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This article analyzes abortion experiences with misoprostol during the first decade of the 21st century in Argentina, before the legalization of the practice and the publication of the World Health Organization manuals on medication dosage. Based on in-depth interviews with women who underwent medical abortions during those years, we inquire about the mechanisms of information circulation and clandestine purchase of the drug. In addition, the article delves into experiences on the use of medication, confidence in the procedure, and the pain felt by these women from the theoretical perspective of the sociology of emotions. Among the most relevant findings is that women build networks and links to overcome the problems surrounding the practice of abortion because of the difficulty of obtaining the medication in the context of legality and illegality and the lack of information about the procedure itself and to develop a reliable method based on their own experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The left not armed before the armed offensive. The Socialist Party of Workers and Política Obrera in the face of state and parastatal repression: responses, tensions and contradictions (1973-1976). The article will address the dynamics of two parties of the Trotskyist tradition of the seventies in Argentina, The PST and Política Obrera, in terms of their modes of participation between the end of 1973 and the March 1976 coup d'état. It was about two experiences that rejected the gestation of simultaneously political and military parties. At the same time, they sought to take advantage of those democratic guarantees that the situation made possible through a more exposed militancy. In the first place, the article aims to quantify the offensive process against these organizations from a relay of attacks and attacks on militants. In another order, we will analyze the way in which, in a period marked by a sharp violence not only state but also parastatal that had in these organizations one of its targets, these experiences struggled to congeniar the continuity of a policy of utilization of each time narrower margins of legality simultaneously with the need for greater adoption of clandestine practices, the outlines of response to this offensive and the tensions detached from these seemingly contradictory premises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article polemizes with the interpretative key that affirms that after the passage to the underground in 1974 there was a process of increasing militarization in the organization Montoneros. To this end, it systematizes and analyzes the political and military orientations and initiatives of Montoneros between 1974 and 1980, based on a hypothesis that affirms that, despite clandestinization, during this entire period efforts were devoted both to military and political actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years, FARC - EP stirred up a singular fascination among countless scholars who wondered about the more than five - decade - long duration of their armed struggle. However, very few analysts have inquired about their identity bond, stablished by said group inside its ranks and the relationship this guerrilla had set in regards to its otherness --the colombian stablishment--. This paper intends to highlight the particularities of the inner farian solidarity, from the sociology of political identities, parting from some of their own documents and disciplinary regulations. Therefore, we will try to inquire about - FARC and its clandestine organizations' inner tension between a vertical and unquestionable military hierarchy and its different political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades many rural areas of the countries bordering the northern Mediterranean are undergoing major transformations. The industrialization of the countryside and farmers reconstruction? Has been necessary, but this means that their small businesses rely exclusively on international markets. At the same time, there has appeared an additional factor: the emergence of immigrant labor and dependence on it for their agricultural existence. This phenomenon can already be called «Southern model for agricultural exploitation». This research shows how social transition processes have affected two zones with very similar characteristics in Southern Europe: the province of Almeria (Spain) and the Plain of Sibari, in the province of Cosenza (Italy). We describe the elements that characterize the Mediterranean context, the dynamics of migration and its relationship with changes in agriculture, and then analyze each case, highlighting similarities and differences. This is a comparative analysis between the two areas regarding the dynamics of social transition: innovation, modernization and the crisis caused by modern market systems and the role of migration. Immigrants have resisted the crisis well, they have even been introduced into the urban and residential fabric, but the labor market has not ceased to have thousands of cases of undocumented laborers in the workforce, turned into «underground districts» (socio-economic system integrated and structured on the basis of administrative illegality and institutional racism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apenas existen imágenes de los Sucesos de Vitoria. Las pocas que se conservan son de los días posteriores al 3 de marzo de 1976, cuando la policía asesinó a cinco obreros al disparar sobre la asamblea que, en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís, debatía el proceso de huelga en el que diferentes sectores de la ciudad llevaban inmersos varios meses. Las imágenes fueron realizadas por el Colectivo de Cine de Madrid, uno de los grupos clandestinos que, durante la última parte de la dictadura y la Transición, resistía desde la imagen el régimen (de visibilidad) franquista. Dada su singularidad, los fotogramas del documental de Vitoria han sido reutilizados en varias producciones durante la democracia, llegándose incluso a invertir su sentido original. El olvido de su referente facilitó la manipulación en un proceso marcado además por la disputa sobre la posesión de las imágenes. El objetivo de este artículo es trazar una genealogía de los Sucesos de Vitoria a partir de la arqueología de los fotogramas del documental, desvelando sus derivas y reapropiaciones. Además de las múltiples narrativas de los Sucesos, los usos de los fotogramas han generado diferentes versiones del “pueblo” de Vitoria, mientras que las disputas en torno a su posesión revelan unas políticas de lo visible que administran y custodian las imágenes. Sin embargo, la necesidad de imaginar otros pasados, más allá del régimen de visibilidad hegemónico, produce fugas en el archivo, lo que ha permitido tanto la creación de “imaginarios radicales”, como el encuentro de “los pueblos” a través de un montaje de tiempos heterogéneos. Se trata de visibilizar las tensiones y los silencios en torno a las imágenes y de afirmar su agencia en el sentido de la historia, pese a que, como sugiero en este artículo, hayan conservado su condición de clandestinas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The migration of unaccompanied foreign minors (menores extranjeros no acompa­ ñados, mena) represents a new model for international mobility in Spain, one with its own particularities compared with other migratory flows. The dual nature of being unaccompanied and unauthorized leads to conflicts in the care and integration of these new migrants. However, this dual nature is one of the main prerequisites for the development of this mobility model (but not the only one) and for developing strategies specific to this group. The Canary Islands, because of their position on the southern intercontinental border and their insularity, offer particular models of individual migration flows of primarily highly vulnerable African children and a close relationship with human smuggling and trafficking networks. Keywords: unaccompanied foreign minor, smuggling and trafficking in human beings, clandestinity, vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the connections between skepticism, materialism and clandestinity in Denis Diderot' first writings. Leaning on the references found in his translation of Shaftesbury's An Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit in the first place and, secondly, analyzing what Diderot says as an author in two of his works -- Philosophical Thoughts (1746) and The Skeptic's Walk (1747)-- we try to show: a) what's the meaning of skepticism as a philosophical attitude in young Diderot's writings; b) how transformation at the Enlightenment movement in the second half of the Eighteenth Century was configured, and what was Diderot's role in that transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En las condiciones extremas que impone la dictadura franquista, la herencia del movimiento obrero pervivirá de modo soterrado, expresada en formas de resistencia que descansan sobre solidaridades primarias que requieren muy escasa o ninguna organización, giran en torno a propósitos concretos ampliamente compartidos y entrañan un riesgo limitado por adoptar - en apariencia - formas no políticas. Pese a su carácter casi instintivo, los sujetos colectivos y los medios sociales en que se manifiestan remiten a la persistencia de una memoria del movimiento obrero que subsiste tras la derrota de la guerra civil. Las mujeres asumen el peso de las formas de solidaridad basadas en los lazos familiares o los vínculos comunitarios, en tanto que los hombres protagonizan las centradas en el ámbito laboral. Estas actitudes colectivas remiten a códigos de conducta y valores compartidos, hasta el punto de que en no pocas ocasiones se hacen efectivas a través de formas de comunicación no verbal y pueden prescindir no sólo de la letra escrita sino incluso de la palabra. Sobre estas prácticas de solidaridad y resistencia se asienta, no obstante, la actividad de los exiguos grupos organizados que desarrollan una militancia activa contra la dictadura y de algunas de esas solidaridades primarias obtienen recursos-tanto materiales como moralesindispensables para proseguir su lucha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]