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The article focuses on the implications of intensified U.S. competition with China and Russia, often termed great power competition (GPC), which has shifted the defense discourse from counterterrorism to broader strategic concerns. Topics include the redefinition of U.S. grand strategy and military planning, the evolving nature of defense budget considerations, and the necessity for organizational changes within the Department of Defense to address contemporary threats.

Over the past 10 to 15 years, the South China Sea (SCS) has emerged as an arena of U.S.-China strategic competition. China's actions in the SCS-including extensive island-building and baseconstruction activities at sites that it occupies in the Spratly Islands, as well as actions by its maritime forces to assert China's claims against competing claims by regional neighbors such as the Philippines and Vietnam-have heightened concerns among U.S. observers that China is gaining effective control of the SCS, an area of strategic, political, and economic importance to the United States and its allies and partners. Actions by China's maritime forces at the Japanadministered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS) are another concern for U.S. observers. Chinese domination of China's near-seas region-meaning the SCS and ECS, along with the Yellow Sea-could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. Potential broader U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: fulfilling U.S. security commitments in the Western Pacific, including treaty commitments to Japan and the Philippines; maintaining and enhancing the U.S.-led security architecture in the Western Pacific, including U.S. security relationships with treaty allies and partner states; maintaining a regional balance of power favorable to the United States and its allies and partners; defending the principle of peaceful resolution of disputes and resisting the emergence of an alternative "might-makes-right" approach to international affairs; defending the principle of freedom of the seas, also sometimes called freedom of navigation; preventing China from becoming a regional hegemon in East Asia; and pursing these goals as part of a larger U.S. strategy for competing strategically and managing relations with China. Potential specific U.S. goals for U.S.-China strategic competition in the SCS and ECS include but are not necessarily limited to the following: dissuading China from carrying out additional baseconstruction activities in the SCS, moving additional military personnel, equipment, and supplies to bases at sites that it occupies in the SCS, initiating island-building or base-construction activities at Scarborough Shoal in the SCS, declaring straight baselines around land features it claims in the SCS, or declaring an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) over the SCS; and encouraging China to reduce or end operations by its maritime forces at the Senkaku Islands in the ECS, halt actions intended to put pressure against Philippine-occupied sites in the Spratly Islands, provide greater access by Philippine fisherman to waters surrounding Scarborough Shoal or in the Spratly Islands, adopt the U.S./Western definition regarding freedom of the seas, and accept and abide by the July 2016 tribunal award in the SCS arbitration case involving the Philippines and China. The issue for Congress is whether the Administration's strategy for competing strategically with China in the SCS and ECS is appropriate and correctly resourced, and whether Congress should approve, reject, or modify the strategy, the level of resources for implementing it, or both. Decisions that Congress makes on these issues could substantially affect U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the U.S.-China Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement (STA). Topics include the historical context and evolution of the STA, its provisions, and the broad functions of STAs. The STA, signed in 1979, was part of a strategy to counter Soviet influence and later aimed to integrate China into the global system.

The article focuses on the potential implications of COVID-19 on the international security environment, with debates on its transformative impact. Topics discussed include shifts in world order, U.S. global leadership, China's role, great power competition, democratic vs. authoritarian governance, societal stability, economic effects, alliances, defense strategy, non-state actors, and Congress's role in policy oversight.

The article focuses on the U.S.-China strategic competition in the South China Sea (SCS) and the East China Sea (ECS). Topics include China's activities and territorial claims in these regions, U.S. goals for the competition, and the role of Congress in shaping the U.S. strategy and resource allocation for this competition, which has implications for U.S. strategic, political, and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific region.

The article focuses on China has been expanding and strengthening its diplomatic, security, commercial, and cultural ties with countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region since the late 1990s. It mentions China brokered an agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia to reestablish diplomatic relations. It also mentions President Joe Biden referred to the China as the U.S. most serious competitor.

The article focuses on the U.S. Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF) of the U.S. Army as the Congress has expressed concern about the threat to U.S. national security posed by Russia and China. It mentions maneuver elements designed to synchronize precision effects and precision fires in all domains against adversary anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) networks. It also mentions Army does opt to designate its fourth MDTF as an U.S. Army Pacific asset.

