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Public order is a central and complex notion. This essay tries to provide the basic elements for a general theoretical critique of such a category, that is deeply employed in political and legal thought. In such a perspective, the analysis is divided into five different parts: the ontology, the physics, the politics, the ethics, and the esthetics of public order. The working mechanisms and the presuppositions of each part are carefully scrutinised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media are playing a larger role in affecting public order. This study examines the legal powers and limitations of Dutch mayors under the Municipalities Act in regulating online disturbances. While traditional powers are confined to physical public spaces, the pervasive role of digital platforms in organising and escalating public disturbances demands an evaluation of existing legal frameworks. Recent incidents in the Netherlands, such as the curfew riots and unauthorised social media gatherings, highlight the urgent need for adaptive legal tools that address the blurred boundaries between physical and virtual public domains. This paper, drawing on empirical research and legal analyses conducted between 2018 and 2023, examines the potential for extending mayoral powers to the digital realm. While the study acknowledges significant legal and ethical challenges, including issues of jurisdiction, freedom of expression and enforcement feasibility, it argues for a nuanced approach to bring online behaviour within the scope of local administrative law to pre-emptively mitigate public order disruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initially introduced and hailed as means of offering more democratic and facilitative policing, but increasingly subject to question by protestors, Police Liaison Teams (PLTs) are one of the primary tactical options used by Public Order Police in the UK. This paper will analyse the deployment of PLTs over the 14 days of the global COP26 summit in Glasgow in 2021. The police plan for the event emphasised Human Rights, dialogue and facilitation, but some protest groups accused PLTs of 'intelligence-gathering' and urged activists not to speak to them. This paper draws on participant observation and interviews with both police and protestors to analyse the deployment of PLTs at the summit and consider why some groups chose not to engage with the liaison officers. Responding to calls for more evidence-based analyses of PLT deployment, we highlight the difficulties of police-protestor liaison at a Global Summit and outline why protest groups might choose not to engage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Xi Jinping–era stability maintenance behemoth called "Safe China." Safe China is a regime of activities that integrates "public order" policing and surveillance with "social governance." It is linked to the Chinese Communist Party's "Overall National Security Outlook" and its main task is "political security." Our analysis of Safe China recognizes integration as its main animating principle. Three elements of Safe China—its ideological rationale, its on-the-ground public order and social governance mechanisms, and the party's absolute leadership over its operation at the grassroots—are conducive to this integration process. Ultimately, through Safe China, the party is seeking to modernize its own governance capacity and embed its leadership more fully into grassroots society, to ensure long-lasting "peace and safety," not only for the nation but for itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the legal dilemma of surrogacy in the novel Frog by the Nobel prize winner Mo Yan, which was written in the context of China's past one-child policy. This study offers a tri-tier exploration of how surrogacy led to conflicts and tensions in Frog: first, it traces how the intended parents' demand for surrogacy developed under the one-child policy in China while clarifying the application of "the principle of public order"; second, it explores the predicament of the surrogate mother Chen Mei regarding the violation of her rights and dignity, and delves into the interpretation of "the principle of human dignity"; third, it focuses on the custody dispute between the surrogate mother and the intended parents to explore the controversies over the concept of parentage in surrogacy and consider the principle of "best interest of the child." This study concludes that despite all the legal and ethical controversies, the spirit of law demands a response to the growing practice of surrogacy and an extension of our exploration of legal principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a call for the historical study of transit etiquette: the behavioural expectations that guide the mundane conduct of transport users. It identifies the formation of contemporary protocols of transit etiquette as a productive line of scholarly inquiry by taking the transformation of (de)boarding behaviours in Tokyo between the 1880s and the 1960s as a case study. Zooming in on urban railways in the Japanese capital, it describes the processes through which (de)boarding practices grew more elaborate in character and more narrowly defined in terms of the spatio-temporal location at which they could be legitimately exercised. It examines three groups of factors that contributed to this process: "software" and "hardware" interventions in transport operations as well as their broader historic context. Simultaneously, it cautions against linear narratives of consistent improvement by stressing the contradictions of this process. The article contributes to mobility studies by calling attention to the malleability and socio-technical construction of the norms that guide mundane mobility practices. It provides a provisional template for subsequent historical accounts of transit etiquette, and argues that such studies can empower research on mobilities and transport to contribute to wider debates about (in)civility and the organisation of urban life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The slogan 'defend the right to protest' has proved popular in recent years, connecting a wide variety of organisations, activists and institutional actors. But beneath this apparent agreement of left and centre-left groups, we find quite a significant difference of views over the meaning of the 'right to protest', and what activities it might protect. This article sets out to critically engage with the way that an institutional human rights discourse frames protest. It insists that a primacy is accorded to communication, to the exclusion of material forms of power. At the same time, the article shows that 'violence' becomes a meta-signifier for the jurisprudence on the right to protest, often rubber stamping the way that state violence is externalised onto protestors. The