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This paper analyzes the New Year messages delivered by Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War and his mandate as chief of state (1937–1974) from a paremiological perspective to determine the frequency of use of proverbs in them and establish the characteristics and purpose of these paremiological uses in relation to the principles of the "National Movement," the socio-political framework enforced by the francoist-regime. Although Franco's speeches do not show a strong stylistic awareness, paremias find their way into them, usually as allusions to proverbial wisdom. In relation to this, some recurring items and themes have been found, among which, those with a religious origin or motivation stand out as the most frequent. This is coherent with the ideals that his regime imposed on the Spanish population during his rule and which will be commented on in relation to the paremias used and how they reflect those ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What relation is there between the commissary dictator and the katechon in Schmitt's writings? I argue that both the dictator of Dictatorship and the katechon of Nomos of the Earth are characterized by a specific conception of intermediate authority, which is central to Schmitt's attempts, in the 1920s, to save the administrative apparatus of the state from its subsumption to the Rechtstaat's "machine of government". Oriented by a concrete task and supported by a hierarchy of dignity, this limited personalist authority would preserve the creative humanity of the civil service. Informed by eschatological fragments from his Tagebücher, I argue that Schmitt's 1920s works are haunted by a shadow of the katechon, only fleshed out in Nomos of the Earth. Despite shifts in weighting (from "decisionism" to "concrete-order thinking") I argue that, in its dominant specificities, this form of authority returns in the doctrine of the katechon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Group Identification Problem ("Who is a J?") introduced by Kasher and Rubinstein [14] assumes a finite class of agents, each one with an opinion about the membership to a group J of the members of the society, consisting in a function that indicates for each agent, including herself, the degree of membership to J. The problem is that of aggregating those functions, satisfying different sets of axioms and characterizing different aggregators. The literature has already considered fuzzy versions of this problem. In this paper we consider alternative fuzzy presentations of the axiomatic of the original problem. While some results are analogous to those of the original crisp model, we show that our fuzzy version is able to overcome some of the main impossibility results of Kasher and Rubinstein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the video dance work of contemporary Jewish performance artist Julie Weitz through analysis of her seven-minute short The Great Dominatrix (2018). Inspired by Charlie Chaplin's critique of fascism in The Dictator (1940), Weitz mocks modern-day political power in Hassidic drag with Chaplin-esque physicality and layered cultural reference. Curls unfurl from under the fur of a traditional man's hat as golem enters in white tights and leotard, wrapped unorthodoxly in religious tefillin. She mounts a plastic inflatable globe as quick cuts speed through the myriad ways she sexualizes the prop. In one sequence, the artist gesticulates her white-caked face and body with exaggerated expressions of surprise, disgust, and desire while watching iPhone clips of Trump and Chaplin's Hitler playing with his own oversize globe. Satirizing today's rulers and their greed for world domination while libidinizing the sci-fi figure of Jewish folklore, Weitz embodies an ethnogender drag she describes as curiously empowering, if often misunderstood. Prioritizing these multiple mis/identifications as contestatory performance plays in porcelain slip, I argue that the artist deploys competing tropes to dethrone dictatorship while exaggerating antisemitic extremes to sculpt the Modern Jewess in bodily negotiation of (her own) power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the video dance work of contemporary Jewish performance artist Julie Weitz through analysis of her seven-minute short The Great Dominatrix (2018). Inspired by Charlie Chaplin's critique of fascism in The Dictator (1940), Weitz mocks modern-day political power in Hassidic drag with Chaplin-esque physicality and layered cultural reference. Curls unfurl from under the fur of a traditional man's hat as golem enters in white tights and leotard, wrapped unorthodoxly in religious tefillin. She mounts a plastic inflatable globe as quick cuts speed through the myriad ways she sexualizes the prop. In one sequence, the artist gesticulates her white-caked face and body with exaggerated expressions of surprise, disgust, and desire while watching iPhone clips of Trump and Chaplin's Hitler playing with his own oversize globe. Satirizing today's rulers and their greed for world domination while libidinizing the sci-fi figure of Jewish folklore, Weitz embodies an ethnogender drag she describes as curiously empowering, if often misunderstood. Prioritizing these multiple mis/identifications as contestatory performance plays in porcelain slip, I argue that the artist deploys competing tropes to dethrone dictatorship while exaggerating antisemitic extremes to sculpt the