The article discusses the interrelated trade laws, regulations, and policies that the government of China has adopted since 2020 to enhance its control over a wide range of commercial activity, within and outside China. Topics include attempts to create parity with U.S. authorities, laws and regulations of the Chinese government that strengthen its control over economic activity in areas that it considers important to China, and catalogue of prohibited and restricted technologies.

The emergence of great power competition with China and Russia has profoundly changed the conversation about U.S. defense issues from what it was during the post-Cold War era: Counterterrorist operations and U.S. military operations in the Middle East--which were moved to the center of discussions of U.S. defense issues following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001--are now a less-dominant element in the conversation, and the conversation now features a new or renewed emphasis on the following, all of which relate to China and/or Russia: • grand strategy and the geopolitics of great power competition as a starting point for discussing U.S. defense issues; • organizational changes within DOD; • nuclear weapons, nuclear deterrence, and nuclear arms control; • the global allocation of U.S. military force deployments; • U.S. and allied military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region; • U.S. and NATO military capabilities in Europe; • new U.S. military service operational concepts; • capabilities for conducting so-called high-end conventional warfare; • maintaining U.S. superiority in conventional weapon technologies; • innovation and speed of U.S. weapon system development and deployment; • mobilization capabilities for an extended-length large-scale conflict; • supply chain security, meaning awareness and minimization of reliance in U.S. military systems on foreign components, subcomponents, materials, and software; and • capabilities for countering so-called hybrid warfare and gray-zone tactics. The issue for Congress is how U.S. defense planning should respond to renewed great power competition with China and Russia, and whether to approve, reject, or modify the Biden Administration's proposed defense funding levels, strategy, plans, and programs for addressing renewed great power competition. Congress's decisions on these issues could have significant implications for U.S. defense capabilities and funding requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of renewed great power competition, China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, has become the top focus of U.S. defense planning and budgeting. China's navy, which China has been steadily modernizing for more than 25 years, since the early to mid-1990s, has become a formidable military force within China's near-seas region, and it is conducting a growing number of operations in more-distant waters, including the broader waters of the Western Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and waters around Europe. China's navy is viewed as posing a major challenge to the U.S. Navy's ability to achieve and maintain wartime control of blue-water ocean areas in the Western Pacific-the first such challenge the U.S. Navy has faced since the end of the Cold War. China's navy forms a key element of a Chinese challenge to the long-standing status of the United States as the leading military power in the Western Pacific. Some U.S. observers are expressing concern or alarm regarding the pace of China's naval shipbuilding effort and resulting trend lines regarding the relative sizes and capabilities of China's navy and the U.S. Navy. China's naval modernization effort encompasses a wide array of ship, aircraft, and weapon acquisition programs, as well as improvements in maintenance and logistics, doctrine, personnel quality, education and training, and exercises. China's navy has currently has certain limitations and weaknesses, and is working to overcome them. China's military modernization effort, including its naval modernization effort, is assessed as being aimed at developing capabilities for addressing the situation with Taiwan militarily, if need be; for achieving a greater degree of control or domination over China's near-seas region, particularly the South China Sea; for enforcing China's view that it has the right to regulate foreign military activities in its 200-mile maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ); for defending China's commercial sea lines of communication (SLOCs), particularly those linking China to the Persian Gulf; for displacing U.S. influence in the Western Pacific; and for asserting China's status as the leading regional power and a major world power. Consistent with these goals, observers believe China wants its navy to be capable of acting as part of a Chinese anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) force-a force that can deter U.S. intervention in a conflict in China's near-seas region over Taiwan or some other issue, or failing that, delay the arrival or reduce the effectiveness of intervening U.S. forces. Additional missions for China's navy include conducting maritime security (including antipiracy) operations, evacuating Chinese nationals from foreign countries when necessary, and conducting humanitarian assistance/disaster response (HA/DR) operations. The U.S. Navy in recent years has taken a number of actions to counter China's naval modernization effort. Among other things, the U.S. Navy has shifted a greater percentage of its fleet to the Pacific; assigned its most-capable new ships and aircraft and its best personnel to the Pacific; maintained or increased general presence operations, training and developmental exercises, and engagement and cooperation with allied and other navies in the Indo-Pacific; increased the planned future size of the Navy; initiated, increased, or accelerated numerous programs for developing new military technologies and acquiring new ships, aircraft, unmanned vehicles, and weapons; begun development of new operational concepts (i.e., new ways to employ Navy and Marine Corps forces) for countering Chinese maritime A2/AD forces; and signaled that the Navy in coming years will shift to a more-distributed fleet architecture that will feature a smaller portion of larger ships, a larger portion of smaller ships, and a substantially greater use of unmanned vehicles. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. Navy is responding appropriately to China's naval modernization effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the possible effects of the renewed great power competition among the U.S., Russia and China to the U.S. defense strategy and its issues for U.S. Congress. Other topics include the U.S.' 2017 National Security Strategy and 2018 National Defense Strategy, nuclear deterrence, nuclear arms control, and the global allocation of U.S. military force deployments.

