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The article is an attempt to examine the degree of dependency of Jerome's exegesis of the parables from the Gospel of St. Matthew on the exegesis of the same texts by Origen. The primary sources are Jerome's Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew written in 398 AD, when he was already opposed to the Alexandrian, and Origen's Commentary on the same Gospel. A detailed comparative analysis of the exegesis of the selected parables led to the following conclusions. The differences between the approaches of both authors are limited to three issues: (1) Jerome's interpretations reflect the spirit of the post-Nicene period, marked by Trinitarian disputes; (2) The Stridonian dissociates himself from all associations with Origen's dubious theological suggestions, such as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis, which can be noticed concealed in the exegesis of the Alexandrian; (3) Jerome's comments are short and concisely convey the main spiritual meaning of the parables in question, but this difference in the length of comments is quite secondary. Despite the above differences the reliance of the Stridonian on the Alexandrian is significant. Jerome's elaborations are very similar to those of Origen in terms of exegetic methodology and spiritual content extracted from the text of the Gospel. Even if Jerome does not accept all the solutions proposed by the Alexandrian, he is in constant dialogue with him and remains in his work an Origenist dependent on the allegorical orientation of exegesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the Christological heresies found in the Letters of St Jerome. These are Arianism, Apolinarianism, the heresies preached by the Ebionites and Nazarenes, the heresies professing Docetism and Pelagianism. In the heresies described, the Author of the Vulgate demonstrates not only doctrinal errors, but also defends the orthodoxy of the Christian faith in his writings. The article furthermore points out the important issues in Christology highlighted by the Monk of Bethlehem. It is mainly concerned with the confusion of concepts in Greek and Latin concerning the terms οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, the attempt to restore their proper meaning, the formation of the correct meaning and understanding of the term persona, the pointing out of the dangers of Pelagianism and the linking of it to earlier heresies in order to draw attention to its pernicious effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the relationship of solitude to place in Jerome's fourth-century Life of Saint Hilarion. It does so through the medium of Burrus's own experience of solitude and place. In 2020, having planned to visit Hilarion's mountaintop hermitage in Cyprus, she found herself instead weathering the pandemic at the Clark Art Institute in Williamstown, Massachusetts. Thus she came to know Hilarion's Cyprus by developing a relationship with the northern Berkshires; she came to know Hilarion's solitude by experiencing her own. The essay reperforms this interspatial dynamic, reading Jerome through the mediation of four objects of art that Burrus encountered on the Clark campus in 2020–21. Three are contemporary sculptures—Kelly Akashi's A Device to See the World Twice (2020), Thomas Schütte's Crystal (2015), and Giuseppe Penone's Le foglie delle radici (The Leaves of Roots) (2011)—and one is a seventeenth-century map. Burrus suggests that solitude allows us to know place (and ourselves as part of it) more deeply and intimately, offers a vantage point for seeing further and more clearly, undoes our sense of distinctiveness as humans, and transforms the intervals and flows of our movements in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the New Testament canon regularly relies on criterial and reception-historical methodologies to antedate the Christian scriptural collection well before its first advocacy as a "rule" of scripture in the 39th Festal Letter of Athanasius of Alexandria (367 CE). Pushing back against these narratives and associated tendencies, this article prefers a functional or forensic approach to the institution of a twenty-seven-book New Testament and highlights evidence demonstrating how the Athanasian episcopal canon was amplified, amended, and accepted in the Christian East and West in the decades following its promulgation. Against suggestions that the canon existed as early as the second century, this handling of data on the New Testament, a scriptural instrument set forth with authoritative and exclusionary intentions, fits the guidelines of creative discourse and historical redescription so as to credit Athanasius, in the fourth century, as the inventor of the canon regnant into the present day. Among other foci, tracing the fortunes of a subcanonical category of books shows the potential for new histories of familiar canonical evidence that may ensue, especially those that plumb the possibility of dissent to the Athanasian scriptural boundaries or augment our awareness of the place and value of such an established standard within institutional, monastic, academic, imperial, and even so-called heretical contexts in and beyond the fourth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes B.