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Pakistan has a long history of social movements, some of which have challenged the military’s domination. However, apart from a short period after 1998 nuclear weapon tests by India and Pakistan, there has been limited opposition to nuclear weapons owned by the military. This paper examines one potential factor for this near absence: the intellectual arguments deployed by the main proponents of nuclear disarmament in Pakistan over the last 25 years. The post-1998 anti-nuclear critique in Pakistan has overwhelmingly focused on challenges pertaining safety and security, command and control, geopolitical imperatives of arms races, the operational limits of delivery systems like the short-range ballistic missiles and the risk of a nuclear war. We argue that such arguments inadvertently normalize nuclear weapons. Other arguments based on geopolitics make nuclear weapons appear inevitable in an anarchic world. Highlighting the consequences of a nuclear war has limited purchase in Pakistan where nuclear weapons are seen as the ultimate defense against all large-scale wars, nuclear and conventional. The alternative, we suggest, is to engage a broader critique focussed on the many ways in which nuclear weapons are implicated in everyday social and political life.

This work examines the intimate diary of the Paraguayan historian and diplomat Juan E. O'Leary (1879 – 1969). It focuses on the notebooks he wrote in Rome in 1937 during his stay as plenipotentiary minister and charge d'affaires to the Kingdom of Italy. It intends to contribute to the knowledge about his intellectual and diplomatic trajectory and his influence on the writing of history in Paraguay. He makes observations on the relations between intellectuals and diplomacy in Latin America.

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg’s work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist’s language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement.

In this article, I discuss Mário Pinto de Andrade’s efforts to raise solidarity with Angola in Brazil, focusing on his presence in Brazilian publications of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Through diverse sources—including documents from Andrade’s personal archive, records from other personal and institutional archives, as well as books and articles—I aim to map Andrade’s collaborations with intellectuals and journalists who supported the independence of Angola and understand how the discourse about the Angolan liberation struggle was articulated in Brazil. Moreover, I want to reflect on Andrade’s connection with Brazilian culture, starting from the premise that it played a crucial role in the intellectual formation of many Angolan nationalists. Finally, I point out how Mário Pinto de Andrade’s influence went beyond politics and extended to the nascent field of African Studies in Brazil.

In intellectual debates, as well as in the field of political confrontation, in Serbia, for years, they have been on the side of the extreme opposing population, which we can collectively call the national discourse. These two discourses also determine the reception of the current Kosovo problem. The national discourse, although present in numerous retouches, from the left to the extreme right, represents a critical confrontation with theoretical "principles" and political "solutions", regardless of their origin. Collinial discourse, on the other hand, implies the acceptance of both intellectual matrices and political platforms, which are established in international cultural or political centers. In this sense, the colonial discourse is articulated as an expert discourse. In other words, here the immediate political strategy of national security, when it comes to Kosovo, is justified not by the current power relations, but by the apology of those parameters that have turned out to be insurmountable "red lines" of powerful Western countries and international organizations in which they have the most influence. One of the concepts that gained importance in the colonial discourse is the concept of open dialogue. In this sense, collinear discourse actually makes critical discourse impossible, that is, the questioning and critical reception of ideologically or politically based solutions to the Kosovo issue.

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles.

Ma Van Khang is a prominent novelist who has made significant contributions by delving into the subject of intellectuals. The author often contemplates the role of intellectuals in the society. There have been numerous research works on this central theme in Ma Van Khang's novels, and they have provided valuable assessments. However, interpreting Ma Van Khang's artistic choices and the depth of his perspective on the issues he addresses continue to provoke discussions. By situating Ma Van Khang's novels within the broader context of the fluctuating currents of modern Vietnamese fiction that focus on intellectuals and by examining the author's consciousness of the dynamic relationship between literature and life, this article contributes to explaining why the issues raised in the writer's works and the way he presents them have garnered positive responses from readers.