The article focuses on the impact of retaliatory tariffs imposed by foreign nations on U.S. food and agricultural product exports on country's agricultural system. Topics disvussed include trade war between the U.S. and China; the impact of trade disputes on disruptions in global markets and in increased uncertainty in the farm input and output sectors; and retaliatory tariffs by Canada and Mexico.

The article talks about policy issues risen out of US President Donald Trump's decision to use Section 232 authority in order to apply new tariffs to imports of steel and aluminum and possibly on automobile and automobile parts as well. Topics discussed include an ongoing concern of the US Congress being global overcapacity in China's steel and aluminum production.

Some Members of Congress charge that China’s policy of accumulating foreign reserves (especially U.S. dollars) to influence the value of its currency constitutes a form of currency manipulation intended to make its exports cheaper and imports into China more expensive than they would be under free market conditions. They further contend that this policy has caused a surge in the U.S. trade deficit with China in recent years and has been a major factor in the loss of U.S. manufacturing jobs. Although China made modest reforms to its currency policy in 2005, resulting in a gradual appreciation of its currency (about 19% through December 1, 2009), some Members contend the reforms have not gone far enough and have warned of potential punitive legislative action. Although an undervalued Chinese currency has likely hurt some sectors of the U.S. economy, it has benefited others. For example, U.S. consumers have gained from the supply of low-cost Chinese goods (which helps to control inflation), as have U.S. firms using Chinese made parts and materials (which helps such firms become more globally competitive). In addition, China has used its abundant foreign exchange reserves to buy U.S. securities, including U.S. Treasury securities, which are used to help fund the Federal budget deficit. Such purchases help keep U.S. interest rates relatively low. For China, an undervalued currency has boosted exports and attracted foreign investment, but has led to unbalanced economic growth and suppressed Chinese living standards. The current global economic crisis has further complicated the currency issue for both China and the United States. China halted its gradual appreciation of its currency beginning around July 2008; since then it has kept the exchange rate of the renminbi (RMB) or yuan (the base unit of the RMB) to the dollar constant at about 6.83 yuan per dollar. Because China’s currency is largely tied to the dollar, and since the dollar has depreciated against a number of major currencies in recent months, China’s real (inflation adjusted) trade-weighted exchange rate has depreciated (by 9.5% between February 2009 to October 2009). Some analysts contend that this has induced other countries (especially in Asia) to intervene in currency markets (i.e., to depreciate against the dollar) to help their exporters remain competitive with Chinese exporters. Additionally, the U.S. federal budget deficit has increased rapidly since FY2008, causing a sharp increase in the amount of Treasury securities that must be sold. While the Obama Administration has pushed China to appreciate its currency, it has also encouraged China to continue to purchase U.S. securities. Legislation has been introduced in the 111th Congress to address China’s currency policy. China’s currency policy appears to have created a policy dilemma for the Chinese government. A strong and stable U.S. economy is in China’s national interest since the United States is China’s largest export market. Thus, some analysts contend that China will feel compelled to keep funding the growing U.S. debt. However, Chinese officials have expressed concern that the growing U.S. debt will eventually spark inflation in the United States and a further depreciation of the dollar, which would negatively impact the value of China’s holdings of U.S. securities. But if China stopped buying U.S. debt or tried to sell off a large portion of those holdings, it could also cause the dollar to depreciate and thus reduce the value of its remaining holdings, and such a move could further destabilize the U.S. economy. Chinese concerns over its large dollar holdings appear to have been reflected in a paper issued by the governor of the People's Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, in March 2009, which called for replacing the U.S. dollar as the international reserve currency with a new global system controlled by the International Monetary Fund. China has also signed currency swap agreements with six of its trading partners, which would allow those partners to settle accounts with China using RMB rather than dollars. However, China will not likely be able to move away from its dependency on U.S. dollar assets until it is willing to make the RMB a tradable currency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the One Belt, One Road initiative launched by China's President Xi Jinping in 2013 to expand China's global economic reach and influence. Topics covered include the initiative's role as a platform for China's global commercial activity, China's foreign investments, and the legislation introduced by the U.S. Congress in response to the initiative.

