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Imagery associated with the Knights Templar appears in the public discourse and symbolism of many white supremacist and white nationalist groups. The 2011 Norwegian mass murderer cited the Templars in his manifesto, as did the 2019 New Zealand shooter. Templar crosses were on display at the 2017 white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina. To understand the security imaginary behind these racialised medievalisms and their contemporary animation within right-wing extremism, this article develops the concept of 'conspiratorial medievalism'. The Knights Templar imaginary blends a specific, racialised, and romanticised vision of history with the grammar of conspiracy theory. This is characterised by (a) a belief in the racialised decline and victimisation of a 'righteous' White Christendom; (b) a sense of threat posed by racialised Others and betrayal by insiders; and (c) an anachronistic view of near-omnipotent individual agency. Significantly, conspiratorial medievalism demonstrates an aspiration to not merely combat 'undue' agency of racialised Others, but to reclaim and perform extreme agency themselves. Agency is cast in the idiom of medieval chivalry and framed as the moral obligation of righteous White men. Although Knights Templar imagery may appear superficial, this article finds it is an important justificatory and enabling discourse for racist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic saw restrictions being implemented to curb the spread of the virus. This seeded anti-lockdown demonstrations across the globe. Leveraging network, quantitative and qualitative textual analysis tools, we scrutinize the expression of opposition to these restrictions on 96 public Facebook groups and pages, and its connection to physical places across the globe. To grapple with this relation, we propose the concept of geo-indexing as the practice of adding meaning to physical places on social media and identify a transnational network of geo-indexed posts. Importantly, this geo-indexed opposition was framed as unified against an unjust and undemocratic imposition of restrictive measures. The language used in some of this communication was conspiratorial, albeit to a lesser degree than expected. Moreover, geo-indexed posts were used to evidence the scale of public mobilization, the cohesion of the protests, to articulate the virtue of transgressing health measures and to extoll those who said or did so, across multiple sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the role of the illusion of conspiracy among auditors using the Dematel method. To delve deeper and gain a better understanding of the subject, in addition to theoretical foundations, interviews have been used for further comprehension. Then, quantitative approaches are employed to validate the qualitative results. This study adopts a mixed-method approach. As the research is primarily based on qualitative methodology, particularly employing the grounded theory strategy. The temporal scope of this study spans from the year 1399 to 1402. The statistical population in the qualitative section comprises independent auditors in the auditing organization. In this research, semi-structured interviews have been used to uncover deep insights for identifying indicators of the illusion of conspiracy. Sampling was conducted using snowball sampling technique, comprising 12 main themes and 40 sub-themes. The quantitative section utilized the Dematel method. The statistical population in this aspect consists of all official accountants in Golestan province. The sample includes official accountants with a minimum of ten years of experience and at least a master’s degree. Twenty individuals were selected as the sample. Dematel, utilizing expert judgments in extracting system factors and systematic structuring, presents a hierarchical structure of factors within the system along with their interrelated effects. To achieve this, a fuzzy Dematel questionnaire was designed, and provided to experts, and ultimately, the intensity and relationships between the illusion of conspiracy among auditors and its significance were examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arabic Literature is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nuova Rivista Storica is the property of Societa Editrice Dante Alighieri s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Exploring online criticisms of the "take the knee" protest during "Euro 2020", this article examines how alt- and far-right conspiracies were both constructed and communicated via the social media platform, Twitter. By providing a novel exploration of alt-right conspiracies during an international football tournament, a qualitative thematic analysis of 1,388 original tweets relating to Euro 2020 was undertaken. The findings reveal how, in criticisms levelled at both "wokeism" and the Black Lives Matter movement, anti-white criticisms of the "take the knee" protest were embroiled in alt-right conspiracies that exposed an assumed Cultural Marxist, "woke agenda" in the tournament's organisation and mainstream media coverage. In conclusion, it is argued that conspiratorial discourses, associated with the alt-right, provided a framework through which the protest could be understood. This emphasises how the significance of conspiracy functions to promote the wider dissemination of alt-right ideology across popular cultural contexts, such as sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the police protagonists in David Peace's Tokyo Trilogy and the historical mediations