Modern Jewess in bodily negotiation of (her own) power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"A statesman is also an artist. For him, the people is merely what stone is for a sculptor." - Joseph Goebbels, Michael: A Novel. This essay posits Josef Stalin as the most influential Modern Artist of the 20th century. In a revolutionary landscape of battling aesthetic visions, this essay navigates how various utopian philosophies were represented in different artistic forms and how Socialist Realism was ultimately the prevailing aesthetic. Using analysis from Boris Groys, Katerina Clark, and Michael David-Fox, the essay uses primary sources to illustrate the long-lasting changes instituted by Stalin, The Artist-Dictator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A country's spending on healthcare significantly improves its population health status. No comparative study has examined how the threat perceived by leaders influences health expenditure and cross-national analyses of authoritarian regimes. The objectives of this study are to examine how time horizons of autocrats influence health expenditure.Methods: We designed a mixed methods research approach. First, the study used panel data from 1995 to 2010 covering 95 countries (n = 1208) and applied fixed effects regression models. As a proxy for time horizons, the study generated the predicted survival time for each regime-year using parametric survival analysis and the predictors to model regime failure. Second, we chose Chad, Rwanda and Ivory Coast to apply synthetic control methods for comparative case studies. Armed conflict had significant effects on regime duration and was used for an intervention. We constructed a synthetic version of each country, combining counties that did not or did experience armed conflict to resemble the values of health expenditure predictors for the actual country prior to the intervention.Results: We found that an increase in the natural log form of survival time by 1 resulted in a 1.14 percentage point increase in health expenditure (% of GDP) (1.14, 95% CI = 0.60-1.69). Furthermore, we found that the difference in health expenditure between the actual Chad and its synthetic version starts to grow following the civil war in 2004 (in 2004, actual: 5.72%, synthetic: 5.91%; in 2005, actual: 3.91%, synthetic: 6.74%). Similarly, a large health expenditure gap between the actual Rwanda and its synthetic control resulted after the peace deal was signed in 2002 (in 2002, actual: 4.18%, synthetic: 4.77%; in 2003, actual: 6.34%, synthetic: 5.03%). In Ivory Coast, the two series diverge substantially during the civil war from 1999 to 2005 (in 1998, actual: 7.30%, synthetic: 7.11%; in 2002, actual: 4.47%, synthetic: 7.43%; in 2007, actual: 6.35%, synthetic: 6.50%).Conclusions: The findings suggest that health expenditure decreases as regime time horizons shrink, and reducing armed conflict is a way to promote regime stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controversy and intrigue greeted Charlie Chaplin's new film, The Great Dictator , when it arrived in Latin American theatres in early 1941. With tear gas, Nazi salutes and anti-Semitic insults, pro-Axis factions from Mexico to Argentina protested against the Hollywood star's ridicule of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. At an important Good Neighbour moment, the film's tumultuous Latin American circulation and exhibition exposed fault lines in hemispheric solidarity by subverting US efforts to recruit allies in the region and threatened President Roosevelt's support for European intervention at home. Down south, heated public debates over the film trained a harsh light on Latin American leaders' own anti-democratic impulses and raised questions about constitutionality within unequal societies. This article moves beyond film as text to examine the Chaplin picture as a cultural object and agent that exposed the limits of US imperialism and Latin American resistance strategies more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American literature of the 20th century is fascinated (sometimes, even obsessed!) with the image of the dictator and the significance of dictatorship. This fact can be easily explained the taking into consideration that the South American continent was, for decades, under the rule of pitiless presidents whose mythical figures became in time part of many narrative discourses authored by the most important writers of this specific world. That is what outstanding authors such as Miguel Ángel Asturias, Augusto Roa Bastos or Gabriel García Márquez did in their famous novels: "Mister President" (1946), "I the Supreme" (1974) and "The Autumn of the Patriarch" (1975). In his turn, the Cuban writer Alejo Carpentier publishes in 1974 a masterpiece of the genre: "El recurso del método" ("Reasons of State" in the English translation. The book's central character, The Magistrate, half real and half mythical, expresses all the aesthetic and political tensions of Latin America (signifying the inner conflicts of a pre-modern country) and also establishes an exquisite literary and textual relationship with many other characters or situations created by the authors of the "Boom" generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reaction time, usually measured in seconds, has been shown to be correlated with decisions in experimental games. In this paper, we study how allowing for a full day of “reflection time” alters behavior. We compare behavior in