article uses these issues to understand how we might traverse rights, moving from a point where they hold an immense grip on the political imagination, to a point where that grip begins to loosen. In short, the article uses the right to protest to begin to think about what Santner calls 'the far side of rights'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite being frequently invoked in everyday police work and immigration enforcement to justify coercive measures, public order and security remains an ambiguous legal concept. For EU citizens, the Citizens' Rights Directive stipulates public order and security grounds to provide a higher threshold against removals than criminal convictions alone. However, the removal grounds for EU citizens were founded on even less than criminal convictions in analysis of 100 removal orders for mobile Estonian and Romanian citizens in Finland. Ultimately, the removal orders relied on the assumption of future crimes and invoked a conception of 'dangerous individuals' with criminal tendencies, even based on single minor offences and administrative penal orders without criminal convictions. Notwithstanding various legal meanings, I argue that the required public order and security grounds for the removal of EU citizens corresponded to police conceptions of mobile populations as a potential source of criminality and a threat to social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of centralism as a political system in Colombia has been a constant in the republican history of our country, where the central sector headed by the President of the Republic has been the focus of various faculties and powers in administrative, fiscal and police aspects. However, the arrival of the Coronavirus-COVID-19 pandemic has generated a new space for debate against the powers that the central sector and the territorial entities have within the framework of the constitutional principle of territorial autonomy, all for the sake of containing, prevent and mitigate the adverse effects of the pandemic. So, the notion of the adopted political system must be articulated from the local level for scenarios such as the one proposed by the disease to guarantee the fundamental rights of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wars do not only cause the political, social and economic destruction of states, but also lead to the collapse of increasingly impoverished societies. The problems experienced before the war and during the war become more intense after the war due to the weakening of the state authority. However, increasing insecurity brings along various security problems. Erzurum, which has been exposed to war for many years and has deep traces in its social and economic balance, is one of the provinces that faced many security problems. It was attacked by the Russians twice until the First World War, and after the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War, it became the target of the Russian army again. The city, which was occupied by the Russians' capture of Erzurum on February 16, 1916, was devastated by the immigration of the people who wanted to escape from both the occupation and the attacks of the Armenians provoked by Russia. Erzurum remained under Russian control for more than two years until March 12, 1918, when it was liberated from the occupation, and the province faced many problems in this period. In the province, which was trying to dress its wounds after the war, there was an increase in crime rates, and security and public order problems were struggled. The deterioration of the socio-economic structure and the lack of authority due to war conditions were the main reasons for these problems. In this study, which deals with the banditry cases that emerged as a part of the security problems in Erzurum and its surroundings after the First World War, it has been tried to analyze the tribal, gang and individual banditry, the reasons for these banditry activities, and what measures the state took to catch the bandits. For this purpose, besides archive documents such as crime records of the province, bandit crime reports and inter-institutional correspondence, memoirs of individuals who witnessed the period and research works were also utilized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the response of the Home Office and the Metropolitan Police to mass demonstrations in 1968. Using a variety of contemporaneous sources, including underused archival material, documents released through freedom of information requests, and evidence disclosed as part of the ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI), it shows how the experience of mass demonstrations that year, which came against the backdrop of widespread international protest, prompted significant developments in terms of crowd control tactics, covert intelligence gathering practices and the use of new technology to enable greater command and control over police resources. Taken together, these measures represented a permanent change to the public order capacity of the Metropolitan Police, providing a model that was gradually exported to other forces across England and Wales with the encouragement of the Home Office. However, despite the significant changes introduced in 1968, this article shows how police officers, civil servants, and politicians emphasised the continuation of 'traditional methods', a term that functioned as a way of situating public order policing within an idealised image of a uniquely English policing tradition, with an appeal to historical continuity that aimed to convey legitimacy and construct consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses, from an institutional approach, on the composition and tasks performed by the Superintendence of Police and Public Tranquillity of Mexico City during the development of the independence conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a retheorisation of Rawlsian civil disobedience through examining the burdens we expect people to bear when they practice civil disobedience, focussing specifically on marginalised groups. First, I consider public concerns over civil disobedience, to elicit the idea of an 'authentic civil disobedience'. I then assess the claim that civil disobedience occurs within a 'nearly just' society in order to recognise the more complex position of marginalised civil disobedients. This allows me to frame any criteria we theorise for civil disobedience as a wicked problem. Next, I examine one particular criterion dominant within the literature: that to be interpreted as civil disobedience, disobedients must show a willingness to suffer the legal consequences – and so, must not act anonymously. I claim that this asks too much of civil disobedients in a marginalised context and conclude civil disobedience theory needs retheorising to consider when and why anonymity is acceptable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of «scandal» played a crucial role in the administration of justice and the maintenance of social order. Scandal, understood as more than just public disorder, included any act that destabilized social harmony and went against collective morality or religious beliefs. Sexual crimes, for example, were prosecuted not only for the individual harm caused but also for their social impact, turning them into a matter of public interest. This approach reflects how scandal was not merely a matter of personal conduct, but a public order concern, affecting the social perception of authority and social stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we aim to contribute to the history of contemporary State by bringing into the picture what often falls outside its domain, defies its logic and is built against it. For that purpose, we look at the history of anarchism in Portugal, dominant among the Portuguese working classes during the first decades of the 20th century, and suggest that the threat that anarchism posed to the affirmation of modern State powers contributed to the urban planning and social housing projects developed by private and public institutions. In other words, and despite anarchism being an anti-statist political culture, in this article we are interested in the conflicting but mutually constitutive relationship between anarchism and the State. Our main focus is on the disciplinary and moral dimensions of the social housing projects developed throughout a historical period that encompasses different political regimes (Monarchy, Republic and a Fascist dictatorship). As we argue, those projects had amongst their purposes the destruction of the "collectivist tendencies," class struggle and the overcoming of the nefarious and unpredictable effects that industrialisation had brought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instead of thinking of 'public order' as the type of power that police deploy to manage disorder, this article suggests that we understand it as a set of background affects. The problem of analysing these affects is that (aside from moments of unrest) the majority of the populace is anaesthetised to them. Most people take the public feelings of calm predictability for granted. Crucially, however, the everyday management of public order does not anaesthetise everyone. It also produces 'suspect populations', who must remain attentive to its low background hum. This article focuses on the US 'colony within' literature, developed by civil rights and black nationalist traditions from the late 1960s. The article suggests that this internal colony analysis contains a nuanced exploration of the spatialised affects of public order; the clouds of suspicion; the atmospheres of tension; and the police encounters that generate an affective substrate of relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent times, the number of protests has increased rapidly in Romania, what many participants in these movements do not know is that they are regulated by the law of public assemblies and any organization or participation in such a demonstration must strictly respect these laws and regulations . Law no. 60/1991 on the organization and conduct of public assemblies guarantees the freedom of citizens to express their political, social or other opinions, to organize rallies, demonstrations, demonstrations, processions and any other gatherings, as well as to participate in them, with the condition that the public assemblies in question are peaceful. Public gatherings that take place in markets, on public roads or in other open air places must be declared in advance to the relevant authorities and it is not allowed that they prevent the normal use of public roads, public transport, except for those authorized, the operation of public or private institutions, of education, culture and health or of economic units. Administrative institutions and local police bodies are obliged to ensure the smooth running of public gatherings, and the organizers are obliged to ensure all the necessary measures for the public gathering to take place without incident while respecting the provisions of the law. The organization of public gatherings is prohibited in immediate proximity to railway stations, ports, airports, metro stations, hospitals, objectives, economic units with installations, machinery orimachines with a high degree of danger in operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the women's protest camps at RAF Greenham Common cruise missile base, Berkshire, England, between 1981 and 1990. Using new evidence from government correspondence in the Home Office archives, it argues that the legal status of the common and its history were key determinants of how the protest camps were policed and repeatedly evicted. The processes of eviction were determined by the complex layers of landownership, common rights, and legislation relating to commons and roadside verges. Protesters developed spatial and legal tactics during the processes of eviction, while sharing broader imaginings of an ideal of commons as publicly accessible to all. This article places Greenham Common in the context of the Conservative government's reaction to other protest and social movements in the countryside that ultimately shaped the formation of public order legislation in 1986 and 1994. • New evidence from the Home Office archives reveal the legal debates around the eviction of the Greenham Common protest camps. • The women and their supporters developed legal and spatial strategies to challenge their eviction. • The defence of customary rights of commoners intersected with popular imaginings of the common in the protest movement. • The Conservative government's reaction formed part of a broader policy leading to the Public Order Act 1986. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tikis paper deals with the scope of the modifications made by LO 14/2002, of 22 December, which abolished the crime of sedition and introduced important new features in the crime of public disorder. The presentation of both reforms at the same time offers elements to interpret that the new qualified offence of public disorder is destined to play the role of successor to the first. The study aims to investigate whether the new precept has really come to cover all or, at least, part of the behaviour previously criminalised as sedition and, if this is not the case, whether it is reasonable to conclude that this represents a punishability gap that should be filled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration Versus Intrusion: Dutch Efforts to Maintain Public Order When Providing Housing to Returning Ex-Offenders After being released from prison, ex-offenders face many challenges they have to overcome to successfully reintegrate into society. Finding adequate housing remains a particularly important yet problematic