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7 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 8. 8 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 11. 9 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 12. 10 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 16. 11 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 43. 12 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 45. 13 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 50. 14 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 64. 15 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 68. 16 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 69. 17 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 70. 18 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 71. 19 Sonenscher, I Capitalism i , p. 166. Louis Blanc replied that capitalism was the seizure of capital by private hands; the most fair and productive approach to capital was to "socialise or nationalise it".[14] Nationalised capital could grow and be distributed equitably; capitalism implied the private ownership of capital. [Extracted from the article]

This note studies the 1650 edition of Hugo Grotius's De iure belli ac pacis. Using online and card catalogues, we have located eighty-nine copies, thirty-seven of which we examined in person, with an additional six fully digitised copies online. We hope that this research note on the preliminary results will generate greater interest in this unduly neglected edition. The note shows how, despite the connection established in the history of seventeenth-century politics that emphasized the ties between Grotius and the Peace of Westphalia, the reception of Grotius's 1650 edition bore no relation to the debates at Osnabrück and Münster. However, this is an influential edition, cherished by collectors and authors. According to our findings, it would be reproduced in a number of later reprints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note is the eighth instalment in our series of preliminary findings on the census and study of the reception of De iure belli ac pacis. The note presents a bibliographical description of Laurentius' 1647 re-issue of the 1631 edition by Blaeu, considers Laurentius' motivation and methods of production, lists and maps the currently known twenty-three surviving copies, and briefly describes two notable exemplars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note offers a contextual overview of the printing history of Johann Blaeu's 1646 octavo edition of Hugo Grotius's De iure belli ac pacis (IBP). The note examines the printing process of the last edition that was prepared while Grotius was still alive, though it was published after his death. The note also sheds light on the theological dimension of some readers' annotations, and concludes by discussing the impact this edition had on the modern versions of the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides new information on the printing and readership history of the fifth edition of De iure belli ac pacis. Building on our earlier research on the way that the dispute between Willem Janszoon Blaeu and Johannes Janssonius influenced the publication of the 1631 edition of the text, this article studies how Blaeu harnessed his position to make the 1632 edition more reputable than the earlier version published by his rival. The article considers how, over four centuries, readers have appreciated the quality of the production and three engaged with the text for radically different ends: Remigius Faesch, Baron von Boineburg, and Wendell Phillips. The article draws attention to the changes and continuities in reading and annotation patterns and offers preliminary insights into the themes that these influential readers focused on. We hope that it will inspire readers to bring further copies to our attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article constitutes the sixth instalment in our series on the census and study of the reception of the first nine editions of De iure belli ac pacis. This edition has long held a prominent place in studies and editions of Grotius's work since it was the last published during his lifetime. The report first outlines the genesis of the edition in the context of Grotius's relationship with Johann Blaeu (1596–1673) and Cornelius Blaeu (1610–1642), who had recently inherited the Blaeu print firm from their father Willem. It then elucidates a number of crucial ways in which the 1642 edition differed from the five previous editions, especially via the addition of an extensive new series of annotations to IBP and a separate set addressed to the Epistle of Philemon. Finally, it concludes by providing the preliminary results of the census concerning the one hundred and twenty-one copies we have found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the fourth instalment of our census and study of the reception of the first nine editions of De iure belli ac pacis. Here we focus on the two versions that Johannes Janssonius issued in 1632, one with a copy of Mare liberum attached to it. This report outlines the place of the 1632 Janssonius edition in the context of his long-running rivalry with the printer Willem Blaeu and his firm. It then explores the typographical differences between the two issues, their causes, and their significance for our understanding of the reception of the text. Finally, it provides the preliminary results of the census concerning the circulation and provenance of the fifty-three copies of this edition that we have found. We hope that this research note on the preliminary results will attract interest in this edition and that readers will kindly inform us of further copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hugo Grotius's best-known work, De iure belli ac pacis , appeared in 1625 in Paris with the author's approval. A second unauthorised version was published in 1626 in Frankfurt. In 1631 the Amsterdam publisher, Willem Janszoon Blaeu (1571–1638), issued the third edition, this one authorised by the author – and this edition featured nearly a thousand revisions by Grotius. The purpose of this report is to analyse the context behind the publication of this third edition and the copies' provenance records. Using online and card catalogues, we have located 154 copies. We examined 52 copies in person, and another three fully digitised copies online. We hope that this research note on preliminary results will generate greater