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The article reports on the school reform and politics participation. It mentions the Summer 2022 issue of Education Next, in an article on topic "Locally Elected School Board Are Failing," improving school governance and to ensure that the reform process prioritizes the interests of kids rather than the demands and political agendas of adults.

The article reports the nation's school boards including Local news reports, op-ed pages, and viral social-media post featuring parents and advocates protesting the presence of armed police officers in schools, the use of entrance exams for selective programs, mask mandates for in-person learning, and allegations that Critical Race Theory was infiltrating the K–12 curriculum.

At last count, U.S. voters were responsible for directly electing more than 510,000 public officials. Few of these contests feature lively campaigns or attract substantial media attention, often leaving the average voter to make decisions with limited information. We argue that the cognitive strategies voters use to make decisions in these low-information contests depend in part on the informational cues printed on their ballot—in particular, the presence or absence of partisan labels. Using two "Who Said What?" experiments, we show that voters engage in social categorization—and do so on the basis of race and ethnicity when candidates differ in their demographic background. We also find, however, that the availability of party labels shapes the degree to which voters categorize candidates based on their race and ethnicity. A central implication of our results is that efforts to increase minority representation should look beyond electoral institutions—such as district versus at-large elections—to the information printed on the ballot itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conduct a randomized control trial to assess the efficacy of utilizing modified introductory language in student evaluations of instruction to mitigate implicit bias. Students are randomly assigned within courses to three treatment arms and shown so‐called "cheap talk" scripts referencing implicit bias, the high stakes associated with student evaluations, and the combination of the two. We analyze both the impact assignment of the treatment has on completion rates as well as the effect on average instructor rating. Our analysis indicates assignment has statistically significant effects on the likelihood of response for those assigned the combined treatment, though the effects are heterogeneous with respect to both instructor and student race/ethnicity and gender. We further find the high‐stakes treatment leads to higher average scores for racial/ethnic minority instructors with no significant effects from the implicit bias and combined scripts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low and uneven turnout is a serious problem for local democracy. Fortunately, one simple reform—shifting the timing of local elections so they are held on the same day as national contests—can substantially increase participation. Considerable research shows that on-cycle November elections generally double local voter turnout compared with stand-alone local contests. But does higher turnout mean a more representative electorate? On that critical question, the evidence is slim and mixed. We combine information on election timing with detailed microtargeting data that includes voter demographic information to examine how election timing influences voter composition in city elections. We find that moving to on-cycle elections in California leads to an electorate that is considerably more representative in terms of race, age, and partisanship—especially when these local elections coincide with a presidential election. Our results suggest that on-cycle elections can improve local democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have largely overlooked the democratic challenges inherent in the governance of U.S. public education—despite profound implications for educational delivery and, ultimately, social mobility and economic growth. In this study, we consider whether the interests of adult voters who elect local school boards are likely to be aligned with the needs of the students their districts educate. Specifically, we compare voters and students in four states on several policy-relevant dimensions. Using official voter turnout records and rich microtargeting data, we document considerable demographic differences between voters who participate in school board elections and the students attending the schools that boards oversee. These gaps are most pronounced in majority nonwhite jurisdictions and school districts with the largest racial achievement gaps. Our novel analysis provides important context for understanding the political pressures facing school boards and their likely role in perpetuating educational and, ultimately, societal inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We employ a regression discontinuity design leveraging close school board elections to investigate how the racial and ethnic composition of California school boards affects school district administration and student achievement. We find some evidence that increases in minority representation lead to cumulative achievement gains of approximately 0.1 standard deviations among minority students by the sixth post‐election year. These gains do not come at the expense of white students' academic performance, which also appears to improve. Turning to the policy mechanisms that may explain these effects, we find that an increase in minority representation leads to greater capital funding and a larger proportion of district principals who are non‐white. We find no significant effects of minority representation on school segregation, the reclassification of English language learners, or teacher staffing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing evidence suggests that pocketbook considerations influence voting behavior in the United States