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Legislative scholars have theorized about the role of committees and whether they are, or are not, tools of the majority party. We look to the states to gain more empirical leverage on this question, using a regression discontinuity approach and novel data from all state committees between 1996 and 2014. We estimate that majority‐party status produces an 8.5 percentage point bonus in committee seats and a substantial ideological shift in the direction of the majority party. Additionally, we leverage a surprisingly frequent, but as if random occurrence in state legislatures—tied chambers—to identify majority‐party effects, finding similar support for partisan committees. We also examine whether the extent of committee partisanship is conditional on party polarization or legislative professionalism, but we find that it is not. Our results demonstrate that parties create nonrepresentative committees across legislatures to pursue their outlying policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intergenerational political socialization is alive and well in the polarized American polity. But, by what mechanism do parental views transmit to children? We develop a theory (dyadic social learning theory) which posits the importance of dyadic familial communication in facilitating attitudinal concordance between parents and children. Using original survey data of 1,048 dyadic pairs of American parents and middle school-aged children, we develop a novel measure of political perception that combines the perceptive accuracy of parents with the perceptive accuracy of their children. This measure of parent-child alignment, which we argue signals quality communication in families, is a powerful determinant of parent-child congruence on political views and emotions, particularly polarization. When a dyadic pair accurately perceives each other politically, the likelihood of congruent views and shared polarization increases. This research has implications for how we understand political transference of polarized views, and for broader theories of how children are socialized into the political world. It also suggests that solutions to polarization will have to address the role of parents in initiating polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory suggests that Congress should delegate more policymaking authority to the bureaucracy under unified government, where lawmakers are less worried about the president orchestrating "bureaucratic drift." Yet, all unified governments come to an end, making broad delegations potentially advantageous to future lawmaking coalitions ("coalitional drift"). We seek to assess how lawmakers simultaneously limit the risk of each of these pitfalls of delegation. Our answer is rooted in Congress's ability to spur agency rulemaking activity under unified government. Specifically, we expect statutes passed under unified government to require agencies to issue regulations quickly and for enacting coalitions to use oversight tools to influence agency policy choices. Such "proximate oversight" allows coalitions to cement policy decisions before a new election changes the configuration of preferences within Congress and the executive branch. We assess our argument using unique data on both congressional rulemaking deadlines (1995–2014) and the speed with which agencies issue regulations (1997–2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State medical boards are increasingly responsible for regulating medical and osteopathic licensure and professional conduct in the United States. Yet, there is great variation in the extent to which such boards take disciplinary action against physicians, indicating that some boards are more zealous regulators than others. We look to the political roots of such variation and seek to answer a simple, yet important, question: are nominally apolitical state medical boards responsive to political preferences? To address this question, we use panel data on disciplinary actions across sixty-four state medical boards from 1993 through 2006 and control for over-time changes in board characteristics (e.g., composition, independence, budgetary status), regulatory structure, and resources. We show that as state legislatures become more liberal [conservative], state boards increasingly [decreasingly] discipline physicians, especially during unified government and in the presence of highly professional legislatures. Our conclusions join others in emphasizing the importance of state medical boards and the contingent nature of political control of state regulation. In addition, we emphasize the roles that oversight capacity and strategy play in offsetting concerns regarding self-regulation of a powerful organized interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research stresses that congressional committees increase their oversight of the bureaucracy during divided government. We extend this research by developing an explanation, rooted in a more dynamic view of policymaking, for why Congress would sometimes conduct vigorous oversight under unified control as well. In short, committees seem to engage in what we call 'retrospective oversight' and take advantage of newly friendly executive administration to refocus existing policy made under a past opposition president. We assess our perspective using two separate sources of data on oversight hearings spanning more than 60 years and find support for our claims regarding retrospective oversight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of Supreme Court confirmations have found that a senator's vote is primarily determined by his or her ideological proximity to a nominee and that nominee's objective qualifications. This literature does not account for the extent to which a senator's electoral safety may enhance or mitigate the effects of ideology or qualifications. We argue that senators from less competitive states are more likely to eschew a nominee's qualifications in favor of their own ideological preferences. By analyzing roll call data on confirmation votes from Byron White to Elena Kagan, we support this argument and add an intriguing new piece to the puzzle underlying the changing dynamics of Senate confirmation voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few political institutions are as central to theories of lawmaking as the executive veto. Despite its importance, institutional continuity at the national level has precluded identification of empirical effects of the veto on legislative behavior. We address this limitation and present evidence from the states demonstrating how the veto affects the formation of legislative coalitions and, indirectly, executive influence over policymaking. We find consistent evidence that the presence and strength of gubernatorial veto powers affect the lawmaking behavior of state legislatures. Our analysis shows how institutional provisions condition executives' ability to affect policy outcomes in separation-of-powers systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To evaluate care processes for infants who are identified by newborn screening (NBS) and diagnosed with metabolic disorders during their first year of life. Methods. A survey instrument was used to assess the scope and intensity of services needed to provide quality health care for patients from birth to 1 year of age who have a metabolic disorder identified by NBS. Significance testing was not performed; descriptive analyses are reported. Results. Providers spend significant amounts of time on activities that are not direct patient care. The most challenging aspect of their work was the lack of reimbursement for care. Conclusion. Provision of genetics services for patients with a metabolic disorder is time and labor intensive, and insurance coverage and reimbursement for these services remain inadequate. Health care payment and/or system reform is necessary to provide optimal care to patients with metabolic disorders identified by NBS. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Contemporary views on sex offender treatment planning suggest that therapist and client collaboration may enhance treatment outcomes, but little research has examined this topic. The use of dynamic risk assessment instruments may provide insight into what criminogenic needs should be focused on for clients in sex offender treatment. Here, we compared therapist and client (N =80) mid-treatment assessment scores on the Sex Offender Treatment Intervention and Progress Scale (SOTIPS) in a prison-based treatment program for adult male sex offenders. The SOTIPS is 16-item dynamic assessment measure of treatment needs and progress that was designed to be scored at intake and thereafter as often as every six months on a four-point scale. Data were collected following the completion of SOTIPS as a group treatment exercise. Although there were significant overall differences in SOTIPS scores between therapists and clients (t(79)=6.50,p <.001;d =1.03), SOTIPS scores related to criminality, social stability and supports, and sexual deviance showed substantial (ICC = 0.75,p< .001), moderate (ICC = 0.59,p< .001), and fair (ICC = 0.23,p <.05) correlations, respectfully. Using partial correlations, controlling for static risk showed no impact on these relationships. Findings are discussed in light of the experiences of therapists. This study suggests that the SOTIPS provides a useful framework for therapists to engage clients in a collaborative process of indentifying clients’ strengths, potential treatment needs, and treatment progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oversight hearings should be an important congressional tool for controlling recalcitrant agencies, but it is not clear that this should always be equally true. The logic of principal-agent models of legislative policy control implies that oversight might sometimes, but not always, be superfluous to said control. Here, I reintroduce oversight hearings to theories of policy control and argue that congressional committees conduct oversight hearings primarily as a response to the extent to which agencies have different policy preferences from them and as a function of their capacity to conduct hearings cheaply. I test these hypotheses using committee hearings data ( Policy Agendas Project) from both the U. S. House of Representatives and the Senate from 1947 to 2006 and provide support for theoretical arguments about the institutional nature of legislative policymaking strategies and ultimately help clarify the role of oversight in legislative-executive relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this review was to better understand the impact of community notification, known as “Megan’s Law,” on sex offenders’ reintegration into the community. Eight quantitative studies that examined the social and psychological impact of community notification on adult sex offenders (N = 1,503) were reviewed. The pattern of results across studies showed considerable similarities despite marked variability in the populations examined, survey methods used, and response rates obtained. Sex offenders rarely reported being the target of vigilante attacks. Substantial minorities reported exclusion from residence and job loss as social consequences of being publicly identified as sex offenders in their communities. The majority of offenders reported negative psychological consequences of notification but also identified benefits of knowing that others were monitoring their behavior. More intrusive notification strategies were associated with higher rates of socially destabilizing consequences. Results are discussed in terms of their policy and research implications. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The authors examine the administrative procedures acts (APAs) of separation of powers and parliamentary systems. They examine sixteen national APAs (thirteen parliamentary and three presidential) and forty-eight APAs from the U.S. states that have institutional structures analogous to the presidential systems. They identify a very stark difference between the parliamentary and presidential APAs. While all of the presidential system APAs place constraints on both adjudicative and rulemaking activities, only two of the parliamentary APAs make any reference to rulemaking at all. The authors present an institutional explanation for this observation based on recent work on veto players and delegated discretion to administrative agents. They argue that the presence of partisan veto players discourages focus on rulemaking in APAs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To what extent has direct democracy, specifically the ballot initiative process, served to substitute for perceived deficiencies of representative democracy in the United States? Despite extensive literatures on both direct democracy and democratic representation, there exist very few direct evaluations of the interplay between the two. I examine whether variation in the frequency of a state’s initiative use is related to the extent to which that state’s representative institutions lack electoral competition. I find that initiative states with a higher percentage of uncontested elections for representative office see more initiative use than states with more competitive elections, conditional on the ideological divergence between citizens and legislators. The results contribute much to our understanding of the processes driving cycles of initiative use and identify a tangible consequence of the presence of misrepresentative state institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

OBJECTIVE: We examined the need for genetic counseling services (GCS) for families of children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), Down syndrome (DS), and/or mental retardation (MR) and factors that influence the receipt of needed GCS for those children relative to other children with special health care needs (CSHCN). METHODS: Analysis was conducted on the 2005-2006 National Survey of Children With Special Health Care Needs, a nationally representative sample. Bivariate analyses were conducted by examining need for and receipt of GCS for children with ASD, DS, and/or MR and other CSHCN as well as differences by contextual variables using the health belief model (HBM). Logistic regression analyses were conducted to assess the relative impact of receipt of needed GCS by HBM constructs. RESULTS: Families of children with diagnoses of ASD, DS, and/or MR perceive significantly higher need for GCS than other CSHCN. The presence of a medical home is the single most important factor in facilitating access to GCS, together with the presence of insurance, particularly private or a combination of private and public insurance. As income and education attainment decrease, barriers to GCS rise. CONCLUSIONS: This analysis supports strategies for improving linkages between specialty providers and the medical home at which primary care is delivered. Increased effort should be made to attend to those who experience barriers that result from lack of insurance, poverty, low education, or racial or ethnic differences. Health professionals need to collaborate in developing solutions to underinsurance or lack of insurance for CSHCN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implementation of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in three states: Massachusetts, Georgia, and Ohio. It examines the effectiveness of four theoretical driving forces in explaining implementation using a multiple case study analysis. Data were compiled using legislative histories, key informant interviews, public record, and media content analysis and were analyzed using a triangulation of sources. Findings suggest that the driving forces as conceptualized in the literature are only partially helpful when examining the implementation of federal redistributive health policy in these states. A pursuit of rationality approach was the most explanatory of the driving forces followed by an organizational-policy fit when there was limited capacity to implement new policy. Overall, implementation was found to be more related to state-level capacity and the state's previous programmatic experiences. Policy innovation was more likely to occur when capacity was high and where goals agreement drove the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state of Vermont closed its only institution for persons with intellectual disabilities in 1993 and moved to a totally community-based model of services. Here we describe the characteristics of the near exhaustive statewide sample of adult male sex offenders with intellectual disabilities (N = 103) who received these services between 1993 and 2004, discuss these services, and examine the sexual recidivism rates of the sample. Over an average follow-up period of 5.8 years, 10.7% of the sample was identified as having sexually reoffended. Most reoffenses were noncontact, and most victims were staff members, relatives, or housemates of the abuser. Results are discussed in terms of their clinical, policy, and research implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study that examined the recidivism rates of adult male sex offenders who were referred to a prison-based cognitive-behavioral treatment program in the U.S. Discussion on incarceration as a common sentence for sex offenders; Analysis on the effect of prison sentences on the recidivism rates of criminal offenders; Examination on the implications of the result of the study for the management of sex offenders.

Provide guidance to counselors who are referred identified and alleged sex offenders for psychosexual evaluations. Critical legal, ethical, and clinical issues that counselors should consider when responding to these referral requests; Screening referrals for psychosexual evaluation; Informed consent.

A letter to the editor and a reply are presented regarding the article "State-Sponsored Public Reporting of Hospital Quality," by Joseph Ross and colleagues in the December 2010 issue.

Single-party parliamentary governments often have no institutional checks on their authority. Such governments can pass and implement policies constrained only by the need to maintain party loyalty and win elections. Literature on delegation suggests that such governments would never adopt reforms such as Administrative Procedures Acts (APAs) that are designed to constrain this freedom. Nevertheless, such governments do pass APAs: Greece, Portugal, Romania, Spain, and Sweden have all done so in the past 30 years. We argue that the possibility of losing power motivates parliamentary governments, both single-party and coalition, to trade current policy loss for future gain with APAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]