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This paper examines how young Turkish Muslims in Britain construct their ethnic identity by looking at their relationships with their families, the Turkish community, the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices. The focus of this study is certainly young Turkish Muslims who have been relatively ignored in multicultural British society. By the youth, I refer to the generation who were born in or arrived in Britain at an early age, who live in two different cultural spaces, who are more open to social and cultural changes in their everyday lives — particularly through school, college, and other institutions — than their parents, and who thus construct their ethnic identities through two ‘geopolitical dimensions’: ‘inside-out’ and the ‘outside-in’. This means that the identity process is built, not just in relation to individuals’ relationships with their family, inside the community, and so on, but also in relation to outsiders’ attitudes, treatments, and perceptions. What is important to grasp here is that there is a dynamic interaction from the inside-out and the outside-in. Britain allows one to better explore the effects of these two dimensions on the ethnic identity construction of young Turks. On the one hand, it is home to many social, cultural, political, and religious organisations which are promoted by Turkish communities to circulate and strengthen their identity. On the other hand, it also enables those young people to have relations with the wider society, especially the majority group. Thus, their identity negotiations are influenced both by internal and external forces.A review of the literature demonstrates three primary deficiencies. Firstly, the past research conducted on the issue of young Turkish Muslims’ ethnic identity in Britain is few and far between. Secondly, these studies have overlooked either the internal or external dynamics of that community which significantly influence ethnic identity construction in younger generations. Lastly, these studies, except one, are now over twenty years old. By focusing on the views, feelings, and experiences of young Turkish Muslims in Britain in relation to their families, the Turkish community, the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices, this paper aims to fill these gaps in the literature.This article draws on semi-structured in-depth interviews with young Turkish Muslims who were born in or who arrived in Britain at an early age. Interviews were conducted in London and Bristol between 2016 and 2018 with 14 young Turks and, ranging in age from eighteen to thirty years. I also conducted unstructured interviews with 3 older Turkish people who gave information about the Turkish communities existing in Bristol. The interviews were sampled using the snowball technique, which served the purpose of accessing the participants and establishing trustworthy relations with them. To facilitate the coding of the transcripts, I used NVivo. I employed thematic analysis to identify and analyse patterns of meaning in the dataset.The findings of the research show that the ethnic identity construction of young Turkish Muslims has taken place on a tension line that arises between their own culture and the dominant culture. Most of my young respondents are aware of their ethnic identities and the cultural, social, and religious values which are the building blocks of their identities. Their relationships with the family, Turkish community, friends, and the host society, and their religious attitudes and practices have positively influenced the construction and maintenance of their ethnic identities. In this respect, this study makes a significant contribution to the literature on the ethnic identity formation of young Turkish Muslims in Britain.

James Griffin’s book “On Human Rights” is a critical account of the global leading imposition of human rights experience. Griffin provides a systematic outlook of the universality of human rights on basis of three key concepts: autonomy, liberty and a minimum provision. This article provides an analysis of Griffin’s critique and how the Ottoman practice of rights and duties overlaps and differs. According to Griffin Human Rights in the last fifty years has become a standing symbol of the Western global influence in promoting justice, fairness, political freedoms and equities as a human condition to be universally respected and acknowledged as an unalienable fundament. A condition that is formed through revolutions and major wars in the last couple of centuries so vigorous that gave birth to the need to protect the normative agent as is described by James Griffin. Griffin makes a philosophical case for the three concepts of autonomy, liberty and minimum provision. Upon further reading “On Human Rights” one encounters problems of practical nature that Griffin neither offers a clear explanation nor a functional framework for what he believes human rights ought to be. This book does however provide an invigorating debate on the question of how a discourse of rights can be uniquely different in virtue of distinct moral foundations. Griffin merely scrutinizes the arbitrariness of the universal declaration of human rights being based on concepts such as dignity instead of a universal shared moral theory. It is at this point that this paper perceives overlap between Griffins concepts of autonomy, liberty and minimum provision. The Ottoman practice and approach of individuals may not distinctly be labelled as human rights, yet does overlap with Griffin’s philosophical account of personhood.