and other developed countries and that incumbents can use targeted government benefits to win voter support. It remains unclear whether the general relationship between government spending and incumbent support also holds for means-tested welfare programs, however. I contribute to this empirical literature by taking advantage of the decade-long rollout of the American Food Stamp Program. The staggered timing of local program implementation allows me to credibly estimate the causal effect of this new benefit on election outcomes. Overall, I find that Democrats—at the center of the program's enacting coalition—gained votes when the program was implemented locally, apparently through mobilization of new supporters rather than the conversion of political opponents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments around the world have privatized public services in the name of efficiency and citizen empowerment, but some argue that privatization could also affect citizen participation in democratic governance. We explore this possibility by estimating the impact of charter schools (which are publicly funded but privately operated) on school district elections. The analysis indicates that the enrollment of district students in charter schools reduced the number of votes cast in district school board contests and, correspondingly, reduced turnout in the odd-year elections in which those contests are held. This impact is concentrated in districts that serve low-achieving, impoverished, and minority students, leading to a modest decline in the share of voters in those districts who are black and who have children. There is little evidence that charter school expansion affected the outcomes of school board elections or turnout in other elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: There is considerable debate about how election timing shapes who votes, election outcomes, and, ultimately, public policy. We examine these matters by combining information on more than 10,000 school tax referenda with detailed micro‐targeting data on voters participating in each election. The analysis confirms that timing influences voter composition in terms of partisanship, ideology, and the numerical strength of powerful interest groups. But, in contrast to prominent theories of election timing, these effects are modest in terms of their likely impact on election outcomes. Instead, timing has the most significant impact on voter age, with the elderly being the most overrepresented group in low‐turnout special elections. The electoral (and policy) implications of this effect vary between states, and we offer one explanation for this variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: There is evidence to suggest that asthma pathogenesis is affected by both genetic and epigenetic variation independently, and there is some evidence to suggest that genetic-epigenetic interactions affect risk of asthma. However, little research has been done to identify such interactions on a genome-wide scale. The aim of this studies was to identify genes with genetic-epigenetic interactions associated with asthma. Methods: Using asthma case-control data, we applied a novel nonparametric gene-centric approach to test for interactions between multiple SNPs and CpG sites simultaneously in the vicinities of 18,178 genes across the genome. Results: Twelve genes, PF4, ATF3, TPRA1, HOPX, SCARNA18, STC1, OR10K1, UPK1B, LOC101928523, LHX6, CHMP4B, and LANCL1, exhibited statistically significant SNP-CpG interactions (false discovery rate = 0.05). Of these, three have previously been implicated in asthma risk (PF4, ATF3, and TPRA1). Follow-up analysis revealed statistically significant pairwise SNP-CpG interactions for several of these genes, including SCARNA18, LHX6, and LOC101928523 (p = 1.33E–04, 8.21E–04, 1.11E–03, respectively). Conclusions: Joint effects of genetic and epigenetic variation may play an important role in asthma pathogenesis. Statistical methods that simultaneously account for multiple variations across chromosomal regions may be needed to detect these types of effects on a genome-wide scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on several political topics of the U.S. that were discussed during Politics Spotlight organized by the periodical "PS: Political Science & Politics," including climate change policy, tobacco regulations in 20th century and electoral politics.

Delegation of administrative authority is commonly thought to involve a tradeoff between the discretion necessary for bureaucratic effectiveness and democratic responsiveness. In many contexts, however, discretion and responsiveness go hand-in-hand: Street-level bureaucrats may adapt their behavior to accommodate local norms and values, even when implementing the identical statutory language. I argue that this type of bureaucratic adaptation can explain local variation in participation rates in the national food stamp program. By exploiting between-state differences in the level at which the program is administered, I further show that administrative centralization does not appear to moderate such responsiveness, which is high across institutional settings. Using data on application denial rates for a subset of these states, I offer additional evidence that some of the county-level variation in program participation is a product of decisions made by local caseworkers. Together, these findings offer important insights on the institutional preconditions for bureaucratic responsiveness and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Maternal folic acid (FA) protects against developmental toxicity from certain environmental chemicals. OBJECTIVE: We examined combined exposures to maternal FA and pesticides in relation to autism spectrum disorder (ASD). METHODS: Participants were California children born from 2000-2007 who were enrolled in the Childhood Autism Risks from Genetics and the Environment (CHARGE) case-control study at age 2-5 y, were clinically confirmed to have ASD (n=296) or typical development (n=220), and had information on maternal supplemental FA and pesticide exposures. Maternal supplemental FA and household pesticide product use were retrospectively collected in telephone interviews from 2003-2011. High vs. low daily FA intake was dichotomized at 800 lg (median). Mothers' addresses were linked to a statewide database of commercial applications to estimate agricultural pesticide exposure. RESULTS: High FA intake (≥800 lg) during the first pregnancy month and no known pesticide exposure was the reference group for all analyses. Compared with this group, ASD was increased in association with <800 lg FA and any indoor pesticide exposure {adjusted odds ratio [OR]=2:5 [95% confidence interval (CI): 1.3, 4.7]} compared with low FA [OR=1:2 (95% CI: 0.7, 2.2)] or indoor pesticides [OR =1:7 (95% CI: 1.1, 2.8)] alone. ORs for the combination of low FA and regular pregnancy exposure (≥6 mo) to pet pesticides or to outdoor sprays and foggers were 3.9 (95% CI: 1.4, 11.5) and 4.1 (95% CI: 1.7, 10.1), respectively. ORs for low maternal FA and agricultural pesticide exposure 3 mo before or after conception were 2.2 (95% CI: 0.7, 6.5) for chlorpyrifos, 2.3 (95% CI: 0.98, 5.3) for organophosphates, 2.1 (95% CI: 0.9, 4.8) for pyrethroids, and 1.5 (95% CI: 0.5, 4.8) for carbamates. Except for carbamates, these ORs were approximately two times greater than those for either exposure alone or for the expected ORs for combined exposures under multiplicative or additive models. CONCLUSIONS: In this study population, associations between pesticide exposures and ASD were attenuated among those with high versus low FA intake during the first month of pregnancy. Confirmatory and mechanistic studies are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct democracy is often touted as a means of reining in the administrative state, but it could also hinder the performance of public organizations. In particular, we argue that bargaining dynamics between voters and government officials can lead to costly administrative disruptions. We explore this issue by estimating the impact of Ohio tax referenda on school district administration using a regression discontinuity approach. The results suggest that administrators in districts where referenda failed sought to insulate core functions from revenue declines. Nonetheless, referendum failure (as opposed to passage) led to lower instructional spending, teacher attrition, and lower student achievement growth. Spending and performance generally rebounded within a few years, however, as districts eventually secured approval for a subsequent tax proposal. These results illustrate how involving citizens in decision-making can entail short-term transaction costs in the form of decreased administrative performance, which in this case may have had lasting achievement effects for students attending school in the wake of a referendum failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do legislative parties emerge in democracies where elections are contested by individual candidates, rather than national party organizations? And can parties survive in the absence electoral pressure for their members to work on shared political goals? In this article, we examine the emergence and maintenance of party discipline in an atypical legislative context: California's 1878–79 constitutional convention. The unusual partisan alignments among the delegates at the California convention provide us with a unique empirical opportunity to test election- and policy-based explanations for legislative discipline. Our study combines a careful reading of the historical record with a statistical analysis of roll call votes cast at the convention to show how leaders of the “Nonpartisan” majority held together their disparate coalition of Democratic and Republican members in the face of conflicting preferences, ideological divisions, and well-organized political opponents. Our findings provide evidence that cohesive parties can exist even in the absence of broadly shared electoral pressures or policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By conditioning their support for political incumbents on observed performance outcomes, voters can motivate elected officials to represent their interests faithfully while in office. Whether elections serve this function in subnational US government remains unclear, however, because much of the existing research on retrospective voting in these contexts focuses on outcomes that are not obviously salient to voters or over which the relevant government officials have limited influence. In this study, we examine one outcome--the quality of local roads--that is both salient and unquestionably under the control of city government. Our analysis leverages within-city variation in the number of pothole complaints in one of America's largest cities and shows that such variation can explain neighborhood-level differences in support for incumbents in two political offices--mayor and city council--across several electoral cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public education has been transformed by the widespread adoption of accountability systems that involve the dissemination of school district performance information. Using data from Ohio, we examine if elections serve as one channel through which these accountability systems might lead to improvements in educational quality. We find little evidence that poor performance on widely disseminated state and federal indicators has an impact on school board turnover, the vote share of sitting school board members, or superintendent tenure, suggesting that the dissemination of district performance information puts little (if any) electoral pressure on elected officials to improve student achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct democracy is sometimes described as a 'gun behind the door,' but how do legislators react when voters pull the trigger? Leveraging the high-profile referendum defeat of a controversial law passed by the Ohio legislature, I examine how