aspect of this reintegration process. Whereas a stable living situation greatly reduces ex-offenders' risk of reoffending, their return to the (local) community may have a significant impact on the peace and quiet in the neighbourhood, potentially resulting in social unrest and threatening the public order in the area. To study this phenomenon of social unrest and to research how local authorities in the Netherlands and their partner organisations work together to prevent or respond to such unrest, both quantitative and qualitative data was collected and analysed. It was found that the return of an ex-offender relatively seldom leads to immediate threats to the public order and that local authorities prefer more informal, less repressive measures to respond to such threats. Relying on cross-agency collaboration theory, this study also reviewed how partner organisations involved with ex-offenders' social reintegration work together. Based on this analysis, it is recommended to (further) enhance their collaboration by investing more time and resources, improving information sharing and establishing a national network of Care and Safety Houses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policing of protests during the Franco dictatorship is usually analyzed in terms of continuity and repressive reinforcement. This has led to some initiatives and episodes being misinterpreted. This article analyzes the policing reforms led by Tomás Garicano Goñi from the Ministry of the Interior (1968-1973), taking into account their objectives, achievements, and limitations. The logic that guided these changes was the reduction of the most overt violence, especially deaths during the control of demonstrations, through the creation of specialized riot units and the demand for police restraint in the use of firearms. These policies were opposed by ultra-Francoist sectors who accused the minister of being «soft». The aim to reduce the costs of repression, however, coincided with a desire for professionalization that was evident at many levels within the police force itself, which welcomed it as an opportunity to increase its resources, specific responsibilities, and autonomy. The legacy was a rejuvenated and modernized riot police force which became an important resource during the subsequent transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discretion is a key feature of policing, yet its surrounding research has historically been heavily reliant upon exploring interpersonal or dyadic encounters between individual officers and members of the public. More recently, studies have explored how discretionary decisions by police officers impact upon and interact with group-level and organisational processes but few studies have explored the relevance of discretion to debates in the literature on public order policing. Correspondingly, there is to date only a limited body of research exploring the nature and dynamics of dialogue-based football-related public order policing. This study addresses these combined gaps by drawing upon data from interviews with specialist football officers, referred to as 'spotters' or Dedicated Football Officers, from five English police forces. Our analysis critiques the idea that these specialist roles revolve merely around the surveillance, categorisation and enforcement of fans who are considered to pose a risk to public order. We highlight how these officers understand their roles in terms of the use of discretion. We argue that in a complex intergroup environment officers utilise discretion to manage perceptions of their legitimacy among supporters. This 'social capital' in turn enhances their capacity to de-escalate and avoid disorder through the promotion of self-regulatory behaviour. We discuss the relevance of our study for theoretical approaches to understanding discretion and consider the implications of our analysis for developing a more formal dialogue-focused and discretion-based approach to football crowd policing in and beyond England and Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly and research-focused article examines the content of Article 25 §§ 4 and 5 CC, which was transferred to the new Article 231b §§ 1 and 2 CC of Chapter XXIX of the Criminal Code by means of Act of 20 February 2015 amending the Criminal Code Act and Certain Other Acts. The regulation concerns the intervention-related self-defence, wherein a person acting in self-defence and repelling an attack on another's good protected by law, while simultaneously protecting public security or order, is granted the same legal protection as public officials. The article analyses the genesis and development of this defence, its legal nature, objectives, conditions for application, the scope of criminal law protection for a person acting within the intervention-related self-defence, the exclusion of this protection, and the relationship between Article 231b § 1 and Article 217a CC. The primary scientific objective is to evaluate the legitimacy of its introduction to the Criminal Code and the correctness of defining the premises for its application and its scope. The aim of the considerations is to demonstrate that this measure, despite the negative assessment of its introduction to the Criminal Code in the doctrine, can play a vital role in ensuring security and public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security is one of the essential issues for every individual and society. States want to be protected from internal and external dangers and to make the people feel safe against possible dangers. Law enforcement agencies such as the gendarmerie and the police ensure the peace and security of states in the world. Places that felt insecure often became enceinte with problems. Due to the troubles in the last period of the Ottoman Empire, various outbursts arose. Especially after the First World War, when the central authority was shaken, an opportunity arose for many bandits. Therefore, gaps have emerged in the state at the point of public order and security. The country has made various attempts to fill the void. The study deals with the evolution of the zaptiye into the gendarmerie and then the interaction of the banditry activities of the Ottoman gendarme in Sivas. The prime source for unearthing all of this was the The Ottoman Archive of the Presidency of the State Archives of the Presidency. The bandit activities encountered in the archive scans are conveyed in chronological order and in all their aspects. The Gendarmerie took care to suppress the corruption committed by the bandits with all its means. The questions of exactly where, by whom and how the activities were carried out were answered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is of scientific and research nature, and deals with the content of Article 25 §§ 4 and 5 CC transferred to the new Article 231b §§ 1 and 2 CC of Chapter XXIX