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This paper explores how a global health crisis affects the causes and consequences of social movements. Drawing on media coverage, press releases, emails, and other available primary data sources, we examine how the pandemic changed the opportunities and conditions for activists on the right and left and those they challenge. We begin by considering the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and the concomitant government response, which alters the structure of political opportunities activists face. We then look at the development of a range of protest campaigns that have emerged in response, assessing changes in opportunities for activists to reach and mobilize target constituencies, the construction of grievances, nature of alliances, as well as innovation in tactics and organization. Finally, we consider the potential outcomes of these protests during the pandemic and extending afterward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unpacks how dynamic political and media systems shape the kinds of frames political actors champion, when and how they express support for frames and the implications of both for individual claimsmaking. To do so, we conduct a rigorous qualitative analysis of discourse during a two-week period in which the Florida legislature considered and passed the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Act after a shooter killed 17 people in Parkland, Florida. We systematically explore how two framing dynamics – competition and amplification – shape what frames political actors champion and the relative effects of these dynamics on individual claimsmaking in 438 letters to the editor and op-eds appearing in mainstream outlets, 4,962 emails sent to Florida Governor Rick Scott, and 1,000 tweets. We find that amplification and competition shape the relative visibility of frames and the frequency with which individuals use these frames in their claimsmaking. Generally speaking, gun control and progressive groups selectively amplified frames associated with the emerging, student-led Never Again Marjory Stoneman Douglas movement and legislative frames that were consistent with their goals. This seems to have increased the visibility of these ideas in mainstream outlets and influenced claimsmaking insofar as individuals drew on amplified frames across the forums relatively frequently. This was not true of frames opposing gun control. Gun rights groups bickered with politicians and among themselves. As a result, gun rights frames were less prevalent in mainstream discourse and in individual claimsmaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 6 January 2021, the world watched as Donald Trump's supporters stormed the US Capitol. However, in this paper, I argue that social scientists should not simply focus on Trump or the Republicans who have supported his false claims that the presidency was stolen from him. Instead, researchers need to leverage the insights provided by sociology, political science and information studies and communication to unpack the increasingly dysfunctional movement-party dynamics in the US, which not only made the 6 January riots possible but continue to erode democratic processes. Here, I outline four developments over the last thirty years that help account for the contemporary political moment and underscore the role of digital technologies in these developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the excellent research on incivility in social spaces, it is unclear if this pattern of meanness holds true in more personal communication such as email. Drawing on an original sample of 2,509 e-mails sent to Florida Governor Jeb Bush in response to his efforts to reinsert the hydration and nutrition tubes of Terri Schiavo, we analyze how individuals differentially use (in)civility and emotional expression in their claimsmaking. We find that emails sent to Bush about the Schiavo case are largely polite, even when individuals' disagreed with Bush's intervention on Terri's behalf. At the same time, we find a lot of emotional expression in the emails, and that the first emotional expression typically was negative. In order to better understand the relationship between (in)civility and emotion, we qualitatively analyze the 383 emails containing incivility, and find that individuals directed their negative emotional expressions at different targets. Additionally, we see different patterns in how negative emotional expressions are paired with uncivil communication according to the target. Emailers expressing negative emotions and incivility at Bush largely criticize him for violating individual rights, and, nearly half, blast him for prioritizing the Schiavo case over other problems facing the state. In contrast, emailers using uncivil language and negative emotional expressions at Terri's husband and a prominent judge try to persuade Bush to hold one or both of these men accountable for Terri's death. We conclude the paper by underscoring the utility in analytically distinguishing emotional expression from (in)civility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess whether media professionals construct stories in ways that enhance or diminish women's legitimacy as agents of change. Our analysis of 269 broadcast news stories sampled between 1970 and 2012 examines depictions of activists in five social movements—Women's Rights, Gay Rights, Immigrant Rights, Occupy Wall Street, and Tea Party—at the intersection of gender, age, and race. We find that broadcast news coverage diminishes the legitimacy of women and older activists and activists of color by underrepresenting them, presenting opponents' claims at higher rates, and reinforcing dominant cultural narratives about political authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a qualitative analysis of 5996 tweets and 480 mainstream news stories about the Florida State University (FSU) and the Ohio State University (OSU) shootings, we examine who emerges as opinion leaders during crises, the kinds of narratives they help construct about school shootings, and the relative civility of these narratives. We find that the opinion leaders who emerge after a crisis are assumed to have local knowledge about the incident and/or are able to quickly curate information about the incident. In addition, we find that the quality of information spread by opinion leaders is critical to narrative construction and civility. The largely fact-based narratives associated with the FSU incident were far more civil than the OSU narratives, which were based on disinformation and polemics. We conclude the article by calling on scholars to take a more nuanced approach to conceptualizing and studying opinion leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I argue that we can begin an interdisciplinary conversation by acknowledging the contributions political communication can make to social movement studies (and visa versa) as well as critically assessing how each discipline can productively contribute to the other. Social movement scholarship, for instance, can contribute key definitions and specifications to core concepts such as activism to political communication research. Communication scholarship can provide movement scholars a methodological toolkit that will help them better understand (and study) audiences, particularly how audiences understand movement messages. I conclude the essay by arguing that increased interdisciplinary engagement will grow the impact of both fields on public discourse and policy processes. An unwillingness to think across disciplinary boundaries, however, threatens to transform us into the worst version of our academic selves - close minded intellectuals unwilling (or unable) to change with the times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including formal theory for generalizability, attributions in artificial intelligence (AI)-human and symbolic interactionism in digitally mediated interaction structures.