legislators respond to voter disaffection. Using interest groups to 'bridge' votes before and after the election, I show that the measure's defeat induced moderation on the part of the Republican legislative majority, while leaving the behavior of opposition Democrats largely unchanged. The results suggest that direct democracy has the potential to restrain legislative excesses and alleviate polarization in state legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal governments are increasingly employing empirical measures of lower-level government performance to ensure that provincial and local jurisdictions pursue national policy goals. We call this burgeoning phenomenon ' performance federalism' and argue that it can distort democratic accountability in lower-level elections. We estimate the impact of a widely publicized federal indicator of local school district performance-one that we show does not allow voters to draw valid inferences about the quality of local educational institutions-on voter support for school tax levies in a U.S. state uniquely appropriate for this analysis. The results indicate that a signal of poor district performance increases the probability of levy failure, a substantively large and robust effect that disproportionately affects impoverished communities. The analysis employs a number of identification strategies and tests for multiple behavioral mechanisms to support the causal interpretation of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are city governments capable of responding to the preferences of their constituents? Is the menu of policy options determined by forces beyond their direct control? We answer these questions using a comprehensive cross-sectional database linking voter preferences to local policy outcomes in more than 2,000 midsize cities and a new panel covering cities in two states. Overall, our analysis paints an encouraging picture of democracy in the city: we document substantial variation in local fiscal policy outcomes and provide evidence that voter preferences help explain why cities adopt different policies. As they become more Democratic, cities increase their spending across a number of service areas. In addition, voter sentiment shapes the other side of the ledger, determining the level and precise mix of revenues on which cities rely. In short, we show that cities respond both to competitive pressures and the needs and wants of their constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions can political elites influence elections to favor their preferred policy outcomes by strategically crafting the language printed on the ballot? Drawing on psychological and political theories of voter cognition, we design a survey experiment to assess the degree to which ballot text can influence voter behavior in direct democracy elections and identify factors that may moderate such effects. We show that the language used to describe a ballot measure does indeed have the potential to affect election outcomes, including measures dealing with contentious social issues affecting individual rights. We also find, however, that exposing individuals to basic campaign information—in our case, endorsements from prominent interest groups—greatly attenuates the framing effects of ballot text. Our results suggest that the extent to which ballot text matters depends on the vibrancy of the campaign environment and other information available to voters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past three decades, a number of U.S. cities have shifted from at-large to district-based elections. Some observers argue that this institutional change encourages elected officials to focus on district priorities while ignoring—and perhaps even sacrificing—broader municipal needs. Must district elections bring parochialism and logrolling to city councils? Using seven years’ worth of roll call data from the Los Angeles City Council, we examine the hypothesis that district elections result in vote-trading among its members. Overall, voting behavior on the council appears inconsistent with conventional logrolling accounts and instead points to a strategy of conditional deference on the part of elected officials. The results suggest that district-based elections do not always push elected officials to ignore the general interests of their city. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Building on evidence that Latino voters participate at higher rates when co-ethnic candidates appear on the ballot, we report the results from a field experiment examining whether co-ethnic policy leadership can produce similar mobilization in direct democracy elections. The study features a direct-mail campaign conducted during California’s 2010 statewide primary election aimed at mobilizing Latino voters. The experiment included variation in the language of the message sent to voters and the extent to it emphasized the pivotal role played by a prominent Latino official in placing the policy on the ballot. We find that mobilization messages are most effective when they target voters using their preferred language, at least for English-dominant Latinos. By contrast, our experiment yielded no evidence that co-ethnic policy leadership increased voter turnout, although we do show that female voters participate at higher rates when the mobilization campaign prominently features a high-profile female official. These divergent effects provide lessons for the study of ethnic political participation and for the design of effective mobilization campaigns aimed at boosting Latino turnout. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented on comprehensive state constitutional law reform as of July 2010, focusing on proposed constitutional conventions in U.S. states such as California as a means of fixing the perceived faults in state governments. A historical overview of constitutional conventions is provided, including an examination of the 1787 convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania which drafted the U.S. Constitution.