they perform in the worlds of the novels. It argues that these mediations are generated by the way Peace subverts the conventional narrative structure of historical detective fiction: rather than moving toward resolution—solving a crime—the object of detection is continually displaced to conspiracies with historical and political implications, thereby constituting different temporalities that do not move forward but rather repeat, circulate, or are perpetually delayed. Underlying these repetitions, transmissions, and premonitions are historical‐political legacies of Japanese empire, war, and American anti‐communist conspiracies, which open toward a critical‐conspiratorial understanding of postwar Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the debate between absolutism and comparativism in the context of physical theories, particularly regarding the fundamental nature of quantities like mass and position. Topics include the challenges posed by symmetries in detecting absolute quantities, the historical context of the absolutism/comparativism debate, and the argument that comparativism fails to explain the empirical success of absolutist theories.

Copyright of Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Saglik Bilimleri Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Celal Bayar University Health Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research aims to determine the offense of Criminal Conspiracy in Narcotics Crimes and to determine the basis of the judge's considerations in Decision Number 120/Pid.Sus/2023/PN Mks. This research uses normative legal research methods, and a discussion of this thesis is written as a legal research method. The use of normative research methods in research efforts and writing this thesis is based on the suitability of theory with the research methods required by the author. The results obtained are presented descriptively. 1.) Law Number 35 of 2009 regulates sanctions against narcotics abusers who commit narcotics crimes. Dangerous Conspiracy is the act of two or more people conspiring to commit, carry out, assist, participate in, order, recommend, facilitate, provide consultation, become members of a narcotics crime organization, or organize narcotics crimes. Any person who offers to sell, sells, buys, receives, becomes an intermediary in buying and selling, exchanges, or delivers Class I Narcotics without right or against the law shall be punished with life imprisonment, a minimum imprisonment of five years, and a maximum imprisonment of twenty years, and fines of one billion rupiahs and ten billion rupiahs. 2) The Panel of Judges in case no. 120/Pid.Sus/2023/PN Mks sentenced the defendant to six years in prison and a fine of Rp. 1,000,000,000.00 for conspiracy to buy and sell narcotics class I. The defendant's actions were considered aggravating because he rejected the government's efforts to eradicate narcotics and drug abuse, as well as reducing his polite attitude at trial. The defendant has never been convicted; this shows that the defendant's actions are in line with the goals of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pundits have speculated that the spread of conspiracies and misinformation (termed "misbeliefs") is leading to a resurgence of right‐wing, reactionary movements. However, the current empirical picture regarding the relationship between misbeliefs and collective action is mixed. We help clarify these associations by using two waves of data collected during the COVID‐19 Pandemic (in Australia, N = 519, and the United States, N = 510) and democratic elections (in New Zealand N = 603, and the United States N = 609) to examine the effects of misbeliefs on support for reactionary movements (e.g., anti‐lockdown protests, Study 1; anti‐election protests, Study 2). Results reveal that within‐person changes in misbeliefs correlate positively with support for reactionary collective action both directly (Studies 1–2) and indirectly by shaping the legitimacy of the authority (Study 1b). The relationship between misbelief and legitimacy is, however, conditioned by the stance of the authority in question: the association is positive when authorities endorse misbeliefs (Study 1a) and negative when they do not (Study 1b). Thus, the relationship between conspiracy beliefs and action hinges upon the alignment of the content of the conspiracy and the goals of the collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses responses to news about the imposing of a local lockdown in a UK city. The opposition to the measure shows it to be controversial as does the associated rejection of the grounds for taking action against covid more generally, which comes alongside the devaluing of expertise, resistance to public health responses, a proliferation of conspiracy theories and misinformation and the harm that can be caused by focussing on non-adherence to covid measure. The research question for this analysis is therefore: how are arguments about the local lockdown discursively formulated in online discussions? Discursive analysis of online discussions following four newspaper articles identified six arguments used that range from scepticism to conspiratorial: scepticism over (1) the prevalence and; (2) severity of covid; (3) lockdowns generally do not work and (4) the specific city lockdown will not work; (5) lockdowns are overly risk averse; and (6) there are hidden political motives for lockdowns. The discussion shows how both the 'conspiratorial' and non-conspiratorial arguments are potentially harmful from a public health perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of