The article examines the employment in the U.S. manufacturing sector from 2001 to January 2016. Topics discussed include growth in employment and output in the industry, an increase in the bilateral U.S. trade deficit with China following China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001 which contributed to manufacturing job loss, and the three distinct factors that limit the prospects for job creation, including labor-intensive production methods and technology on labor productivity.

The article presents information on the impact of trade on the employment rates of a country. Topics include the International Collaborative Initiative on Trade and Employment (ICITE), a look into the concept of job churning, and the influence of trade liberalization on the dislocation of workers. It also discusses the economic impact of the rising trade of the U.S. with China.

The article discusses the issues that the U.S. Congress needs to address regarding China's maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) disputes in the East China Sea (ECS) and South China Sea (SCS). Topics covered include the U.S. strategy against China's salami-slicing strategy, the need for the U.S. to promulgate a National Strategy for the South China Sea (NSSCS), and Taiwan as an area of acute sensitivity for China.

The article presents the Congressional Reseach Service report on the implications of China's naval modernization for the capabilities of the U.S. Navy as of August 2014. Topics covered include the U.S. strategic rebalancing toward the Asia-Pacific region, how many U.S. military programs for countering stronger Chinese military forces would fall under the Navy's budget, and the limitations in China's naval capabilities.

An appendix is presented of major military contacts and incidents since 1993, from the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014.

The article presents the second part of the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014. Topics discussed include the congressional oversight exercised on various aspects of military exchanges with China, the leverage to pursue U.S. security objectives, and the various U.S. security interests including tension reduction over Taiwan, weapons nonproliferation and counterterrorism.

The article presents the Congressional Research Service (CRS) report entitled "U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress" dated July 29, 2014. Topics discussed include the U.S. policy issues regarding military-to-military (mil-to-mil) contacts with the People's Republic of China (PRC), a record of major contacts and crises since 1993, and the various issues for Congress including congressional oversight, leverage to pursue U.S. security objectives and U.S. security interests.

The article provides an overview of the issues influencing the trade relations between the U.S. and China. Topics discussed include factors that caused the integration of the economies of the U.S. and China, major Chinese economic and trade policies that are of concern to U.S. stakeholders, market forces driving a significant share of China's economy and the involvement of state-owned enterprises (SOE) in the Chinese economy.

This article focuses on the involvement of China in maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEC) disputes in the East and South China Sea since late 2013 and its implications for the U.S. It discusses concerns of the international community on China's actions, territories being claimed by China, the dispute of China with the U.S. over the former's right under international law to regulate activities of foreign military forces within EEZ.

The article presents an overview of maritime territorial disputes involving China in the South China and East China Sea. It discusses the island groups being claimed by China, dispute between China and the U.S. regarding China's rights within its exclusive economic zone law and incidents in which China has challenged or interfered with operations by U.S. ships and aircrafts.