dictator and cheating games when participants make immediate choices with behavior when participants have an extra day to decide, and find that allowing for more time does not affect behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text constitutes a chapter of the work Augustus: Son of God. It shows the maneuver of Augustus by which he instrumentalises the dream of Cicero for his political purposes. In this way, he articulates the dream as a sort of ex-post prophecy capable of legitimizing the incarnation of dictatorial power in his figure. For this, different parallels are established with previous historical examples, among which the Dream of Scipio stands out, at the same time that it shows the complex relationships between Marcus Antonius, Cicero and Augustus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the representation of madness in Nuruddin Farah's Close Sesame (1983) as a performance of resistance against the Somali dictatorship of Mohammed Siyad Barre. I argue that Farah presents madness as a performance rather than a manifestation of mental illness in order to protect those who speak and act out against tyranny as well as their associates and families. The novel's presentation of these counter-hegemonic performances has implications for the study of narrative representations of dictatorship in Africa as well as for understanding the linkage between the colonial and neocolonial disciplinary attitudes toward resistance fighters in East Africa. In particular, I consider the "Mad Mullah" and J. C. Carothers in light of their contributions to colonial discourse about madness and resistance. Farah's novel explicitly makes connections between colonial history and Barre's dictatorial regime, yet the place of madness within that history and the function of madness in Close Sesame have not been adequately explored. In focusing on resistance in Farah's text, this article also provides a broader reading of resistance and repression in colonial states and neocolonial dictatorships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qaddafi was widely lampooned in American popular culture before his death. This paper addresses this, together with representations after his death on Twitter and other social media sites, to explore the figure of the ‘dead dictator.’ It argues that the display of the gruesome body of a ‘dead dictator’ is enabled by the material and discursive construction of ‘dictators’ in contemporary narratives, which posit them as easily deposed with Western assistance and internal protests, thereby legitimating the triumph of democracy. It explores these constructions via a comprehensive analysis of Twitter accounts satirizing Qaddafi, which invoke a particular audience that ‘gets the joke.’ In this instance, jokes about Qaddafi’s death circulated in popular culture media enabled the display of his dead body, together constructing the figure of the dead dictator for a Western audience marked by being part of the in-group who were preconditioned to assume dictatorship as a form of political deviance. The paper seeks to contribute to literature on visual culture and visual politics by exploring the popular construction of memorial narratives, and to contribute a theorization that blends materiality and visuality by looking at the dead body and the way it is visually reproduced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Miguel Ángel Asturias was one of the first Latin American writers so interested in evaluating within his creation the implications of tyranny and dictatorship. Of course, he has some famous forerunners in this field, such as Romulo Gallegos or Ramón del Valle-Inclán. But they remained mostly at the surface of this specific phenomenon, whereas Asturias goes deeper and always searches for more profound meaning. His novel El Senor Presidente (1946) uses some narrative techniques related to those imposed by the Surrealist movement, because this author was closely connected to the great representatives of Surrealism, spending in Paris some years of his youth. Besides, the fictional reality of the book maintains a permanent relationship with the historic reality of Guatemala. Therefore the mythic characteristics of the protagonist have to be discussed taking into consideration the evolution of Asturias's native land, always torn between its aspirations to democracy and the dangers of tyranny as it was. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participants in dictator games often contribute significant sums to unknown beneficiaries. This has been interpreted as suggesting that participants like to be perc.eived as generous even in anonymous situations. We show that when participants choose the probabilities with which they contribute, they tend to bias the probabilities in their favor without respect to whether others know only the outcomes or also the probabilities assigned. These results, together with the results of ultimatum games with similar frameworks, suggest that participants that choose probabilities make self-oriented choices even when others are likely to blame them rather than the random mechanism for the outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper investigates the computability problem of the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem [A.F. Gibbard, Manipulation of voting schemes: a general result, Econometrica 41 (1973) 587–601; M.A. Satterthwaite, Strategyproofness and Arrow’s conditions: existence and correspondence theorems for voting