-R. Voss' proposal to attribute the verb vicisti to Cicero's Consolatio (fr. 3 Vit. = 13 Mü.: cedo -- inquit -- en manum tollo), based on two quotations from Jerome (Alterc. 14.519: en tollo manus, cedo, vicisti and Adv. Pelag. 3.7: iam iam tollo manum, cedo, vicisti). In a different perspective, the hypothesis advanced here is that Jerome derives vicisti not from Cicero, but from Vergil (Aen. 12.936-937: vicisti et victum tendere palmas / Ausonii videre), contaminating the two quotations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Biblica & Patristica Thoruniensia is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Patrum is the property of Wydzial Teologii KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although religious ethicists commonly assess the content of public communication to determine its merits, this article argues that the style and techniques of communication deserve similar analysis. Propaganda often employs rhetorical techniques that impress the recipient through persuasive sleight-of-hand or emotional appeal. Drawing on the church fathers' suspicion of classical rhetoric, as well as Augustine's guarded defense of a specific type of rhetoric, the author formulates two principles of ethical propaganda that may assist public communicators in persuading ethically. These two principles are the procedural movement of beauty from truth, and the use of caritas as a primary motivator in persuasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerome wrote Epistula prima probably during the decade of 366-376. Little is known about this stage in his life, but it was apparently then that as a young man he became interested in asceticism and at the end of this period of time finally decided to become a monk. However, the ascetic ideas are not the main theme of Ep. 1. The letter tells the story of a falsely accused woman who was subjected to torture and survived seven strokes of the executioner's sword. The way in which Jerome interprets and presents these events reflects his spiritual profile and aesthetic preferences. The text can be interpreted both as a letter (a 'real' or a 'fictional' one) with an embedded narrative and as a non-epistolary work with a dedicatory preface. This affects the way in which the reader responds to the introduction (where Jerome's anxiety concerning the imperfection of his style is expressed) as well as his or her right to assess the subsequent narrative. None of these approaches eliminates the duality in the text's structure. Therefore, it should be interpreted on the two following levels: as an epistolary speculum animi, which shows Jerome in the situation of undertaking the task of writing the narrative, and as another, literary speculum, which reflects the author's soul by means of artistic expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Acta Universitatis Carolinae Philologica is the property of Charles University Prague, Karolinum Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I propose to approach a selection of Jerome's Letters with the theory of generic modes as established by Alastair Fowler and Klaus W. Hempfer, and with the concept of generic enrichment developed by Stephen J. Harrison. Using these concepts the epistolary genre, which is known for its open nature and diverse forms, can be approached from a shifted aesthetical perspective. My analysis focuses on two exemplary letters. In the first of these two letters, Jerome asks a friend to join him in his ascetic lifestyle in the desert (Hieronymus, Epistula 14). To illustrate the progress of his arguments Jerome employs traditional nautical metaphors and develops a literary celeuma. He does this by turning it into a model for the letter's form and by extending the epistolary genre through a hymn-like mode. Thus, the author christianises the celeuma and turns it into a hymn. In the second letter, Jerome asks a Christian widow to leave Rome and to join him in Bethlehem (Hieronymus, Epistula 46). The author integrates a satirical mode in some passages that allude to the pagan and biblical traditions of satire. He therefore turns his satirical description into an argument supporting his purpose. Both the hymn-like elements and the satirical passages do not have the complete outer form of the according genres but do rather correspond to the concept of modes. The epistolary genre is therefore extended but not replaced by these modes and gains additional meaning through their integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book of Kohelet has been interpreted in very different, even opposing ways. There are rather divergent views on its main theme. Is Kohelet a God-fearing sage or a hedonistic sceptic? A godly preacher or a godless provocateur? This article shows three important interpretations of the book through the centuries and highlights their presuppositions, methods and results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mnemosyne is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In several places the anonymous Roman presbyter, now known as "Ambrosiaster," expressed concern over the compensation given to presbyters. This article examines his comments in the context of several fourth-century developments: first, restrictions imposed on the members of the curial class in respect to holding clerical office, a phenomenon attested both in imperial