digital media, conspiracy theories infamous for their emotional manipulation have challenged science epistemology and democratic discourse. Despite extensive literature on misinformation and the role of emotion in persuasion, less is understood about how emotion is used in conspiracy and debunking messages on video platforms and the impact of emotional framing on public engagement with science on social media. Our article fills this gap by analyzing thousands of YouTube videos that propagate or debunk COVID-19 conspiracy theories from March to May 2020. We found that conspiracy and debunking videos used the emotions of trust and fear differently depending on the issue framing of the conspiracy. Our article also reveals a dilemma facing debunking messages—when debunking videos used more trust-related emotions, these videos received more likes yet fewer views. These findings shed new light on the role of emotion on user engagement with misinformation and its correction on digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Capitol Hill riots on 6 January 2021 were an event of great importance not only because of their political and legal impact, but also because they allowed everyone to observe the symbols, images, masks, and other signs that were displayed in front of the cameras of many journalists and eyewitnesses. The iconography displayed on that occasion should not be dealt with as an extemporary invention but considered the result of a process of semantic and narrative accumulation produced in online and offline interactions. This article seeks to outline a theoretical–methodological framework of contemporary conspiracy images as multimodal forms of communication. Starting with images collected on Capitol Hill along with a corpus of online conversations that occurred on platforms such as Gab, in particular, between 2016 and 2021, examples of the dynamics of constitution of conspiracy images and their genealogy will be provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research explores the high proliferation of conspiracy theories about COVID-19 vaccination, and their potential effects within digital media environments. By means of a 2 × 2 experimental design (N = 945) conducted in Romania, we explore whether exposure to media messages promoting conspiracy theories about vaccination versus media messages debunking such conspiracy narratives could influence people's intention to either support or argue against vaccination in front of their friends and family (interpersonal influence). We also analyze the moderation effects of education and critical thinking. Main results show that both conspiracy and counter-conspiracy media content about vaccination negatively affect people's willingness to discuss the topic with others, which offers support for a silencing effect. Education and critical thinking moderate the main effects, but only to some extent and in certain experimental conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrasts are eminent elements in drama. It gives the drama and emotional essence. The audience appreciate contrast that inside their own emotions. It highlights personality and reactions in relation to a situation or an event. It works as the tipping of scales audience to new and inexplicable affinity. Contradictions refer to the opposite ideas when it is being portrayed in the same context. It enables deeper expressions it connects differences and similarities. These are obvious in nature, situations, personalities, characteristics and all the elements of a drama. Highlighting the opposition, give a clear appearance of the existing elements within the drama. It enhances comprehension and help better identification of personal connectors. This research paper intends to focus on the conspiracies in the play "Julius Caesar". It draws to attention the contrasts in every aspect of the play. It highlights the contradictions present. This paper brings to a balance the unnoticed components within the fabric of the play. It gives scope to argument, it gives the drama a good flux and background, it has a strong impact on audience, points in the direction of the opposite giving it the glamour of paradoxical ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the historical context and potential political affiliations of C. Cornelius Cethegus, a figure involved in the Catilinarian Conspiracy of 63 BCE, proposing that he also participated in the revolts of Lepidus and the Sertorian War based on evidence from various ancient sources. It suggests that Cethegus' involvement in these rebellions could provide new insights into his political career before the conspiracy.

Communication research is increasingly concerned with the relationship between epistemological fragmentation and polarization. Even so, explanations for why partisans take up fringe beliefs are limited. This article examines the right-wing conspiracy QAnon, which posits that the anonymous poster "Q" is a Trump administration insider who encourages followers ("Bakers") to research hidden truths behind current events. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork on the 8chan imageboard, we position baking as a collective, knowledge-making activity built on the affordances of social media designed to construct specific facts and theories that maintain QAnon's cohesion over time. Bakers demonstrate populist expertise, the rejection of legacy media accounts of current events in favor of the "alternative facts" constructed through their systematic research programs. We emphasize the politically ambivalent nature of participatory culture and argue that baking casts doubt on critical thinking or media literacy as solutions to "post-truth" dilemmas like hyperpartisan media and disinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and purpose: Despite it being an immunotherapy‐responsive neurological syndrome, patients with autoimmune encephalitis (AE) frequently exhibit residual neurobehavioural features. Here, we report criminal behaviours as a serious and novel postencephalitic association. Methods: This retrospective cohort study included 301 AE patients. Five of who committed crimes underwent direct assessments and records review alongside autoantibody studies. Results: Five of 301 patients (1.7%) with AE exhibited criminal behaviours, which included viewing child pornography (n = 3), repeated shoplifting, and conspiracy to commit murder. All five were adult males, with LGI1 autoantibodies (n = 3), CASPR2 autoantibodies, or seronegative AE. None had evidence of premorbid antisocial personality traits or psychiatric disorders. Criminal behaviours began a median of 18 months (range = 15 months–12 years) after encephalitis onset. At the time of crimes, two patients were immunotherapy‐naïve, three had been administered late immunotherapies (at 5 weeks–4 months), many neurobehavioural features persisted, and new obsessive behaviours had appeared. However, cognition, seizure, and disability measures had improved, alongside reduced autoantibody levels. Conclusions: Criminal behaviours are a rare, novel, and stigmatizing residual neurobehavioural phenotype in AE, with significant social and legal implications. With caution towards overattribution, we suggest they occur as part of a postencephalitis limbic neurobehavioural syndrome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text considers several critical issues related to the role of false information in the COVID-19 pandemic. It mainly focuses on social media, which often resemble echo chambers responsible for disseminating disinformation. In these echo chambers, users close themselves off from arguments and justifications different from their own, often with a strong tendency towards polarization of views and attitudes. A particular case of echo chambers is the conspiracy mentality propagated in social media, promoting conspirational beliefs about COVID-19, which, besides offering an alternative understanding of reality, deepens distrust towards epistemic authorities and methods of producing scientific knowledge. This indicates an epistemic crisis as a consequence of the pandemic, which must be addressed in order to rebuild and protect epistemic trust. The authors conclude that the consequence of this crisis is a regression of cognitive abilities, which may, in a feedback loop, exacerbate the epistemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay investigates a Tuscan manuscript dedicated to unraveling the intricate genealogy of secret societies in the Italian states during the first twenty years of the XIX century. Authored by an unknown writer, believed to be a spy of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the political discourse of the manuscript strategically places itself at the core of discussions surrounding internal security and covert political associations. The unnamed author creatively reshapes cultural references and stereotypes extracted from informants and European reactionary literature about conspiracy. What sets this narrative apart is the adept use of knowledge about clandestine organizations to construct a cohesive storyline that not only describes but also actively justifies police repression against these secretive groups. The manuscript unfolds as a dynamic exploration of how ideas and ideologies infiltrate societal consciousness through the written words. It stands as a testament to the anonymous author's ability to blend seemingly disparate elements -- cultural references, stereotypes, and informed insights into clandestine organizations -- into a political statement. In fact, the essay underscores the author's capacity not only to contribute to the ongoing discourse on internal security but also to actively shape it by framing the narrative in a way that justifies authoritative actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories are widespread across the world, including in the Arab Middle East and North Africa. The term "conspiracy" (muˀāmara) itself is also frequently used in contemporary Arabic. However, we know little about when and how the term emerged and how it was used originally. Based on a digital corpus of Arab newspapers from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as well as plain text versions of classical Arabic literature, this article finds that muˀāmara appears and rises to prominence in the late nineteenth century in the emerging Arabic-speaking public sphere. The term was probably coined in response to influence from European public discourse at the same time, which included conspiracy theories. Unlike that European discourse and today's Arabic conspiracy talk, the early usage of muˀāmara had little to do with either conspiracy theories or religion. The word was used in a more sober way than in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories present a relevant phenomenon in society and are studied within different disciplines. One of the aspects of analyzing conspiracy theories is understanding the pattern whereby social movements utilize the media to construct and spread those narratives. In that regard, social movements frame certain events as part of a conspiracy. By applying an international comparative approach, this study examines the media