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A consequence of over 400 years of human exploitation of Galápagos tortoises (Chelonoidis niger ssp.) is the extinction of several subspecies and the decimation of others. As humans captured, killed, and/or removed tortoises for food, oil, museums, and zoos, they also colonized the archipelago resulting in the introduction of invasive plants, animals, and manipulated landscapes for farming, ranching, and infrastructure. Given current conservation and revitalization efforts for tortoises and their habitats, here we investigate nineteenth and twentieth century Galápagos tortoise dietary ecology using museum and archaeological specimens coupled with analysis of carbon (δ13Ccollagen and δ13Capatite), nitrogen (δ15N), hydrogen (δD) and oxygen (δ18Oapatite) stable isotopes and radiocarbon dating. We identify that Galápagos tortoise diets vary between and within islands over time, and that long-term anthropogenic impacts influenced change in tortoise stable isotope ecology by using 57 individual tortoises from 10 different subspecies collected between 1833 and 1967—a 134-year period. On lower elevation islands, which are often hotter and drier, tortoises tend to consume more C4 vegetation (cacti and grasses). Our research suggests human exploitation of tortoises and anthropogenic impacts on vegetation contributed to the extinction of the Floreana Island tortoise (C. n. niger) in the 1850s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Western North American Naturalist is the property of Monte L. Bean Life Science Museum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Adaptation to Late Pleistocene climate change is an oft‐cited potential contributor to Neanderthal disappearance in Eurasia. Accordingly, research on Neanderthal behaviour – including subsistence strategies, mobility, lithic technology, raw material procurement and demography – often focuses on linking changes observable in the archaeological record to specific phases of climate and environmental change. However, these correspondences are often tenuous because palaeoclimatic and archaeological records are rarely available on the same scale. In Iberia, a critical location for understanding the demise of Neanderthals, some research indicates that Neanderthal populations were unable to recover from environmental degradations known as Heinrich Events, while other studies suggest that enclaves of Neanderthal populations survived for several millennia longer in refugial zones. Here, we present a palaeoenvironmental reconstruction study using analysis of δ13C and δ18O of herbivore tooth enamel recovered from two Mousterian deposits at Lapa do Picareiro, a site located in Portuguese Estremadura. We then use these data, combined with other site‐based palaeoenvironmental indicators, to assess whether central Portugal acted as a refugium during periods of unfavourable climate, and to test whether Neanderthals in Portuguese Estremadura reorganised their mobility strategies after severe climate episodes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using archaeological materials from the pre-Hispanic American Southwest, we explore how insights from both new materialism/posthumanism and Peircean semiotics enrich our understanding of object meanings. We highlight two artefact classes commonly found in contexts interpreted as ritual: avian osteological remains and red pigment. Drawing on archaeological evidence and a rich ethnographic record, we consider their diverse associations and uses with regard to their positions within relational assemblages and their qualities as material signs. Focusing specifically on the increase in avian remains in the Middle Rio Grande region in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and the association of red pigment with lapidary production in Chaco Canyon in the tenth to twelfth centuries, we identify how these materials are linked to disparate objects and contexts through iconicity and indexicality. We point to the relational constitution of object meaning as confounding analytical taxonomies that are traditionally applied to these materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Domesticated animals in the prehispanic American Southwest/Mexican Northwest functioned in many roles, but these roles seem to have varied across time and space. In this study, we use bone collagen and apatite carbon (δ13Ccol/ap) and nitrogen (δ15N) stable isotopes to investigate the role(s) of seven canids from Arroyo Hondo Pueblo (LA 12), a 14th century site in the northern Rio Grande, New Mexico. Results indicate that in some cases, coyotes seem to have been treated like dogs; in others, dogs seem to have been treated like their wild relatives. In all cases, canids were treated differently than domestic turkeys. We conclude that ethnographic, genetic, geochemical and site-specific contextual data are required to understand the roles of dogs and wild canids in Ancestral Puebloan contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical and archaeological evidence documents the importation of sea turtles from the eastern Pacific Ocean (Baja California) to California during the Gold Rush (1848-1855) and through the end of 19th century, but it is unknown whether these 19th century sea turtles foraged in similar ways to their modern counterparts. To identify the species of two Gold Rush-era sea turtle specimens recovered from archaeological deposits in San Francisco, California, we first analyze ancient DNA (aDNA). We then analyze carbon (δ13Ccol), nitrogen (δ15N), and hydrogen (δD) stable isotopes of bone collagen and carbon (δ13Cap) and oxygen (δ18Oap) stable isotopes of bone apatite to test if eastern Pacific sea turtle diets have changed over the past 160 years. Ancient DNA confirms that both