legislation and in patristic sources; second, the spread of ascetical ideals of clerical life, fostered especially by writers such as Ambrose and Jerome. While Ambrosiaster shared the view that a member of the clergy (ecclesiasticus) should abstain from "worldly business activities" (negotia saecularia), in contrast to his more ascetic contemporaries, he stressed the importance of adequate payment for the clergy and encouraged wealthy Christians to provide it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Tintoretto's Saint Jerome and Saint Andrew (Venice, Gallerie dell'Accademia), St. Jerome glances at an open book. Some have speculated that the book in the painting is a Hebrew Bible, similar to those published in Tintoretto's time, and consistent with classic iconography of Jerome and his Latin Bible translation. This study argues that the book can be positively identified as the 1550‐1551 edition of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah. The timing of the painting coincided with an intensified persecution of the Hebrew printing press which originated with an attack on the same Mishneh Torah edition. Placing the painting in the context of this milieu has led to a new interpretation of the painting and its placement in the Palazzo dei Camerlenghi cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Jerome, in speaking about translation, often introduces the opposition between uerba and sensus, this contrast mainly serves to highlight the difficulties of the translator's work and does not actually indicate the need to choose between different methods of translation. In fact, the translator must first of all understand the text, and for rendering it faithfully -- which includes the delicate case of sacred texts -- there is not just one possible method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vrhbosnensia is the property of Katolicki Bogoslovni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Patrum is the property of Wydzial Teologii KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Patrum is the property of Wydzial Teologii KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Patrum is the property of Wydzial Teologii KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As the last book of the Pentateuch, Deuteronomy was considered divine law par excellence in early and medieval Christianity. Circa AD 400, Jerome, Ambrose and Augustine, each with their own emphasis, provided expositions for this biblical book, thus shaping the beginning of the Latin exegesis of Deuteronomy. Jerome transmitted to the Latin world Origen’s typological motif and his allegorical expositions; as he was meanwhile developing a philology-based exegetical approach of his own. Ambrose was interested in expounding the “precepts of the Law,” and used them as the guide to the ethics of the Christian common life. Augustine searched for the link between the Old Law and the Gospel via “spiritual understanding”; he was more inclined to study “the proper sense” of the biblical text later in his life. The exegetical heritage of these three Fathers was then gradually received by the Latin exegetes of later centuries, and functioned as the diverse foundation for the Latin exegetical tradition of Deuteronomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanitas: Revista de Estudos Greco-Latinas is the property of Universidade Federal do Espirito Santo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Patrum is the property of Wydzial Teologii KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gerion: Revista de Historia Antigua is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many scholars have sought to understand renaissance culture in terms of self-fashioning, a concept that sees the sixteenth-century preoccupation with imitation and performance as symptoms of a desire to conform outwardly to social expectations. Historians of Tudor England and biographers of Thomas More, influenced by this concept, have despaired of discovering the "true" Thomas More behind a bewildering array of self-fashioned masks that More "wore" as both an author and public figure. Recent scholarship seeks to show the coherence of More's character, despite the fact that his life and writings do not fit neatly into contemporary scholarly categories. Understanding More as a "Christian Humanist" and focusing on More's intervention in a controversy between his friends Erasmus and Dorp, this study positions More as engaging in typological emulation, whereby in imitating the correspondence of Jerome and Augustine, he seeks to embody more perfectly the ideal of the Christian orator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lawrence Venuti's discussion of Jerome's Letter to Pammachius falls short of accounting for Jerome's situation as an orthodox author in late antiquity. Venuti's conceptualization of Jerome's 'instrumental model of translation' may be seen as a construct rather than a reconstruction. The apparent gaps of Jerome's theory may be explained based on a different modality of communication, reflecting an attitude to language that differs from our own. This is important because Venuti purports to present the instrumental model as generative. Meanwhile, radical 'instrumentalism' should be seen as an abstract type. Theoretical comments of the Polish Bible