framing of events as a conspiracy theory in the USA and Egypt. The study focuses on political conspiracies targeting the local elite or political establishment as serving foreign enemies. Qualitative framing analysis is applied to analyze news segments (n = 140), 80 articles, and 60 videos from the Egyptian Islamist media and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) conservative media in the USA. The results show a huge similarity in the frames utilized by the media in both countries in constructing conspiracy theories. The Egyptian and American media constructed conspiracy narratives about claimed secret collusion between the elite leaders and foreign enemies. Whereas the Egyptian media morally framed the conspiracy as treason, the American media framed it as part of corruption. Moreover, the historical continuity in the Egyptian conspiracy theories was more obvious than in the theories in the USA. The empirical analysis shows that conspiracy theories are strategically used in the media to achieve certain political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on women's houses in republican Rome and political conversations that took place in this gendered domestic context. The Bacchanalian "conspiracy" provides suggestive insights into the roles played by women living in their own houses in the early 2nd century b.c.e. According to Livy, pivotal conversations that shaped the outcome of this crisis took place in the houses of women, including Sulpicia (mother-in-law of Spurius Postumius Albinus, consul 186 b.c.e.), Aebutia (an equestrian widow), Duronia (a married woman), and Hispala Faecenia (a freedwoman living on the Aventine). These conversations reveal social settings in which women interacted and exchanged information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fan practices and behaviours have increasingly moved beyond fan communities into the political, economic and cultural structures of every day life. The proliferation of social media platforms has allowed both the progressive and reactionary aspects of fandom to converge in the public sphere, drawing on similar techniques, pleasures, and practices in order to interpret the world in a culture where the boundaries between popular and political communication are blurrier than they have ever been. This special issue of Convergence explores the synergies, tensions and conflicts at play in this new cultural terrain. It explores how 'fan studies can be used to make sense of the seeming growth of conspiracy theory communities and right-wing movements, examines political participation as a form of fandom, and the ways in which social media can be used to organize against discriminatory cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, the spread of the violence became one of the most worrying phenomena in the Palestinian Arab community in Israel. This article focuses on the violence where victims and offenders come from Palestinian Arab community in Israel. Its purpose is to review the attitudes of the public figures in the Jewish and the Palestinian Arab communities of the country regarding the violence in the latter community through the lens of the conspiracy and the cultural violence theories. The review shows that some leaders of the Palestinian Arab community tend to refer to the persistence of violence and crime in their community in a cospirative way. Their key claim is that the state authorities intentionally neglect this phenomenon and possibly have some sinister goal behind this way of conduction. In contrast, public representatives of the Jewish community tend to refer to the persistence of violence and crime in Palestinian Arab community in cultural terms. Their key claim is that violence in Palestinian Arab community is deeply rooted in the culture of this community. The review suggests that the attitudes reflect the discourse around the "blaming the victim" concept, whereas representatives of the hegemonic Jewish majority use this tactic in their cultural violence rhetoric, and representatives of the dispossessed Palestinian Arab minority complain against it using the conspiracy beliefs. The review is concluded with broad implications for the Israeli society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that post-truth politics is best understood and investigated as a distinct style of epistemological politics which embraces conspiracy to reject competing truth claims and evidence. I show the Flat Earth Movement to be a post-truth political formation with a unique geographic imagination forwarding specific ideas about the role of locales, landscapes, scale, and one's embodied senses in knowledge production. I demonstrate how Flat Earthism's geographic imagination prioritizes a person's embodied senses, particularly vision, over other ways of knowing, codifying experiential interpretations of locales and landscapes into a generalized scalar knowledge applied to the planetary and cosmic scales. The contribution to the literature on post-truth politics in Geography I would like to make is three-fold. First, I would like to show that post-truth politics is not merely the intentional circulation of lies, misinformation, disinformation, fake news, or alternative facts. Such conceptualizations can miss that post-truth politics can be reflective of actual publics with unique epistemologies, geographic imaginations, and knowledges. Second, and related, I want to demonstrate that post-truth politics transcend the discourses of specific politicians. Third, and finally, I seek to demonstrate the need for greater empirical and analytic consideration of conspiracy