archaeological specimens are green sea turtles (Chelonia mydas). The stable isotope values from the 19th-century specimens are statistically indistinguishable from the modern comparatives in both δ13Ccol and δ15N, suggesting that green sea turtle dietary intake has remained relatively unchanged since the 1850s. However, the values are unclear for δD and δ18Oap and require additional research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of optimal foraging theory in archaeology has been criticized for focusing heavily on “negative” human-environmental interactions, particularly anthropogenic resource depression, in which prey populations are reduced by foragers’ own foraging activities. In addition, some researchers have suggested the focus on resource depression is more common in the zooarchaeological literature than in the archaeobotanical literature, indicating fundamental differences in the ways zooarchaeologists and archaeobotanists approach the archaeological record. In this paper, we assess these critiques through a review of the literature between 1997 and 2017. We find that studies identifying resource depression occur at similar rates in the archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological literature. In addition, while earlier archaeological applications of optimal foraging theory did focus heavily on the identification of resource depression, the literature published between 2013 and 2017 shows a wider variety of approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing diet breadth, a distinguishing characteristic of human foraging strategies at the end of the Pleistocene and in the early Holocene, is known to be a key development contributing to domestication and the spread of agriculture and pastoralism. Many scholars have focused on broad-spectrum foraging as a result of resource depression due to demographic stress or environmental degradation. However, these factors are absent in an increasing number of cases. New research in the Gobi Desert shows that a dramatic change in organizational strategies, including the intensified use of low-ranked foods from dune-field and wetland habitats, is closely correlated with the establishment of dispersed patches boasting high species diversity and a concentrated abundance of small prey. According to a global suite of paleoenvironmental and archaeological data, it appears that the fragmentation of more homogeneous grassland habitats coincided with the rise of broad-spectrum foraging and that these fragmented ecosystems were ideally suited to the unique set of foraging strategies employed by modern Homo sapiens. This study shows how broad-spectrum foraging, increased human population density, and the shift toward food production should be considered by-products of major environmental changes that created an ecological setting ideal for enhanced human reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Spanish colonists entered New Mexico in 1598, they encountered landscapes shaped by centuries of intensive human use: the fields, water features, and towns of prehistoric New Mexico were all products of human activity, and both zooarchaeological and paleoethnobotanical data suggest significant human impacts on floral and faunal features outside of human settlement. And yet, these human-influenced prehistoric Southwestern landscapes were distinct from those that developed through the ‘Columbian exchange’ and contact between indigenous communities and the Spanish. The Spanish colonists brought with them a suite of new taxa – both floral and faunal – as well as new land management practices that transformed New Mexican environments, eventually leading to the iconic Southwestern landscapes of today. In this paper, I use zooarchaeological data to explore New Mexican landscapes from the late prehistoric period through the early 20th century, assessing the degree of influence of Spanish fauna across this period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper considers the impact of the Younger Dryas on the prehistoric inhabitants of Pont d''Ambon, a site in the Dordogne region of southwestern France, through an examination of the zooarchaeological remains from this site. An investigation of patch choice indicates that patch choice evenness declines during the Younger Dryas due to increasing local dominance of the grassland patch. Analyses of demographic composition, cutmark frequency, and marrow processing in the wild European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) assemblage suggest intensified rabbit use during this period. This study thus supports the hypothesis that changing climate had significant impacts on the prehistoric inhabitants of Pont d''Ambon. However, the traditional climate hypothesis—that changing climate negatively impacted the availability of larger fauna, forcing a switch to smaller, lower-ranked prey items—is not supported here. The inhabitants of Pont d''Ambon seem to have adapted to changing climate by efficiently exploiting the new species available to them, and possibly, during the Younger Dryas, by intensifying their use of one of these new species, the European rabbit. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Comments on Natalie Munro's analysis of hunting pressure and site occupation in the Natufian and the potential contribution of these two factors to the development of agricultural economies in the southern Levant. Use of ratios of small- to large-bodied prey and ratios of quick to slower prey to argue for the steady increase in the human population of the southern Levant through time; Munro's multifaceted argument concerning the relationship of climate, human subsistence, and the eventual onset of agriculture; Possible contribution of climate event to the preadaptation for agriculture in the region.