of the Criminal Code by means of Act of 20 February 2015 amending the Act: Criminal Code and some other acts, regulating the intervention-related self-defence consisting in providing a person who acts in self-defence and repels an attack on someone else's good protected by law and at the same time protects public security or order with the same legal protection as is provided for public officials. The genesis and development of this defence, its legal nature, objectives, conditions for application, the scope of criminal law protection for a person acting within the intervention-related self-defence, the exclusion of this protection and the relationship between Article 231b § 1 and Article 217a CC are analysed. The main scientific objective is to assess the legitimacy of its introduction to the Criminal Code and the correctness of defining the premises for its application and its scope. The aim of the considerations is to show that this measure, despite the negative assessment of its introduction to the Criminal Code in the doctrine, can play an important role in ensuring security and public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European police officers' work in the context of multinational police missions is an important component of international peace- and statebuilding. However, so far little is known about the inner life of police work in such missions. Existing research suggests that difficulties arise when police from countries with different policing models participate in the same mission. Focusing on public order policing and drawing on interviews with European police officers working in Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions of the European Union, our findings offer a more nuanced picture. Even though distinctly national styles continue to inform public order practices (trends of convergence notwithstanding), European members of multinational missions are not critical of differing approaches per se and even appreciate cross-national variation as it provides a range of options. However, their pragmatism also leads mission members to be critical towards practices they regard as not fitting local conditions in mission areas or as lacking proper planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is conceivable that the national judge will clash with some rights and legal positions that have properly originated abroad within a foreign law, and whose owners want to adhere to their effects and if the public order payment works strongly in the first case; In the second case, it regresses a lot, especially in the face of acquired rights and stable relations, despite the difference that these rights arose under its authority and the law of the national judge, and this situation was behind the creation of the idea of mitigating public order or the mitigating effect of public order, which was adopted by the judiciary in many rulings that agreed with the opinions of jurists in this regard. With the aim of allowing, in certain circumstances, the application of foreign law despite its violation of the internal public order the comparative analytical descriptive approach was followed, through which the researcher reached a set of results in addition to some recommendations, most notably the recognition of rights acquired abroad, which is a softening of the effect of public order, and does not mean a complete exclusion of the idea of advancing public order in all cases for any right acquired abroad. Dispute related to it before the national judge It is a softening of the effect of public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is no European consensus on the most appropriate prostitution policies, in most European countries selling sex itself is not criminalised. Exceptions are most of the former communist/socialist countries of the Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, including Croatia, where it is a misdemeanour/administrative offence against public order and peace, despite recommendations by human rights bodies to decriminalise sex workers. The legitimacy of protecting public order through criminalising selling sex has remained largely unchallenged and there is a lack of empirical studies examining the application of those provisions from a human rights perspective. This article addresses the gap and provides a human rights analysis of the case-law of the municipal misdemeanour courts in the two largest Croatian cities (Zagreb and Split), in the period from 2014 to 2019 concerning the offence of 'falling into prostitution'. We show how laws criminalising sex workers are not only ineffective, but are also harmful for public order. Not only does the indeterminacy of the offence and its different interpretations fail to fully respect the principle of legality, police and judicial practice show discrepancies with the human rights standards, which impacts primarily women in vulnerable situations, thus raising the questions of gender (in)equality and intersectional discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although police services are mainly performed by uniformed officers, it is not possible to perform all the duties required by the service in uniform. The police organization, which was closed shortly after its establishment in 1845 in the Ottoman Empire and revived to life again in the last quarter of the 19th century was initially trying to perform all its duties with uniformed officers. Realizing that this method caused problems especially in the follow-up of political crimes, the Ottoman Empire established a civilian police unit in 1899. This study which covered the late 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century aimed to reveal the need for the civilian police unit established in the Ottoman Empire, the duties assigned to it during the establishment phase, the changes in these duties over time, the spread of the civilian police unit in the rural provinces, the processes of performing the duties of the civilian police, and the opportunities granted to the civilian police. At the end of the study, it was revealed that the civilian police unit, which was initially established to track political crimes, was tasked with tracking common crimes over time and became widespread in the provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

