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This empirical research paper conducts a comparative analysis of the recovery strategies implemented and their significance on countries with different economic affluence such as the US and Brazil, during the Great Depression. The most significant measures included the New Deal for the US and coffee valorization for Brazil. This study focuses on examining the recovery strategies adopted by these countries and comparing them which is scarce. The hypothesis for this research is: "The more affluent country (US) has more effective recovery strategies than the less affluent country (Brazil)." By shedding light on the differing experiences of 'rich' and 'poor' nations during the Great Depression, this research provides valuable insights into the challenges faced by countries with varying economic statuses. Prior research papers and Figures were used to calculate the rise in GDP of both countries during the 1929-1939 period, which resulted in Brazil having a 44% increase in GDP and the US 40%, proving the hypothesis incorrect. However, this can be attributed to the importance of tailored recovery approaches based on a nation's development level and specific circumstances exhibiting Brazil's massive economic success. However, The US's more general strategies might have broader applicability than Brazil's specific measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to revisit the potential of the New Deal as a research context in management and organization studies and, in doing so, forward the role one of its chief architects, Harry Hopkins, played in managing the economic crisis. The exploration takes us to multiple layers that work together to form context around Hopkins including the Great Depression, the Roosevelt Administration, and ultimately, the New Deal. By raising Harry Hopkins as an exemplar of historical-narrative exclusion, the authors can advance the understanding of his role in the New Deal and how his actions produced early insights about management (e.g. modern crisis management). Design/methodology/approach: The paper experiments with the methodological assemblage of ANTi-History and microhistorical analysis that the authors call "ANTi-Microhistory" to examine the life narrative of Harry Hopkins, his early association with President Franklin D. Roosevelt and later, the New Deal. To accomplish this, the authors undertake a programme of archival research (e.g. the digital repository of The Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum) and assess various materials (e.g. speeches, biographies and memoirs) from across multiple spaces. Findings: The findings suggest Harry Hopkins to be a much more powerful actor in mobilizing New Deal policies and their effect on early management thought than what was previously accepted. In the process, the authors found that because of durable associations with Roosevelt, key policy architects of the same ilk as Harry Hopkins (e.g. Frances Perkins, Henry Wallace, Lewis Douglas, and others) and their contributions have been marginalized. This finding illustrates the significant potential of little-known historical figures and how they might shed new insight on the development of the field and management practice. Originality/value: The aim is to demonstrate the potential of engaging historical research in management with the individual – Harry Hopkins – as a unit of analysis. By engaging historical research on the individual – be it well-known or obscure figures of the past – the authors are considering how they contribute to the understanding of phenomena (e.g. New Deal, Progressivism or Keynesian economics). The authors build on research that brings to focus forgotten people, communities and ideas in management studies but go further in advocating for space in the research to consider the scholarly potential of the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women's "triple oppression" based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]