The article focuses on policy and oversight issues facing members of the U.S. Congress as a result of the maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone disputes involving China in the South China Sea and East China Sea. It discusses the implication of China's control of its near-seas areas for the U.S., the U.S. strategy for the salami-slicing strategy of China and observations of the international community on China's actions.

The article presents an overview of the maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) disputes facing China against the U.S. and other nations as of March 2014. Topics discussed include China's dispute over the Paracel Islands in the South China Sea (SCS), its dispute over the Spratlys Islands in the SCS, and its dispute over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (ECS). Also mentioned is the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

The article reports on issues faced by the U.S. Congress as of March 2014 concerning maritime territorial and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) conflict involving China. Topics discussed include the rights of China within EEZ and the connection between maritime territorial disputes and EEZ disputes. Also mentioned are the negotiations between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) concerning the South China Sea code of conduct.

The article focuses on the report "Maritime Territorial and Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) Disputes Involving China: Issues for Congress" released by the U.S. Congressional Research Service as of March 14, 2014. Topics discussed include approach of China towards territorial disputes, relations between the U.S. and China, and the U.S. Congress decision on whether the country should enter into a U.S-Chinese Incidents-at-Sea (INCSEA) agreement.

The article discusses U.S. policy approaches to challenges related to weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation issues involving the People's Republic of China (PRC). Topics addressed include the PRC's increase of its partial participation in international nonproliferation regimes and its supply of WMD-related goods and technology such as nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan, Iran, and North Korea. Also mentioned are concerns over PRC's enforcement of sanctions.

The article discusses the security problem associated with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) role in weapons of mass destruction (WMD) proliferation and U.S. policy approaches. Topics addressed include sanctions imposed by the U.S. on PRC entities for chemical weapons and missiles transfers to Iran and Pakistan and a reliance on PRC's influence on North Korea to dismantle the latter's nuclear weapons. Also mentioned are counter-terrorism, missile defense and satellite exports issues.

The article focuses on the report "China-U.S. Trade Issues" by the U.S. Congressional Research Service, a public policy research arm of the U.S. Congress, as of December, 2013. Topics discussed include the issues raised by Chinese foreign direct investment in the U.S., China's obligations for the World Trade Organization and the economic policy in the country.

The article discusses the security assistance provided by the U.S. to Taiwan or the Republic of China (ROC), including policy issues for the U.S. Congress and legislation, as of late November 2013. It claims that U.S. arms transfers to Taiwan were substantial in spite of the lack of a defense treaty or a diplomatic relationship. The other topics discussed include the indicators of arms transfers, Taiwan-U.S. military relationship, and Taiwan's missile program.

The article discusses the 2013 report from the Congressional Research Service on the "one China Policy" of the U.S. as it impacts China and Taiwan. A summary is provided which emphasized the ambiguity and susceptibility of the U.S. "one China" policy to different interpretations. Topics discussed include congressional concerns over this policy, and highlights of key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. A chart summarizes cabinet-level visits to Taiwan after 1979.

The article examines the "one China" policy from the perspective of the U.S. Congressional push for changes in policy is discussed in relation to conflicting views and concern over cross-strait tension. Five key documents on U.S. policy statements on Taiwan are identified including the Shanghai Communique, Normalization Communique and Taiwan Relations Act. Complications about the language are discussed involving the definition of China, Taiwan' status and the possible use of force by China.

The article explores the economic trade relations between the U.S. and China. It discusses the merchandise export and import exchanges and investments between the two countries. It mentions the issues that hinder trade relations such as cybersecurity, intellectual property rights (IPR), and technology transfer. It also details the Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) to address economic issues.

The article discusses the trade issues between the U.S. and China. It notes the negative effect of the continued intervention of the Chinese government in economic decision-making, as well as the promotion of indigenous innovation. It mentions the concern over economic losses from intellectual property rights such as technology transfer and cybersecurity. It explores the membership of China in the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. It also notes the undervaluing of yuan against the dollar.

The article discusses the investment relations between the U.S. and China. It explores the holdings of China of U.S. public and private securities, including U.S. Treasury securities, equities, and corporate securities. It mentions the economic benefits of expanding the flows of bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) between the two countries. It also presents issues on FDI such as the lack of transparency and restrictions on types of FDI allowed in China.

