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The confrontation between Israel and Palestine that has been continuing during many decades is embodied nowadays not only in incessant military activities, but also in the media. Those ones protecting Palestine serve as sources of aggressive propaganda that incite irreconcilable hatred toward opponents. Correspondingly, with permanent attacks against Israel the above media insistently use a specifically colored lexis that escalates the tense situation in this region. This article purposefully envisages the “topic of hatred” promoted by the Palestinian print media as an active actor of modern political transformation in the Middle East. Investigating principles of functioning these media provides with better understanding of contemporary authoritarian society and raises the question of the media dependence on the political guidelines of Palestinian authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian media frequently wrote about Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (1996–99, 2009–21), analysing his role in Middle Eastern affairs, especially with regard to Palestinian-Israeli relations, the Syrian civil war, and the Iranian nuclear programme. Examining Netanyahu's image in the Russian press is crucial not only for understanding the political priorities of twenty-first-century Russian media but also for investigating Moscow's role in international politics given its keen interest in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terms perestroika (literally, "transformation") and glasnost (literally, "transparency") refer to the social change that took place in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Then USSR leader, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev, introduced perestroika as a necessary action to improve the nation's economy and its international relations. Glasnost was meant to promote effective discussions regarding the country's existing problems and shortcomings. However, only a few years following their instatement, both processes did not improve the sociopolitical situation. On the contrary, they led to the country's collapse. This article seeks to answer why gracious intentions, meant to actualize the hopes and dreams of the Soviet people, eventually resulted in tremendously difficult times. Special attention is paid to the role of the Soviet media, which became a catalyst for many social problems. The authors raise the issue of the media's level of responsibility during this social transformation, which appeared to be one of the most crucial conditions for its successful implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs that the Israel–Russia relations refers to the bilateral foreign relations between the two countries, Israel and Russia. Topics include the two countries have signed twenty intergovernmental agreements; Russian–Israeli relations are based on a mutual interest: to bring peace to the Middle East; and Russia's policy toward Iran has always been in conflict with that of Israel.

The Middle East is one of the 'unreliable links' in the international security system. This became apparent once Iran began developing its nuclear program decades ago, and in recent years, the program has reinforced the challenges to international security. The steps taken by the UN and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as well as US sanctions have not yet achieved positive results. Although Russia formally supported these sanctions, its political interests and attitude to Iran differ significantly from that of the United States and its allies. Russia seeks to consolidate its position in the region, challenging American policies. This article investigates political contradictions regarding the implementation of Iran's nuclear strategy and observes the position of the Russian print media as a source of information. Despite the active development of online news in Russia, print media continue serving as a popular information source in the country. This holds especially true for local officials, who are responsible for making government decisions, thus determining our increased interest in these forms of media. The Russian press, when covering the 'Iranian nuclear issue,' do not serve as unbiased sources of information, but suggest propaganda influence, albeit flavored with thorough knowledge of the political situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The content of mass information in any society is closely linked to the patterns of its political development. A typical example of this concerns the modern Russian media, which have been influenced particularly by their embeddedness with the authorities. Indeed, the Russian media have served as the mouthpiece of the country's political leaders, and this fact has left a significant imprint on media coverage. To understand the symbiotic relationship between Russian political leaders and media, this article focuses on the Syrian Civil War, which is currently one of the most important issues on the international political agenda. The Russian government's role in the conflict over the last several years has affected the Russian media's tremendous interest in this topic. Nonetheless, Moscow's participation in the war was determined uniquely by how the communication sphere related the conflict to its audience so that its involvement in the Syrian imbroglio was not an objective reflection of reality. Guided by the political interests of the authorities, the Russian media created an emotionally oriented story, which intended to advance an extremely positive interpretation of Russia's role in this conflict in the minds of the audience. Therefore, in terms of propaganda, these media acted not as "pure" promoters of the state's will, but rather as its "interpreters." This study highlights how leading Russian publications approach this agenda and the consequences this fact has for the Kremlin's political priorities. The authors come to a definite conclusion regarding Russian media's unconditional dependence on the political priorities of modern Russian society. It was crucial for the Kremlin that the media present a positive view of Moscow's involvement in the conflict given that Russia's military presence in Syria caused a very controversial reaction throughout the world and led to increased tensions and contentious disputation between Russia and many Western countries. Therefore, the Kremlin needed to justify its policies and did so through manipulating the Russian public by means of a large-scale propaganda campaign conducted through the Russian media. This phenomenon is pivotal to understand not only the case of Russia's involvement in Syria but also contemporary international media development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an increasing amount written on the decline of professional journalism around the world. One of the factors that are used to illustrate the decline of journalism is the interaction and collaboration between journalists and public relations (PR) practitioners in the production of mass media news content. On a theoretical and conceptual level, the aims and goals of the two professions are quite different, even though there are a number of superficial similarities between these forms of mass communication. Studies of the interaction between journalism and PR in the United States reveal a certain underlying tension, yet simultaneous mutual dependency. An indicative survey was conducted across different cities in the Russian Federation to understand the perception of professional journalists and PR practitioners on the current level of interaction between their professions. The answers were remarkably similar and reveal a deep concern for the direction of journalism, which many viewed as being subordinated to PR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The development of the contemporary Russian media causes great concern. This relates, first of all, to the level of objectivity of information on the most pivotal issues of the day. The reduction in its quality, following the media coverage of the most pivotal issues in international and domestic politics, seems to have been extraordinary since 2000, after Russian President Vladimir Putin's coming to power. Except for purely political and economic changes that occurred in the country over the last 15 years, the past period was marked by the transformation of the media leading to a specific situation in which journalists seem to be unable to properly fulfill their professional duties. It concerns the whole spectrum of issues being covered by the Russian media following specific relationships between politics and the media in Russia. The author reviews the main tendencies relating to this topic, together with the media content promoted in existing conditions and aims to distinguish the main trends in the evolution of the modern media, together with Putin's decisions securing political partisanship of mass information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian mass media system has experienced tremendous change since the Soviet era. It has been argued that some similarities still exist between the old Soviet system and the new post-Soviet media, such as the practice of self-censorship. Pressure has been mounting on the mass media's level of editorial freedom since the late Yeltsin era, beginning with a raft of new laws introduced under the guise of keeping the media ‘honest’. One contemporary influence constraining and shaping media development is Russia's `war on terrorism'. Ever since the infamous apartment bombings of August 1999, over 1000 people have been killed and scores more physically and emotionally scarred by acts of terrorism on Russian soil. The political, social and economic costs have been considerable. Russia's `war on terrorism' has provided the authorities with ample excuses to curtail media reporting, such as protecting the work of the security forces in combating terrorist activity, stopping the spread of terrorist ‘propaganda’ and protecting victims of terrorist acts. Numerous bills have been debated in the Duma on prohibiting activity by the mass media during an incident. Senior representatives from the mass media have been involved in talks with the authorities on the issue and in drawing up industry guidelines for reporting on a terrorist act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]