Donald Trump's 2016 electoral victory was a shock for feminist scholars, yet it was no surprise to his legion of supporters in alt-right digital spaces. In this essay, we analyze one of the online forums that helped propel Trump to electoral victory. Drawing on social movement concepts and an analysis of 1,762 posts, we show how leaders of the forum the "Red Pill" were able to move a community of adherents from understanding men's rights as a personal philosophy to political action. This transition was no small endeavor. The Red Pill forum was explicitly apolitical until the summer before the 2016 election. During the election, forum leaders linked the forum's neoliberal, misogynistic collective identity of alpha masculinity to Trump's public persona and framed his political ascendance as an opportunity to effectively push back against feminism and get a "real" man into the White House. We argue that while previous research shows the importance of alt-right virtual spaces in creating and maintaining racist collective identities, we know very little about how men conceptualize gender in ways that inform their personal and political action—and this is to our detriment. We conclude the essay by arguing that feminists need to understand how men cultivate extreme personal and political identities in online forums so that we can better understand how new technologies are used to move individuals from the armchair to the streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore how political generation affects the ways in which diverse individuals come together and change their social and personal identities. Drawing on 52 in-depth interviews with members of the Red Hat Society, we show that women draw on their political generation, and the gains of the women’s movement specifically, to oppose cultural constructions of aging. The Red Hat Society provides a “free space” for women to foster a collective identity that both visibly challenges aging norms and provides its members new standards for self-approval. We conclude by highlighting the importance of focusing on political generation to understand collective action over the life course and call for more scholarship on the function of political generation in social change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although there is a growing consensus that Internet communication technology (ICT) affects collective action in the twenty-first century, we know very little about what keeps individuals involved in ICT-based organizations over time. Our paper addresses this lacuna by examining whether individuals stay involved in two organizations that use ICT to structure interaction differently over a two-year period. We draw on interview and participant observation data with 38 supporters of MoveOn.org, which structures interaction hierarchically, and the Florida Tea Party Movement, which structures interaction horizontally, to assess how individuals think about each organization's use of ICT and how this shapes individual efficacy and voice – two factors that we find critical to keeping individuals engaged in organizations over time. We show that how a group uses ICT to structure interaction affects the kinds of efficacy and voice individuals are likely to experience. Organizations that use ICT to hierarchically structure interactions are effective at mobilizing people or money quickly and at achieving short-term goals, but very ineffective at creating a community of activists on the ground. The opposite is true of groups that use ICT horizontally. They are effective at creating a political community, but the conflicts that arise among supporters narrow group membership, hinder mobilization, and undercut organizational political clout over time. We conclude with a discussion of our results for understanding ICT and activism in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article contributes to a more systematic understanding of the role of mainstream media in deliberative processes by analyzing how inclusive local newspapers are of diverse perspectives on the Terri Schiavo case. Using both Pearson's chi-square test and multinomial logistic regression, we assess how ownership, state political ideology, geographic location, and news format affect what ideas are included in the debate over whether Terri Schiavo's hydration and nutrition tubes should be removed as well as the tone with which these ideas are discussed. We find that mainstream newspapers are relatively inclusive of diverse ideas and perspectives—regardless of whether the newspaper is independently or corporately owned, the political leanings of the target audience, and the geographic location of the outlet. However, we also find that local newspapers do significantly differ from one another in terms of the frequency and tone with which they include diverse viewpoints. Our research suggests that local outlets downplay ideas that are likely to be regarded as controversial by their target audiences. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of this research for understanding the role of media in deliberative democratic processes in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite increased scholarly interest in how activists use visuals in claim-making and mobilization, little is known about how mainstream news media visually represent social movements and their causes over time. Given the number of studies that argue that journalistic routines, norms, and conventions create hegemonic discourse around political issues, this gap is surprising. In this article, the authors examine whether the images used to visually represent the abortion issue are homogenized. Drawing on an analysis of 2,093 print and electronic news images associated with the abortion debate, the authors find that the visuals used in media coverage are very similar. Likewise, the authors find that the most frequently shown visual landscapes for the abortion issue are relatively stable across six different kinds of events including commemorations, incidents of clinic