The article discusses the merchandise trading between the U.S. and China. It explores the export and import exchanges between the two countries, such as computer equipment, motor vehicles, and semiconductors and other electronic components. It states that the growth of U.S. imports and bilateral trade imbalance makes China as the center for global supply chains. China has also reduced its tariffs for broad product categories such as passenger vehicles.

The article discusses the report titled "What's the Difference?-Comparing U.S. and Chinese Trade Data" released by the U.S. Congressional Research Service as of February 25, 2013. Topics discussed include difference between the official trade statistics released by the U.S. and the People's Republic of China, China's exports to the U.S. in 2012 in terms of toys and sporting goods, footwear, and woven apparel, and joint China-U.S. reports on statistical discrepancies in merchandise trade data.

The article presents a Congressional Research Service (CRS) report for Congress on policy issues regarding U.S.-China relations. It states that Congress faces important questions regarding the relationship of the U.S. and China and how the U.S. should respond to the rise of China. It provides an overview of the U.S.-China relationship and the policy of the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama toward China.

The article reports on the issues related to the policies of the foreign relations of the U.S. with China. Topics discussed include fast economic development in China, efforts of China for developing the military technologies and views of the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on the impact of military development in China on the national security. It further discusses the role of China in reviving the global economic conditions after the global financial crisis of 2009.

The article discusses the use of leverage to pursue U.S. security objectives as part of the policy of engagement in the bilateral relationship with the People's Republic of China (PRC). Skeptics and proponents of U.S.-PRC military-to-military contacts debate over military exchanges and cooperation. A study prepared for the Defense Department's Office of Net Assessment in 1997 focused on five of China's misperceptions that could pose dangers to U.S. security interests.

The article discusses policy issues regarding the U.S. military contacts with the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1993. Topics discussed include suspension of military contacts between the two countries and sanctions imposed arms sales in response to the Tiananmen Crackdown in 1989, cooperation of China to the U.S. in the Cold War in the 1980s and continuation of the policy of engagement with the PRC under the U.S. President George W. Bush.

The article discusses the major trade issues between U.S. and China. It examines the claim of U.S. businesses that Chinese government manipulates its currency to maintain its value lower than the U.S. dollar. It cites the issues agreed upon by China in the World Trade Organization (WTO) accession agreement. It notes several areas of concern on Chinese WTO compliance including restrictions on trading rights and unpredictable safety rules on imports.

The article summarizes trade issues between U.S. and China. It examines the complexity of economic integration between China and the U.S. It provides an overview on the trade issues between the countries which results from the incomplete transition of China to a free market economy. It discusses various opinions on ways to deal with economic issues with regard to China.

The article discusses some concerns over the large U.S. securities holdings of China. Many U.S. policymakers have expressed concern over the increasing reliance of the U.S. on China to buy U.S. Treasury securities to finance the federal budget deficit. Some have claimed that China might liquidate its holdings which could affect the U.S. economy. Chinese officials such as Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao have expressed concern about the security of China's holdings.

The article focuses on a report of the U.S. Congressional Research Service titled "China-U.S. Trade Issues" as of September 2011. Topics discussed include foreign economic relations between the U.S. and China, increasing complexity in international trade between the U.S. and China, and China's Obligations in the World Trade Organization.

The article focuses on a report of the U.S. Congressional Research Service titled "China's Holdings of U.S. Securities: Implications for the U.S. Economy" as of September 2011. Topics discussed include China's ownership of the U.S. securities, foreign exchanges reserves of China, and impact of foreign economic relations between China and the U.S. on the U.S. public debt.

The article examines the issues surrounding Sino-American trade relations. The U.S. has branded Chinese trade policymakers of protectionism as indicated by China's reluctance to adopt a market-based currency. American government officials also expressed concern over the slow pace of market liberalization reforms. As of April 2011, the U.S. has filed 11 complaints to the World Trade Organization against China with regard to exports, subsidies, and discriminatory practices.