Fiscally strapped local governments have increasingly turned to public-private partnerships (P3s) for redevelopment assistance, empowering private actors to exercise functions typically performed by the public sector. While P3s can enhance project funding and completion, they create the possibility of agency loss, that is, public means—tax dollars, public powers, and other resources—being diverted toward private purposes. Using a principal-agent approach, the authors examine an ambitious and widely heralded P3 in San Diego to build a downtown ballpark and encourage private investment in surrounding neighborhoods. The authors identify a set of political, institutional, and partnership conditions exacerbating agency loss and thwarting redevelopment's public mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of voter-imposed tax limitations, local governments have adopted ever-more complex financial mechanisms to balance their budgets. Increasingly, municipalities in California have made use of special assessments to finance local infrastructure improvements and other vital government services. These assessments bill property owners for public goods and services in proportion to the "special benefits" that they receive. Because benefit assessments are constitutionally distinct from taxes, the growth in assessment financing has come partly as a direct response to increased constraints on the ability of local governments to raise general taxes. Our contention is that this growth should prove cause for concern due to the unusual combination of social choice pathologies to which special assessments fall vulnerable. Field interviews with public officials and the consultants they call on to help create these assessments suggest that special assessments can indeed pose special democratic problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigated transport properties of ultrathin CaBaCuO (CBCO) bridges, focusing on vortex dynamics, and Josephson bicrystal junctions. The CBCO films used are composed of a stacking sequence of two structural subunits having different functions, namely a Ba-based charge reservoir (CR) block and a Ca-based infinite layer (IL) superconducting block. SQUID microscopy investigations of these films provide Pearl lengths A more than the bridge widths. Measuring current-voltage characteristics we found evidence that at high temperatures the vortices are thermally activated at the edge of the bridge and pushed in, causing dissipation and a power-law dependence of the voltage from the current. At lower temperatures, the experimental curves change their shape. We compared these data with the predicted behavior for vortex quantum tunneling and we found very good agreement. Moreover, we have realized Josephson junctions com- posed of only a few superconducting CuO2 planes. The CBCO films used in these experiments are only 8 nm thick and have six superconducting CuO2 planes. The simple structure of the GB allows a reliable estimation of the coupling along the ab planes of the CuO2. We calculate for 24° symmetric and asymmetric cases a critical current density per plane of about (1–3) kA/cm2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the inverse Born approximation the shape of a weak scatterer can be determined from a knowledge of the backscattered ultrasonic amplitude for all directions of incidence and all frequencies. Two questions are considered. First, what information on the scatterer shape is preserved and what is degraded if the scattering data are available only within a limited set of incident directions (limited aperture)? This problem is addressed for a spherical weakly scattering uniform flaw. It is shown that the problem of a general uniform ellipsoidal flaw can be reduced to the spherical case by a scale transformation; however, the apertures in these two cases must be related by the same transformation. Second, limited aperture and finite bandwidth Born inversions were performed for strongly scattering flaws (voids and cracks) using numerically generated scattering amplitudes. These inversions were then compared with the weak scattering analytic results, which show many common features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We demonstrate the controlled, reversible manipulation of individual vortices in a superconductor with a locally applied magnetic field. The local field is supplied by a field coil on a superconducting quantum interference device (SQUID). The SQUID is used to image the vortices before and after moving. This device can be used both to push individual vortices and to create individual vortex–antivortex pairs. We calculate the force applied on a rigid vortex and find that ∼0.5 pN is necessary to move vortices in underdoped single crystals of YBa[sub 2]Cu[sub 3]O[sub 6.354] with T[sub c]∼ 12 K. © 2002 American Institute of Physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A self-consistent two-gap γ -model is used to quantitatively describe several thermodynamic properties of MgB 2 superconductor. The superconducting coupling matrix, ν i j , was obtained from the fitting of the superfluid density in the entire superconducting temperature range. Using this input, temperature-dependent superconducting gaps, specific heat, and upper critical fields were calculated with no adjustable parameters and compared with the experimental data as well as with the first-principles calculations. The observed agreement between fit and data shows that γ -model provides adequate quantitative description of the two-gap superconductivity in MgB 2 and may serve as a relatively simple and versatile self-consistent description of the thermodynamic quantities in multi-gap superconductors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aggregation of the intrinsically disordered protein alpha-synuclein (αS) into amyloid fibrils is thought to play a central role in the pathology of Parkinson's disease. Using a combination of techniques (AFM, UV-CD, XRD, and amide-I 1D- and 2D-IR spectroscopy) we show that the structure of αS fibrils varies as a function of ionic strength: fibrils aggregated in low ionic-strength buffers ([NaCl] ≤ 25 mM) have a significantly different structure than fibrils grown in higher ionic-strength buffers. The observations for fibrils aggregated in low-salt buffers are consistent with an extended conformation of αS molecules, forming hydrogen-bonded intermolecular β-sheets that are loosely packed in a parallel fashion. For fibrils aggregated in high-salt buffers (including those prepared in buffers with a physiological salt concentration) the measurements are consistent with αS molecules in a more tightly-packed, antiparallel intramolecular conformation, and suggest a structure characterized by two twisting stacks of approximately five hydrogen-bonded intermolecular β-sheets each. We find evidence that the high-frequency peak in the amide-I spectrum of αS fibrils involves a normal mode that differs fundamentally from the canonical high-frequency antiparallel β-sheet mode. The high sensitivity of the fibril structure to the ionic strength might form the basis of differences in αS-related pathologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An obituary for physicist John Richard Clem is presented.