procedures and social welfare functions, Journal of Economic Theory 10 (1975) 187–217] of social choice theory in a society with an infinite number of individuals (infinite society) based on Type two computability by Weihrauch [K. Weihrauch, A Simple Introduction to Computable Analysis, Informatik Berichte, vol. 171, second ed., Fern Universität Hagen, Hagen, 1995; K. Weihrauch, Computable Analysis, Springer-Verlag, 2000]. There exists a dictator or there exists no dictator for any coalitionally strategy-proof social choice function in an infinite society. We will show that if there exists a dictator for a social choice function, it is computable in the sense of Type two computability, but if there exists no dictator it is not computable. A dictator of a social choice function is an individual such that if he strictly prefers an alternative (denoted by x) to another alternative (denoted by y), then it does not choose y, and his most preferred alternative is always chosen. Coalitional strategy-proofness is an extension of the ordinary strategy-proofness. It requires non-manipulability by coalitions of individuals as well as by a single individual. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Quite a few Latin words -- modern legal and political terms -- in ancient Rome did not use to mean what they mean at present. Throughout many centuries their meanings changed and new niches of their usage emerged. Cliens and patronus (client and patron) happen to be among the most interesting words from this point of view. In the early Republic of Rome they used to be the concepts which embodied noble, almost sacred family relations. Those relations were legally, though not universally, regulated and provided the grounds for social, political and private mutual assistance. Yet, at the end the Republic and during the early Empire, especially in towns and Rome itself, cliens frequently used to become a miserable, humiliated and ridiculed person but personally a free man. Naturally, at that time clients and patrons were bound by certain obligations, but the Roman poet Martialis who used to be a client himself noticed that a new generation of clients frequently used to be merely a crowd of sycophants which would clap their hands for their patron in a forum, patiently listen to the readings of his worthless verses or wait for his presents and sportula (a handout of food or a little money). Such a phenomenon could have appeared due to the fact that during that period (the first and second centuries) in Rome considerable wealth was accumulated in the hands of the few, the morals deteriorated, numerous slaves were acquired during wars. The slaves used to do all the dirty jobs while the free citizens found it disgraceful to be engaged in trade, to work in small workshops of goldsmiths or launderers as well as to clean the streets of the town. These spheres were resolutely and willingly occupied by former slaves -- libertines, who frequently used to make a career and become rich while the free citizens, frequently former high officials, having become impoverished for certain reasons, used to listen humbly to the offences of insolent patrons and to hurry through the rain and mud of an early morning to greet their "lord". The objective of this paper is to draw attention of those who are interested in law and politics to the fact that a considerable number of the words-terms of those spheres which are of Latin origin throughout centuries began to mean not the same they used to mean in ancient Rome when Latin used to be the colloquial language of the Roman people. This information could deepen the knowledge of the sciences mentioned above, to define the exact boundaries of the usage of those terms or to encourage the need for linguistic-sociological research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carlos Fuentes, in a 1996 work entitled La nueva novela hispanoamericana, anticipates the work of Angel Rama about the dictator as Latin American archetype, the work of Irlemar Chiampi about the wonderful realism and the novels by Carpentier, Roa Bastos and García Márquez. In the first chapter of this work, Fuentes states two typical Latin American archetypes: The first one is that of the "all-consuming nature" that is found in the origins of the Spanish-American hybrid subject and in the development of a historical syncretism. This same cultural legacy gives rise to the second archetype: "'the dictator at local or domestic level", since the collateral effects of the independence superimposed to the old domination a new despotism that in most cases was promoted by the military or by the native oligarchies. This last archetype will be studied in El otoño del patriarca by Gabriel Garcia Márquez as a sign of government premodernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A voting function is a rule that determines the outcome of an election: taking the voters'' votes as input, a voting function selects the winning candidate from the set of candidates receiving some vote. A voting function is immune to vote selling when, given that neither voter i nor voter j votes for the winning candidate, a change ceteris paribus in i''s vote cannot make the candidate for which j votes the winner. It is shown that voting functions immune to vote selling have either a dictator (a voter who always determines the winning candidate) or a dictated candidate (a candidate who becomes the winner by just receiving some vote). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]