Since the Treaty of Westphalia, sovereign states have combined national security with border security, as border is accepted as the line of sovereignty that separates “us” from “others”. The step of forming a European identity as a supra-identity apart from the national identities of the European countries within the borders of each state takes its roots from this perception of being “us”. Though highlighted in Copenhagen Criteria that the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities are ensured; when we look at today’s immigration policies we see a serious deviation from this founding approach emphasizing and ensuring multiculturalism. With labour migration in the 1960s, refugees fleeing Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 2015 refugee crisis, Europe's population structure began to change. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the security approach has taken the place of economic considerations in migration management. The 2015 refugee crisis has become not only a border security crisis but also a crisis of European identity and welfare state protection. This paper aims to investigate the effects of religion, nationalism, and economic concerns on the transformation of immigration policies after 2015 in Denmark, which employs extreme restrictive policies, and Sweden, which has a relatively welcoming culture. The majority of the literature discusses whether those countries are religious or secular; it is expected that the study contributes to a better understanding of the impact of religion and nationalism on migration policies, as well as a discussion of its future implications.Denmark had been extremely homogeneous with only one language and religion and no ethnic minorities, though, this homogeneous structure has begun to deteriorate with the increase in non-western immigration since the 1990s. While the Danish Law of 1983 was widely regarded as the most liberal in Europe, after 1990, equal rights were replaced by immigrant responsibility and integration. With the rise of the anti-immigrant parties in the 2001 elections, social rights were curtailed, and Danish values took centre stage. In Denmark, rules like reducing social assistance after 2015 aim to protect the welfare state, whereas rules like the ban on the burqa and the handshake in the naturalization ceremony are motivated by other factors. The Danish Prime Minister announced the zero-refugee target, the anti-immigrant far-right Danish People's Party declared their intention to reduce the number of all immigrants. So, a new discourse has emerged in which no form of immigration is desired. On the other hand, Sweden follows Denmark slightly behind in terms of process, but by going through literally the same processes. While positive discourse about immigrants had been dominant in Sweden, which implemented multicultural policies, the discourse turned negative with the 2015 refugee crisis. Increasing unemployment among immigrants, income inequality, and Swedish identity discussions seems to lead to a rise in nationalism and nativism in the 2022 elections, as well as a reduction in the generosity of the welfare state. Denmark and Sweden cases show how similar welfare states with the same historical and immigration background respond differently to the refugee crisis. While the unemployment rate for foreign-born workers is high in both countries, it is more than three times higher in Sweden. Refugee crisis has made religious identity more visible and put pressure on Scandinavian welfare model as well as governments. Although integration and assimilation policies are brought to the forefront in terms of religious behaviour patterns of Muslims, the emphasis on religion is not made directly, instead, it is made through the symbols of Islam. The reason why Muslims considered as “others” mainly takes its foundation from this difference. Although they do not make religion an important part of their life, and atheism is higher than other parts of the world, in many European countries Christianity is still considered an important part of the European identity and the Church is an important part of it. According to the conclusion of this study, it is highly possible that Denmark might serve as a model to Europe, primarily to Nordic countries, and this strengthens the possibility that anti-immigrant opposition will sharpen and divide societies. The effects of radical Islam, which is gradually increasing its influence around the world, is undoubtedly huge in these politics throughout Europe; however, abandoning or deviating from policies targeting multiculturalism might cause isolation and alienation of immigrants, who are already fleeing from terrorism, and push them towards radicalization which constitutes another danger.

The overall aim of this paper is to highlight a transcendental usage of the Religion of Islamin the Qur’an. I will show that the notion of Islamas a unitary Religion is used in the Qur’an as a genus for religions (adyan) which have appeared throughout human history. This usage will show that there is a sense of Religion which guarantees the essential unity of all religions and prepares us to understand the apparent plurality and conflicting diversity of world religions; however, it is essentially different from the sense which has emerged within the modern discipline of religious studies in Western scholarship which interprets religion as a cultural phenomenon and considers the myriad variety of religions to be mere socio-historical events. In this paper, I will first briefly provide a background on the difficulty faced within this modern Western concept of religion, then I will progress to the Islamic concept of Religion to illustrate a model for understanding the plurality and the diversity of religions, which apparently have their own individual boundaries, yet at the same time enjoy a unitary reality.

Sigmund Freud and his theory of psychoanalysis have been going under the intensive scientific inquisitions for many decades and it appears that this will last for many decades to come. Providing a brief overview of the development of the psychoanalytic theory and the debates for and against it, this paper tries to bring attentions to the psychoanalysis as an interpretative enterprise. Drawing on tire recent trend in the Continental philosophy, it argues that even though it has lost its popularity in academic psychology, psychoanalysis has been gaining a new recognition in Humanities as an art of interoperation. In this context, the value of psychoanalysis as “hermeneutics of suspicion” is discussed

Freud has an important place in the history of psychology; he is Also a psychologist who founded the school of psychoanalysis. However, some criticisms were directed towards his opinions on psychology and religion In this paper, we firstly tried to exemine his opinions concerning with psychology and religion. After that some of the criticisms and remarks on his ideas were taken into account

Some decades ago Margalef speculated that study of the exchanges across boundaries that separate different types of ecological systems would provide significant insights about properties and processes within the units that make up ecological mosaics. Although such boundaries might be difficult to define, it seemed likely that such exchanges among units would influence the function and structure of the adjoined systems. In this paper we explore exchanges across such ecological boundaries in coastal ecosystems in Cape Cod, Massachusetts, and elsewhere. We find that, indeed, definition of such boundaries is ambiguous, but study of the exchanges is more useful. In the Cape Cod system, water transport down-gradient is the dominant mechanism exerting influence on down-gradient systems. The direction of ecological control across such boundaries is largely asymmetrical, and properties of up-gradient units exert significant influence on down-gradient units. General properties of donor and receptor parcels are hard to discern, but clearly, parcels making up an ecological mosaic are not independent units, but are coupled by transfers from upgradient tesserae. Studies of controls of ecological systems need to include inter-unit influences as well as internal mechanisms.