25 Latin inscriptions testify that in specific situations divine wrath was invoked in the form of the name of the gods in the accusative + iratum/-am habeat. The gods were instrumentalized to maintain order in everyday situations. In this way, people tried to prevent the robbery and desecration of graves and to avoid damage and fecalization, especially in public spaces. The testimonies show a wide geographical distribution and address the most diverse deities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document presents an approach to the police decision-making loop with its characteristics and attributes. It pays special attention to advice for police decision-making and inquiries about the levels of Police Decision Management (GDP). The results of an exploratory and qualitative study corresponding to a phase of the investigation "Police decisional management" are presented. The method of systematizing experiences and the semi-structured interview were used as a collection technique, in the same way, non-participant observation to complement the vision of the interviewees. Twenty semi-structured interviews were conducted with police commanders who make up the pyramid of responsibilities in the execution of the National Model of Community Surveillance by Quadrant (MNVCC, by its acronym in Spanish). The main result of the research is that the GDP commits the police officers regardless of the hierarchical position in which they find themselves and obeys an implicit, undeclared model. The need to build a joint vision on police decision-making through the study of other police units to improve the practice itself is concluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the main problematic aspects of the development of the Vilnius City Police as a significant factor influencing the perspective of self-government functioning. It is explained how the organizational principles of the city police of the Russian Empire were started to be applied in the city of Vilnius. It is claimed that the police, having broad and clearly undefined competencies, limited the self-government’s opportunities for independent activity and created favorable conditions for the management institutions of the Vilnius Governorate to ensure comprehensive control of the activities of the city’s self-government institution, the magistrate, in a short period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, moving from a sociological perspective, aims at stressing the ambiguity of the process of democratization of the Italian Republican police by focusing on the notion of public order in Republican Italy and within a Republican model of policing. Towards this end, it focuses not on police practices but on police knowledge in its relationship with concrete police work on the field. In particular, this article analyses the manuals designed for and, between 2000 and 2008, employed in the training of Italian police officers and operators, especially of the mobile units that operate in policing activities dedicated to keeping the public order. By resorting to the tools provided by the critical discourse analysis, special attention is paid to how these texts describe and depict crowds, and how such representations become a device for legitimizing preventive yet repressive interventions. Such interventions take place before potential violent behaviours from demonstrators occur and therefore are not reactive. However, they are not based on mediation and dialogue but rather are coercive, and hinge on a strong use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a revival in studies on the various Italian police forces in recent times. This article is part of that trend and uses interpretive categories that have become widespread internationally, such as protest policing. The use of these categories allows the work to introduce specific events and law enforcement history within the broader history of contemporary Italy. In this context, the article examines a previously understudied issue from a historical and scientific perspective. There has never been a comprehensive study of the special police units called 'Celeri' and 'Mobili'. However, since their creation in 1944, they have played an important role in the Italian Republic and affairs between politics and law and order through their unique characteristics, direct dependence on Interior ministers, their capacity for rapid intervention throughout the national territory, and their function as anti-riot police. Through largely unpublished sources, the article outlines the history of the Italian riot police, including the images and public perceptions associated with them. The interpretative perspective focuses on the relationships of antagonism and mutual influence between two 'spaces': the internal space of the special units and the external space of society in Italy. Polysemic categories of physical and symbolic knowledge, help explain the complex history of the Italian riot police. The article also investigates the 'bodies' (police, society, political), the disconnect between practice and imagination, and the weight of certain stereotypes associated with these units which have, until now, impeded a scientific reconstruction of their history.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1938, a communal conflict took place in the city of Bombay. This confrontation between Hindus and Muslims flared into large-scale violence. During the riots, the home minister of the provincial government invoked a combination of laws such as Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and instituted curfews to control the situation. As a result, hundreds of inhabitants of the city were arrested. The purpose of this article is threefold. Firstly, it will highlight how communal conflict in the late colonial period would often begin over trivial issues but could easily expand into large-scale riots influenced by metapolitical concerns. Secondly, moments of 'disorder' facilitated the administrative urge to institute extraordinary laws like Section 144 and curfews. And thirdly, the invocation of extraordinary laws was justified in reference to various problem categories like mawaalis and hooligans in this case. Overall, the article will show that the provincial government led by Indians continued the colonial art of governance by resorting to repression as a significant tool to deal with political unrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, a technology acceptance model that describes the ICT acceptance levels of personnel working in public order was proposed. For this purpose, the data of the study, which included 371 participants, were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA and structural equality modeling. According to the results, an eight-factor technology acceptance structure was revealed. There were found significant relationships between the factors of the model, whose validity and reliability criteria are proved. Structural equation modeling analysis was conducted to determine the relationships between factors. Endogenous variables of the model (perceived ease of use, perceived usefulness and behavioral intention) have significant relationships both among themselves and with the exogenous independent variables (technology self-efficacy, perceived pleasure, subjective norm and anxiety). Also, significant relationships were found between some demographic characteristics, personal information and model factors. It is considered that this study will contribute to