translator Szymon Budny (1530–1596) count as one example of such instrumentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against many defenders of the LXX, such as Hilary of Poitiers and Augustine, Jerome tries to prove the superiority of the Hebrew text as a source text of translation. To do so, in his Preface to the Chronicles (iuxta Hebraeos), Jerome relies on three authorities: the Hebrews, the Apostles, and Christ. The Hebrews philologically endorse Jerome's translation, by judging whether it literally agrees with the Hebrew text. The Apostles support Jerome's position both philologically and theologically: sometimes their Old Testament quotations literally agree with the Hebrew text; at other times they spiritually agree with the Hebrew text, even though they do not literally. Christ functions as the highest authority. Relying on these three, Jerome's real purpose concerning Hebraica veritas is not only the philological discussion between the Hebrew text and the LXX, but also the theological discussion between these two texts and the Old Testament quotations in the New Testament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vigiliae Christianae is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Diálogos Mediterrânicos is the property of Nucleo de Estudos Mediterranicos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper attempts to offer a new interpretation of the apparently 'neutral' epistolary exchange between Jerome and Paulinus of Nola, focusing on Hier. epist. 85 in terms of both content and language. By arguing for a significant uniformity in the use of Origen over the years, the article explores the possibility that the Origenist controversy and Jerome's self-defence are the central issues in a letter normally neglected by scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important theological questions in the first Origenist controversy was that of the resurrection of the dead. Jerome accused both Origen and contemporary "Origenists" of speaking only of the resurrection of the body, and not of the flesh, and he claimed that an idea of resurrection without the flesh could not guarantee the identity between the body living on earth and the resurrected body. I argue that although Jerome attempted to maximize the difference between himself and Origen by speaking of flesh instead of body, and by emphasizing the sameness of the body, it is clear that he, too, thought that the resurrection would imply a profound change. At closer scrutiny, Jerome's way of understanding this change, namely as the nature remaining the same while the glory increases, shows striking similarities to Origen's explanation of change. I argue that Jerome was dependent on Origen's ideas about the resurrection, even in his polemics against him. Jerome's heresiological strategies, I argue, have had consequences for modern historical reconstructions of his eschatological thought, which is often presented in opposition to Origen's more spiritual understanding. Awareness of the rhetorical strategies used by Jerome in the context of controversy is crucial, I claim, in assessing a continuing reception of Origen in his theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note identifies Jerome's commentary on Paul's Epistle to Titus 3:9 as a source for §4 of Isidore of Seville's De ecclesiasticis officiis 2.11, i.e. the chapter De lectoribus , which forms an important document in the history of linguistic education and the historical (socio)linguistics of early 7th-century Visigothic Spain. This source identification provides the basis for a suggestion of textual criticism and for two more general observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the chronological contradiction in Abraham's departure from Haran (Gen 11:26, 32; 12:4) has been explained in the history of biblical interpretation, especially in rewritten Scripture from Qumran (4Q252 and Jubilees), Josephus, and rabbinic literature (Genesis Rabbah), including the lost Jewish tradition preserved by Jerome. According to Ben Zion Wacholder, who dealt with a different case of chronology in Genesis, the rabbinic and the Qumranic views are too different to be reconcilable, whereas the Graeco-Jewish writers and Qumran literature present similar views. This study, however, demonstrates that rabbinic interpretation of Abraham's departure share some important ideas both with Qumran literature and Josephus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the place of Hebrew in Jerome's work by situating it in wider patterns of late antique masculinity and shame. Drawing on Sedgwick and Fanon, it shows how shame is a spatial affect. Discussions of Hebrew in Jerome's work emphasise the particular spaces in which Hebrew is written, read, or transported. One space is particularly important for Jerome's translations of Hebrew: the space of the mouth as it inhales and exhales language. Focussing on space, language, and breath reveals why Hebrew is particularly shameful for Jerome and explains some of the apparent ambiguities in his discussions of translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally believed that there was a shift in Eretz Israel from an Ur-targum to the Prophets ("Targum Proto-Jonathan") to a later Palestinian offshoot ("Targum Yerushalmi"), whose precise character and origin are