violence, legislation, Supreme Court decisions, presidential elections, and executive nominations. The authors conclude with a discussion of the implications of this work for the study of social movements and call for more research on how visual landscapes influence audience understanding of both new and enduring issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the role of books in the historiography of social movements, including U.S. feminist, environmental, anti-poverty, and consumer movements. According to the authors, popular and scholarly narratives which characterize such movements as stemming from or centered around influential books omit important details related to the actions of governments and political organizations and elide some of the more complex and problematic aspects of the movements' histories. Particular focus is given to the 1960s books "The Other America" by Michael Harrington, "The Feminine Mystique" by Betty Friedan, "Unsafe at Any Speed" by Ralph Nader, and "Silent Spring" by Rachel Carson. It is also suggested that unrealistic or incomplete accounts of social change may mislead future activists.

Despite the burgeoning literature on coalition work, very little is known about the cooperative potential within social movements. Drawing on archival, interview, and secondary data, we examine cooperation and conflict in the US conservative Christian political movement from 1970 to 1994. We highlight how framing, political elites and intramovement dynamics within the conservative Christian political movement altered the cooperative potential over time. Specifically, we find that the conservative Christian political movement initially had a strong coordinative potential and even engaged in organization building as a way to formalize cross-denominational cooperation. However, as the evangelical wing of the movement sought to build and consolidate its political power, it began to frame issues in ways that reflected a particularized world view regarding the role of the state in fostering a moral society. Other conservative Christian organizations responded by couching their understanding of political issues in their own faith traditions, creating divisions within the movement and ultimately making cooperation impossible. Conceptually, this research broadens how we think about cooperation and points to the importance of specialization and political elites to cooperation within movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of the Internet in challenging the state after 9/11. Drawing on interview data with members of the Internet-based group MoveOn.org and participant observation data collected at MoveOn events, the authors argue that the Internet provides citizens an opportunity to lodge democratic challenges against the state during hostile political climates. There are at least three features of the Internet that make it a useful tool for challengers after political shocks such as 9/11: (a) it provides a free space for challengers to form oppositional points of view away from dominant groups; (b) it allows individuals to participate anonymously and, thus, buffers challengers from the high costs of activism; and (c) it moves challenges from the virtual to the real world by engaging citizens in intermediary forms of activism. In short, the Internet engages individuals in a broader range of activities—and this has important implications for democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of American Behavioral Scientist, "Activism After 9/11," addresses a void in the social movement research literature and illuminates the practical implications of political shocks, or dramatic changes to international and/or national systems that fundamentally alter the processes, relationships, and expectations that drive political interactions, on social movements and democratic processes. The nine original research articles in this volume examine how political shocks shape state response and, in turn, how these responses—represented in both policy and rhetoric—affect movement trajectories, opportunities for democratic expansion, democratic participation and protest, and coalition building. The work in this issue highlights the need for social scientists and citizens alike to understand how political shocks like 9/11 affect consensus, dissent, state transparency, and democratic processes more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the importance of mass media to deliberative democratic processes, few scholars have focused on how market forces, occupational norms, and competition among outlets affect the quality of media discourse in mainstream and political outlets. Here, I argue that field theory, as outlined by new institutionalism and Pierre Bourdieu, provides a useful theoretical framework for assessing the quality of media discourse in different kinds of media outlets. The value of field theory is that it simultaneously highlights the importance of homogeneity and heterogeneity within a field of action, which provides a framework for discussing the roles different kinds of outlets play in deliberate democratic processes and evaluating the quality of discourse in mainstream and political venues. I illustrate the utility of this conceptualization through an analysis of 1,424 stories on abortion in nine U.S. media outlets and interviews with journalists, editors, and producers in these venues. I find that political media outlets provide higher-quality discourse than that of mainstream venues. Additionally, I find that while market pressures may heighten a focus on conflict in the abortion debate, this emphasis is exacerbated by mainstream journalists themselves, who assume that the general public is familiar with, and has taken a firm position on, abortion. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for deliberative democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political opportunities and threats are important to tactical choices. Yet, scholars have not examined how the political environment affects the tactical choices of social movement organizations in the media arena. In this article, I analyze how political threats and opportunities affect the media strategies and tactics of two reasonably successful and long-lived social movement organizations on opposite sides of the abortion debate, the Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA) and the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), from 1980 to 2000. In particular, I examine how political shifts affect the tactics these groups use in response to their allies over time. I find that different social movement organizations respond to political opportunities and threats similarly. In times of political opportunity, groups remain silent on their allies' activities because silence distances their organizations from rancorous public debates and buttresses their political legitimacy. During political threats, groups cooperate with their allies in the media arena but they use public coalition work to advance their own political and media goals. Conceptually, this research broadens how we think about media tactics, which vary far more than scholars currently recognize, and deepens our understanding of coalition work and movement dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how ideologically opposed social movement organizations, the National Organization for Women (NOW) and Concerned Women for America (CWA), get media coverage during critical moments of the abortion debate. I analyze how organizational structure and identity facilitate or constrain a social movement organization's ability to get mainstream media coverage. Specifically, I use the social movement framing literature to analyze how the organizations strategically construct media frames and packages in response to opposition, the tactics they use to get media coverage, and the relative success of each organization's efforts in mass media outlets. The analysis suggests that an organization's media strategy matters, but that organizational structure and organizational identity color these strategies. One of the best ways to develop press relations is to know how a particular newspaper or broadcast station operates. Make friends with reporters or newscasters who are sympathetic to the issues. They can be strong allies. Remember, publicity means "information with news value" issued as a means of gaining public attention, recognition, understanding or support for a person, an organization, an institution or a cause. National Organization for Women Records (Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute at Harvard University) Conservative groups did not understand media or its importance then [ten years ago] as much as they do now. [Now they understand that] media is the name of the game and whoever frames the issue wins the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information on a study which examined the cultural factors of the eroticization of men in mainstream media. Methods; Results; Discussion; Conclusion.

As digitally enabled information systems play an increasingly central role in culture and economics, their negative consequences have become apparent. This guest editorial addresses the urgent need for information scientists to take a more deliberate stance in designing and guiding the evolution of these systems. We propose a framework for conceptualizing "healthier information ecosystems" by drawing on theories from complex systems and ecological research, grounded in a value‐oriented approach. The article reviews key concepts from systems science, complex systems, and ecology, with a focus on ecosystem and adaptation research. These perspectives offer analytical approaches for decomposing information ecosystems and provide a foundation for understanding "health" in the context of evolving, open systems. Unlike natural ecosystems, information ecosystems must be evaluated according to human values; thus, we articulate a set of values as a starting point for defining health in this context. By introducing insights from beyond the field of information systems, we aim to instigate scholarly dialog, connect prior work in new ways, and reveal new opportunities for research and intervention. This connective and argumentative contribution is intended to guide future research and identify solutions to the proliferating problems in our current information ecosystems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist scholars have long been interested in the ability of grassroots organizations to meet both the practical and strategic gender needs of women in developing economies. One point of contention is the role of the neoliberalist framework, which prioritizes women's economic participation over the creation of political institutions that foster gender equality, in democratic projects. Drawing on feminist, development, and social movement literatures, we show that neoliberalism interacts with local socio-religious contexts to provide a complicated – and gendered – set of discursive opportunities for grassroots activists. Drawing on a three-month participant observation with "The Association of Women" in Ouarzazate, Morocco, we illustrated how gender constrains the discursive politics of a male and female organizational leader. The male leader regards neoliberalism as a legitimate challenge to gender inequity, and uses it to highlight the connections between economic opportunity, gender equity, and democracy. The female leader, in contrast, employs neoliberalism and traditional notions about women's roles in Ouarzazate to maintain her relationship with her male colleague, build bridges between her and women in the community, and to create a space where women can cultivate their gender consciousness. We conclude with a discussion of the promises and pitfalls of discursive politics and argue that scholars need to give the discursive politics within local organizations more empirical attention, particularly if they are concerned with the strategic gender needs of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]