future studies on the acceptance and adoption of technology in public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a militant worker strike at the Bata shoe factory in Calcutta in the year 1938. The strike owed to the communist mobilisation of the workers in the city and demanded various rights from the factory management including non-interference in their lives outside the factory. The discussion will show that the late colonial labour politics in Calcutta was dynamic and sought political solidarities with the broader anti-colonial mobilisation in the city. As a result, the factory management and the colonial administration could not sustain workers' harassment based on an 'insider-outsider dichotomy' that attempted to segregate workers' issues inside the factory from the larger politics outside it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public order as a protectable interest is an important criterion for determining a consistent and rational scope of crimes against public order. From the specific perspective of everyday life, Feinberg's theory of minimum welfare interests neglects those kinds of interests that relate to a smooth or harmonious life. Socio-legal perspectives make it clear that safety interests, which directly concern basic living (bodily existence), do not include various kinds of order interests – and thus life order interests in convenience, comfort and peace, distinguishable from safety interests that are protected by English public order laws, can be construed as the public order interest. By critically adopting Feinberg's individualistic approach to analysing public interests in three types of case, the test of being public is further clarified. Typical categories of public order are socially and normatively identified before concluding with a discussion of the effects the identification made by the paper might make to the scope and nature of public order law and offences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The positive role of the administrative judge appears in the balance between public order and public freedoms by protecting the public rights and freedoms of individuals in society, as this role is evidenced by the administrative judge’s exercise of the interpretative or discretionary function granted to him, which has a direct impact on the lives of individuals and their freedoms on the one hand. And the public order on the other hand, because the discretionary power granted by the legislator to the judge enables him in many subjects and issues, and he must take the initiative, so here comes his positive role in understanding and interpreting texts and then applying them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The positive role of the administrative judge appears in the balance between public order and public freedoms by protecting the public rights and freedoms of individuals in society, as this role is evidenced by the administrative judge’s exercise of the interpretative or discretionary function granted to him, which has a direct impact on the lives of individuals and their freedoms on the one hand. And the public order on the other hand, because the discretionary power granted by the legislator to the judge enables him in many subjects and issues, and he must take the initiative, so here comes his positive role in understanding and interpreting texts and then applying them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman State changed its attitude towards crime and methods of punishment due to legal arrangements made after the Edict of Gülhane. In this context, mahbes, which had been the places the criminals were put until their punishments were determined, were converted to prisons and new prisons were built and a modern penal system was organised. The most concrete step taken in this matter was "Tevkifhane ve Hapishaneler Nizamnâmesi" which was issued in 1880. This regulation stated that new prisons were to be built in every province, sanjak, district, and women's prisons in districts. With all of these activities, new historical source material such as "sual ve izahat varakaları", which gave information on physical conditions of prisons, and "hapishane istatistikleri" (prisonstatistics), which gave information on convicts and prisoners, appeared. The purpose of this study is to reveal information on physical conditions and sanitary conditions of prisons, prison workers and their wages, safety and security in prisons in the light of archival documents on the Rize Prison from the Ottoman archives and archival documents from Dâhiliye Nezâreti. In addition to these, information on convicts and prisoners is evaluated and general status of the Rize Prison in comparison with other prisons in Trabzon province is explained. In this context, general status of the Rize Prison is examined by evaluating studies done on the Ottoman prisons and archival records on the Rize Prison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to justify the identification of the most remote precedent of our current law of exception, understood as the constitutionalisation of the mechanism for the protection of the State carried out by the Magna Carta of 1869. In order to do so, it draws from the preceding constitutional history by analysing the many lives of the Law of 17 April 1821, a regulation which was passed by the Cortes of the Trienio and served as the Law of Public Order until 1870; it also provides a critical assessment of the system created by the first constitutionalism of the Sexenio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An unprecedented decision handed down by the Superior Court of Justice deals with the application of arbitration in consumer law: once the option for arbitration is accepted, after the conclusion of the agreement, the consumer can no longer bring this matter to court, with a new exception to access to justice as a fundamental right as a counterpoint to the fact that consumer protection is a norm of public order. The study analyzes Special Appeal No. 1,742,547, deepening the verification of arbitration as a mechanism to enforce consumer rights and the principle of reasonable duration of the process. To support the study, a literature review involving phenomena related to the theme had been carried out, also using the inductive method for argumentation. The results pointed to two currents of analysis involving access to justice, one that considers access to justice as a synonym for access to the Judiciary and another that considers it in a broader character, with the arbitration institute being applicable. However, in fact, it was understood that arbitration is a valid mechanism for the enforcement of Consumer Rights and compliance with the Reasonable Principle of the Process, with this institute being more beneficial than the judicial process, as long as they are complied with some fundamental requirements, such as the