interest in this unduly neglected edition, and that readers will kindly bring further copies to our attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides new information on the publication history of the first edition of the text that, according to many scholars, laid the ground for the growth of international law: Hugo Grotius's De iure belli ac pacis. Drawing on the preliminary findings of the Grotius Census Project at the Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law, funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft), the following pages shed light on the first three states of the typescript, the sources that Grotius had access to in France while drafting the book, and the early circulation of the 1625 edition, published by Nicolas Buon in Paris. The goal of this publication is to disseminate updated information on the printing history of this key text in the history of legal and political thought, and to invite readers to come forward with more information about the location of the remaining copies of the text, in order to advance our understanding of the rise of international law around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first edition of Hugo Grotius's De iure belli ac pacis was published in Paris by Nicolas Buon in 1625. An unauthorised second edition appeared in Frankfurt a year later, from the reputable Wechel press. After Grotius made hundreds of changes to the first and second states of the first edition, and failed to convince the publisher Nicolas Buon of the merits of printing yet another edition of the book, the Wechels's release of a new edition sought to capitalise on the high demand for the text, as copies had sold out in Central Europe by the summer of 1625. In this preliminary report on the 1626 edition, using online and card catalogues, we have located 59 surviving copies. We examined thirteen copies in person, and another three fully digitised copies online, and on the basis of this small sample we have been able to draw a number of conclusions. We hope that this research note on preliminary results will generate interest in this unduly neglected edition, and that readers will kindly bring further copies to our attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualises the origins of the term Grotian Moment, coined and frequently redefined by Richard Falk. By generating a conceptual history of the idea and its uses, the article draws attention to the ways that Falk's sustained interest in the question of temporality and the nature of change in international law can inform present legal debates. The recovery of Falk's efforts to engage with critics, geopolitical changes, and new legal ideas by reinterpreting and reimagining the meaning of a Grotian Moment sheds light on its relationship to questions of free trade, Eurocentrism, and revolutions in international law. By considering the methodological parallels with the work of Reinhart Koselleck, this article emphasises the importance of both historiographical and historical debates for the study of change in legal history, the analysis of the global legacies of Hugo Grotius, and the generation of expectations of the future in international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies how a plan to reinvent the Spanish parliamentary Cortes generated the growth of eighteenth-century Spanish political economy. The article sheds light on how eighteenth-century Spanish debates over investment, assemblies, and corporations recovered parliamentary ideals, envisioned corporate boards of transnational cooperation, and deliberated on the political economy of patriotism. Contrary to the dominant historiographical view, Spanish republicanism did not wane under the Bourbon Monarchy. In order to resolve the social and economic impact of dynastic crises in the Spanish Empire, political economists argued that the establishment of corporations throughout the peninsula could republicanise Spanish finances and revitalise trust in the Spanish Monarchy. The article reconsiders early modern Spain’s republican and parliamentary traditions, and suggests that eighteenth-century Spanish political economy emerged from the need to escape the cycles of dynastic crises and to put an end to ‘the fear of the new’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early Spanish Enlightenment was shaped by debates over corporations, sovereignty, and the balance of power in Europe. Spanish officials, in this context, turned to the ideas of Hugo Grotius to establish joint-stock companies that could allow the Crown to regain control over its imperial domains and establish perpetual peace in Europe. This article recovers the writings of Félix Fernando de Sotomayor, Duke of Sotomayor (1684–1767), who drew on the works of Grotius, Samuel Pufendorf, and Charles Dutot in order to show that the history of these corporations chronicled the contestation and erosion of Spanish power and the diversion of European states from their true interests. Sovereigns, not merchants, argued Sotomayor, could guarantee fair trade and the equitable distribution of wealth. The study of Sotomayor's views on trade, natural law, and alienation challenges traditional interpretations about the Iberian engagement with Grotius, the rise of capitalist hopes in Southern and Northern Europe, and Spain's investment in the Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article recovers the transnational historical approach of the eighteenth-century Piedmontese thinker Carlo Denina (1731-1813) and his Lettres Critiques. The Lettres , which have remained largely overlooked to this day, addressed a number of cultural debates on the epistemology of the Encyclopédie , the art of translation, and European geopolitics, by drawing on a transnational approach to the history of Europe. This article frames Denina's transnational gaze in the context of early modern concerns over information overload and eighteenth-century ideas of cultural superiority and alterity. The article follows the ways the Lettres Critiques addressed three querelles : Morvilliers' 1782 rhetorical attack on Spain, German debates on the merits of French culture and the nature of knowledge, and Madrid's protracted response to William Robertson's History of America (1777). The article sheds light on an overlooked eighteenth-century vision of transnational history as a solution to embryonic forms of nationalism and the politicization of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]