invasion are not reproduced in the post-war order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Swiss Alps have been a tourist destination for the past two centuries, promising guests extraordinary holiday experiences and providing local populations with a means of subsistence. Based on field research in a Swiss German-speaking touristic village, this article discusses the mundane experiences of capitalist time in a wealthy yet uncertain context. By analyzing the temporal debates permeating the valley, I argue that modern, capitalist time has a slippery or disorientating quality for those who experience it, especially in Alpine regions, which are either dominated by tourism or prone to outmigration. In a second turn, I bring the question of inequality back into the temporal equation of capitalist time by dwelling on the experience of migrant hospitality workers who are made 'temporal others'. I conclude on the unevenly distributed capacity to temporally reason between insiders and outsiders as well as the unequally disorientating quality of life under capitalist globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alphonse Desjardins, a devout Quebecois Catholic, established North America's first cooperative bank in 1900. The first English-language attempt to grapple with Desjardins' faith, this article is an important addition to the many new studies of North American Christians and economics in Desjardins' period, nearly all of which focus on Protestants. More particularly, it contributes to this historical conversation through conceptual models drawn from anthropologies of religion related to sacrifice, credibility, and monetary circulation. Ultimately, this case study prompts us to ask anew: how do people of faith shape, and redefine, capitalist structures? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on ITAS, a Croatian metalworking company with a turbulent past characterized by various property arrangements and varying degrees of success in the market for machine tools, I sketch out a shop-floor history of the ways in which the materiality of production continues to matter in contemporary capitalism. Control over machines allowed ITAS workers to negotiate their precarious position in the market. I show how collective and individual decisions of workers as economic agents contribute to shaping the geographical unevenness of capitalism. Industrial machines can serve as an ethnographic object that connects analytical scales, allowing scholars to provide a relational and historically situated understanding of how workers are incorporated into political economic systems as well as the degree to which they can influence those systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

College affordability concerns have led to new "solutions" for financing college costs, such as income share agreements (ISAs). Drawing on a racialized understanding of academic capitalism, we explore the intersection of higher education, markets, and the state in how ISAs are marketed by two public universities. We find ISAs are advertised as market-based solutions, framing universities as altruistic problem-solvers and students as philanthropic investors. Yet, we also find that institutions' website promotion of ISAs is raced and classed, targeting current "traditional," White, upper-middle class students. Finally, we compare institutional narratives to federal guidance regarding ISAs, revealing further blurring between the public sector and private marketplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anwar Shaikh has proposed the classical theory of inflation in his recent book Capitalism, Competition, Conflict, Crisis. Even though it is a relevant and well-founded heterodox theory, the empirical literature on the subject is scanty. In this article, we empirically evaluate the explanatory capabilities of Shaikh's theory of inflation for the case of Europe. We constructed GMM and Fixed Effects models for the panel of 23 European countries over the period 2001–20. The overall results demonstrated that Shaikh's classical theory of inflation generated empirically successful results in explaining the supply dynamics of European inflation, while it produced no statistically significant effect on the demand dynamics of inflation due to the European inflation level, as expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Facebook's censorship of Kurdish political activism at the request of the Turkish government. I argue that Facebook's censorship of political voices belonging to the marginalized Kurdish community is an articulation of platform coloniality, an outcome constituted by the intersecting of the social media giant's global political economy imperatives with racialized and hierarchized conceptions of human worth. The effects of platform coloniality are exacerbated due to it being mediated by the Turkish nation-state's internal colonial politics and militarist regional policies, thus intensifying the marginalization of Kurds inside and outside Turkey. Covered in a typical neoliberal discourse of freedom and human rights, platform coloniality represents a continuation of the age-old patterns of Western power and its flow toward the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we will address changing aspects of female employment in Turkey in the context of the development process of capitalism. Our aim is to highlight the general characteristics of female employment in different periods. Within this framework, the study initially looks at the period until 1980. In this part, after providing an overview of the early period of Republic, the general nature of female employment during the significant social changes in the 1950s and the effects of the industrialization period between 1960 and 1980 on female employment are addressed. The period after 1980 is divided into two sections: before 2000 and after 2000. The impacts of the export-oriented development strategy on female employment are discussed in the section before 2000. The study surveys the period after 2000 focusing specifically on the multiple aspects of female employment and unemployment, and the flexibility, informality, and insecurity of female labor within this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the profound impact of Ludwig von Mises's Human Action, emphasizing its significance as a major work in economics comparable to eighteenth-century philosophical classics. Topics include Mises's contributions to technical economics, his influence on the revival of the Austrian school and Cold War intellectual movements, and his role in advancing property rights economics, law and economics, and Public Choice economics.