theorizing in post-truth politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Superdeterminism—where the Measurement Independence assumption in Bell's Theorem is violated—is frequently assumed to imply implausibly conspiratorial correlations between properties λ of particles being measured and measurement settings x and y. But it does not have to be so: a superdeterministic but non-conspiratorial locally causal model is developed where each pair of entangled particles has unique λ. The model is based on a specific but arbitrarily fine discretisation of complex Hilbert space, where λ defines the information, over and above the freely chosen nominal settings x and y, which fixes the exact measurement settings X and Y of a run of a Bell experiment. Pearlean interventions, needed to assess whether x and y are Bell-type free variables, are shown to be inconsistent with rational-number constraints on the discretised Hilbert states. These constraints limit the post-hoc freedom to vary x keeping λ and y fixed but disappear with any coarse-graining of λ , X, and Y, rendering so-called drug-trial conspiracies irrelevant. Points in the discretised space can be realised as ensembles of symbolically labelled deterministic trajectories on an 'all-at-once' fractal attractor. It is shown how quantum mechanics might be 'gloriously explained and derived' as the singular continuum limit of the discretisation of Hilbert space. It is argued that the real message behind Bell's Theorem has less to do with locality, realism, or freedom to choose, and more to do with the need to develop more explicitly holistic theories when attempting to synthesise quantum and gravitational physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Telegram is a central space for unifying far-right actors and ideology, activists and movements, alternative media, conspiracies, and Coronavirus scepticism. While much research has focused on network dynamics and topic modelling, there is a scarcity of large scale, in-depth content analyses. The present research examines this environment through a semi-automated content analysis of German COVID-19 protest movement Querdenken on Telegram, to determine discursive features of the politicisation of this public health crisis within Querdenken's communities. The analysis of 1.4 million chat messages shows that key elements of right-wing populist discourse can be detected in several sub-communities. The people and the homeland are antagonised by the corrupt, oppressive elite. Within this environment, politicised anti-COVID-19 restrictions narratives combine with populist discourse, distributed from Querdenken channels via general information channels, connecting to activist, protest, news, lawyer, and doctor-themed chats. Within these channels, external links lead towards publications promoting far-right ideology and conspiracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis: Folia Litteraria Romanica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on conspiracy theories sometimes tends to pathologise this phenomenon with a focus on the impact of (sub) pathological predictors. However, socio-political factors also play a significant role in predicting belief in specific conspiracy theories. The aim of this article is to bridge these two perspectives through a unified cognitive mechanism. Based on an overlap between cheating and conspiracy concepts, we assume a cheating detection mechanism likely to underlie belief in conspiracy theories. Starting from the adaptive challenges of cheating detection, we explore the workings of this mechanism using signal detection theory and error management theory. The probability of cheating and decision bias according to the asymmetry of error costs in cheating detection could lead individuals to infer conspiracy theories. This functional mechanism not only explains the links between socio-political predictors and adherence to conspiracy theories but also helps us deduce alterations that may foster a stable inclination towards believing in conspiracy theories. These alterations, in turn, offer an explanation for the links between (sub)pathological predictors and conspiracy mentality. By integrating existing literature, our proposed model sheds light on the mechanisms underlying belief in conspiracy theories and presents new predictions to guide future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Soochow University Law Edition is the property of Soochow University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Paranoia is a common symptom of psychotic disorders but is also present on a spectrum of severity in the general population. Although paranoia is associated with an increased tendency to perceive cohesion and conspiracy within groups, the mechanistic basis of this variation remains unclear. One potential avenue involves the brain's dopaminergic system, which is known to be altered in psychosis. In this study, we used large-N online samples to establish the association between trait paranoia and perceptions of cohesion and conspiracy. We further evaluated the role of dopamine on perceptions of cohesion and conspiracy using a double-blind, placebo-controlled laboratory experiment where participants received levodopa or a placebo control. Our results were mixed: group perceptions and perceptions of cohesion were higher among more paranoid individuals but were not altered under dopamine administration. We outline the potential reasons for these discrepancies and the broader implications for understanding paranoia in terms of dopamine dysregulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]