parties' autonomy of will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LASCĂR CATARGIU WAS ONE OF THE MOST PROMINENT FIGURES IN ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY. HE WAS INVOLVED IN ALMOST ALL THE EVENTS THAT TOOK PLACE IN ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE FROM 1866 UNTIL HIS DEATH IN 1899. IN 1866, HE WAS PART OF THE "MONSTROUS COALITION" THAT REMOVED ALEXANDRU IOAN CUZA FROM THE THRONE, AND WAS LATER A MEMBER OF THE LOCOTENENȚEI DOMNEȘTI1, TOGETHER WITH GENERAL NICOLAE GOLESCU AND COLONEL NICOLAE HARALAMBIE, A BODY THAT FUNCTIONED UNTIL THE NEW RULER CAROL I CAME TO THE THRONE OF THE PRINCIPALITIES. LASCĂR CATARGIU WAS THE FIRST ROMANIAN POLITICIAN THAT CAROL I HAD AS A COLLABORATOR IN HIS POSITION AS PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. THE RULER CAME TO VALUE CATARGIU FOR HIS CULT OF PUBLIC ORDER, ALSO PROVEN DURING THE INCIDENTS PROVOKED BY THE SEPARATIST GROUP IN IAȘI, AND LATER DURING THE INCIDENTS AT THE SLĂTINEANU HALL. IN IAȘI, CATARGIU'S ENERGETIC INTERVENTION HAD THE EFFECT OF QUICKLY DEFUSING THE CONFLICT. FOLLOWING THE INCIDENTS AT SLĂTINEANU HALL, LASCĂR CATARGIU'S ACCEPTANCE OF THE MANDATE OF PRIME MINISTER LED TO THE INSTALLATION OF A GOVERNMENT THAT WOULD REMOVE THE CLIMATE OF INSTABILITY THAT HAD MARKED ROMANIAN POLITICAL LIFE SINCE CUZA'S INSTALLATION AS RULER IN 1859. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF THE WEST ON THE ROMANIAN SPACE AFFECTED THE EMERGENCE AND EVOLUTION OF ROMANIAN CONSERVATISM. THUS, OUR COUNTRY CAME TO KNOW CONSERVATISM QUITE WELL, DESPITE THE MUCH LESS INTENSE ENGLISH IMPACT COMPARATIVELY TO THE FRENCH ONE. EDMUND BURKE'S REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE INSPIRED THE IDEOLOGICAL ARSENAL OF ROMANIAN CONSERVATISM. BURKE'S BOOK INSISTS ON THE NEGATIVE IMPACT THAT REVOLUTIONS HAVE, WITH THE DISRUPTION OF PUBLIC ORDER HAVING SERIOUS REPERCUSSIONS ON SOCIETY AS A WHOLE. OUR CONSERVATIVES HAVE MADE THE DEFENCE OF ORDER THEIR SUPREME COMMAND. HOWEVER, THE INEVITABLY POLITICAL-IST APPROACHES HAVE MADE THE OUTCOME A LITTLE DIFFERENT. IN THE SPRING OF 1907, THE PEASANT UPRISING WAS TO PUT AN END TO A CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT THAT HAD BEEN CRITICISED PRECISELY FOR NOT BEING ABLE TO MANAGE THE DISAGREEMENTS BETWEEN PEASANTS AND LANDOWNERS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explain the logic of the appointment process for officer and commander of the National Guard in Chile, in the mid-nineteenth century. The study of the recommendations for these civic positions, reviewed in the General Archive of the Army and in documents of the Ministry of War, indicates that public order would not reside as much in the imposition of the State as in the willingness of decent men to collaborate. In effect, local powers assume the positions and mobilize their social resources, recommending those who have the capacity to ensure tranquility in their territories. This 'logic of the acquaintance' would explain the functioning of the National Guard in the diffuse boundaries between State and society and would show that this is not a consolidated State but one in construction that, despite its precariousness, well uses the strengths of the local social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper also theoretically explore to present police science as scientific knowledge which contains philosophical arguments and the existence of police science, its classification as applied science which utilizes pure science studies in examining the police, crime, and law enforcement in terms of public safety and community hazard in Indonesia. This study uses systematic review approach, combining with library research to theoretically present the fundamentals and goals of police science. The results originally revealed the theoretical and practical relationship between the use of science that forms components of police science in enhancing and strengthening police professionalism, especially in the main duties and functions of protecting citizens in the life of local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arms trade and smuggling have been an important problem faced by every state since the past. In the 19th and at the beginning of 20th centuries with the developments especially in science and technology, the sensitivity to the problem increased. This issue was of vital importance for the Ottoman Empire controlling vast territories. In this context, the Ottoman Empire tried to prevent arms smuggling in order to protect its territorial integrity. However, the great European powers did not hesitate to provide arms to aid to the ethnic and religious communities that rebelled against the Ottoman Empire. Ayvalık village had a lively trade in the end of 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. In this regard, the first thing that comes to mind especially in the illegitimate way of trade was arms smuggling in almost every period. However, internal and external developments that emerged during the period under review prevented the measures taken from being effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the foundations of administrative law as a legal discipline, two problems are examined which emerge as a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic, related with control and efficiency of each one of the measures deployed by the authorities from the methodological schema of proportionality. This study aims towards proving that administrative legality is a construction dependant on the reference sectors and the legal assets compromised by State actions and that the constitutional competencies are not static or absolute when exceptional circumstances must be confronted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to its flexibility, speed and confidentiality, arbitration becomes the most attractive method for contracting parties to resolve their commercial disputes. This method of choice has developed gradually in the modern legal system of Islamic Countries (ICs) over the last three decades. Thus, many of individual countries have enacted their own arbitration regulations and ratified the relevant international arbitration conventions. They also established many qualified regional arbitration institutions. Subsequently, the referral to arbitration by professionals of these countries to settle their commercial disputes gains abundant popularity. This article provides a detailed view of Sharīah factor in international commercial arbitration. Enforcement is certainly the goal for the arbitration process. Nevertheless, enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in the ICs could be challenged if these awards are contrary to Sharīah public policy. Therefore, by using this exception, the ICs can reject the enforcement of any foreign award that violates Sharῑah public order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]