controversial. In each of these two targumim, the Aramaic term used to render Hebrew ‮קֶסֶת‬‎ (Ezek 9:2, 3, 11) is of Greek origin. Proto-Jonathan's rendering, preserved as ‮פִינקַס‬‎ in Targum Jonathan, comes from a Greek term (πίναξ) related to Symmachus's Greek rendering (πινακίδιον). Targum Yerushalmi's rendering, preserved as ‮קלמרין‬‎ in MS Sassoon 368, is equivalent to the Greek rendering (καλαμάριον) attributed to "one of the Hebrews" by Origen in his commentary on Ezekiel. These correspondences, taken together with other evidence, suggest that Targum Proto-Jonathan to Ezekiel was still being used in Eretz Israel during Symmachus's time (late second century CE), and that the shift from Proto-Jonathan to Targum Yerushalmi in Ezekiel had at least begun by the time that Origen completed his commentary on Ezekiel (fifth decade of the third century CE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cicero and St Jerome are often thought to belong to opposite schools of translation theory. This assumption neglects an important continuity between the two translators, namely their understanding of translation as a master-slave relationship. A far more important discursive break occurred in the work of St Augustine, who was the first to project onto translation the religious role of a fidus servus (faithful slave) in relationship to the divine word. His theorization of how truth could be revealed in both original and translated texts is radically different from our received ideas about the hierarchy of source and target. It also initiated an epistemological shift that would have a profound effect on later Christian translators. The scholar Boethius was the first to use Augustine's model of translation with secular texts, paving the way for this eschatological theory to take precedence throughout early medieval Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article endeavours to show that Jerome imitates Horace's Ode 2.17.5-6 in Letter 3.3.1. This Jeromian fine-tuning of Horace is then imitated in turn by Jerome himself on two later occasions (epist. 17.3.2 and chron. epist. p. 2.17 H.). Jerome's original imitation of this Horatian text in Letter 3.3.1 is also combined with a hitherto unidentified imitation of Quintilian (inst. 6 prooem. 6 and 9). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Jerome saw Jewish Nazariteship as providing a foundation for Christian asceticism. Jerome perceived Naziriteship as an epitome of saintly life, prefiguring the lives of the apostles, and realized in the lives of the Desert Fathers and Mothers, in their extreme devotion and standing above the rest of the community, but in an honourable way. Jerome's vision of asceticism reflected his ambiguous relationship with Jewish tradition, both admiring Nazarite ideals and critical of its practice by Law observant followers of Jesus. Understanding the tradition of the Jewish Nazirites through the eyes of Jerome is central not only to understanding the ascetic tradition in the region that saw the birth of Christianity, but to illustrating an important tension within the Christian tradition in general, between emphasis on a personal relationship with God and separation from the community to that end, and emphasis on a common life organized and supported by the hierarchy of the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mare Nostrum is the property of Revista Mare Nostrum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Batista Pioneira is the property of Revista Batista Pioneira and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I offer three brief notes on Ambrosiaster's Q. 101, De iactantia Romanorum leuitarum. First, I discuss its relation to Letter 146 of Jerome, which also deals with the rivalry between presbyters and deacons and which bears a close resemblance to Q. 101; second, I examine the peculiar features of the church hierarchy at Rome that led the anonymous deacon to claim a superior status to presbyters and third, I explore some indications in Q. 101 and in Jerome, Letter 146, which point to the activity of deacons in elite households at Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vrhbosnensia is the property of Katolicki Bogoslovni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses two problems of interpretation in the entry on Dexter in Jerome's De viris illustribus (Hier. vir. ill.). In particular, it offers the first detailed discussion of the information we possess on Dexter's omnimoda historia, and suggests that it may have been a Latin translation and/or adaptation of the first part of the chronicle of Eusebius, the so-called chronography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on the textual tradition of Latin versions of the Testimonium Flavianum prompts another enquiry into the original text and the transmission of the famous passage. It is suggested here that the Greek/Latin versions highlight a western/eastern early history of the Testimonium and that in turn directs our attention back to the original circumstances of its composition and publication in the city of Rome in the later years of the first century. Restored to its original historical context, the Testimonium emerges as a carefully crafted attack upon the post-Pauline community of Christ-followers in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]