Despite fierce opposition, Sufism continued to exist until the end of the Qajar period. There were still many monasteries in Iran and pashmina-clad Sufis were seen in the cities. But with Reza Shah's coming to power, Sufism declined to the extent that at the end of his reign, there was little sign of Sufis in Iranian society. The Khanqahs were abandoned and they no longer had the prosperity of the past; the Sufis had abandoned the Sufi turbans and put on the traditional clothes of the time. This article examines the political, economic, and intellectual grounds of the decline of Sufism in the First Pahlavi period and recounts their role in the decline of Sufism. The sharp criticism of Sufism and its teachings by the intellectuals of this period was one of the main reasons for the decline of Sufism in the first Pahlavi period; for example, Taghi Erani - who is the first significant figure of Iranian Marxism - considered mysticism/sufism to be the opiate of the masses. According to him, the function of mysticism/sufism was nothing but subjugating the poor classes of society (slaves and the like). Despite the influence of these criticisms on many elites of the society, the main reason for the decline of Sufism should be sought in the laws enacted by the Pahlavi government in matters such as endowments. In accordance with these laws, endowments - which were the most important sources of income for Khanqahs - were confiscated and their supervision was left to the government; by making the livelihood of Sufis more difficult, it practically made monasticism and seclusion impossible and prepared the ground for the dismantling of Sufism.

Whether we surf the internet, watch the news on television, or listen to more or less academic lectures, we are familiar with a phrase that has become a public label associated with the Romanian society and, at least in recent years, equally to the international one. The world is in crisis and so is Romania. At least we are better from this perspective, as many of those who talk about Romania consider it to be in a deeper crisis, facing more problems and having fewer solutions. Overlooking the trivial remark according to which it is questionable whether a crisis constantly characterizing a society is a crisis indeed, in this article I propose an epistemological perspective on the problem of the crisis and an X-ray of the mechanisms of knowledge that regulate and manage it. This article deals with four main themes. Firstly, I will depict a typology of knowledge, distinguishing between three types: common knowledge, public knowledge, and scientific knowledge. I will detail the concept of public knowledge and show the special role played by public intellectuals and public communicators in this type of knowledge. The former are specialists who choose to transmit information from their specialty fields to the public space, while the latter are public experts who have notoriety without being specialists in the fields in which they communicate. They propose a knowledge to say “superficial”, but extremely important on a social level. I will insist on the role of this type of culture of superficiality, a major role in the functioning of societies. Also, in this part I will describe the ideological mechanism behind all these types of knowledge whose management is provided by the structures of power. The second theme is the role of knowledge communities and intellectuals as members of these communities in supporting and disseminating labels applicable to social change. Moreover, I will show that in the field of sociology there is even a clearly defined professional dimension in the area of social activism, that is, public sociology. In fact, any intellectual in the public space is a propagandist of some values, sometimes we are talking about the values generally accepted in society, but not always. The third theme is the role of the paradigm of negative labelling of change, a paradigm that underlies many knowledge communities in today's world, a paradigm according to which social reality is evaluated and interpreted as a continuous suite of social problems. In other words, the world is represented as a universe of problems to be solved. This paradigm is based on the modern cultural model of the necessary positive evolution of history, according to which any stagnation or negative evolution is interpreted as a social problem. The fourth part of the article deals with crises and the mechanism by which they are generated by knowledge communities, as well as their main characteristics. Finally, I am trying to answer the question of why crises cannot be solved.

The author attempts to determine the place of the intellectuals in the social structure of the information society and the main tasks facing the intellectuals in such a difficult turning point. This fact determines the relevance of the research topic. The aim of the research is to identify main features, functions and mission of the intellectuals of the modernity. Transition to the information age leads to the transformations in all spheres of human life: economic, political, social, spiritual. The article considers the humanistic transformation of a technogenic society caused by the need to preserve spiritual and moral values and culture as a whole. The special role of intellectuals in this process is emphasized. The analysis of the works of famous theoreticians of the information society allows us to conclude that Western futurologists practically do not use the concept of “intelligentsia” in their works, preferring concepts such as “intellectuals”, “technocrats”. Russian scientists, on the contrary, note their own path of entry into the “noosphere” and assign intellectuals a central place. The author defines the intelligentsia as a spiritual and moral elite, consisting of intellectuals with a high moral position, and its main purpose is to counter the dominance of consumer mass culture in the process of spiritual and moral healing of the nation.

The article deals with assessments and interpretations of Pan-Germanism in the works of historians and publicists of the early 20th century. They were united by their non-German origin and the desire to present Pan-Germanism as an integral phenomenon of a national and pan-European character. The interest of historians in Germany is associated with the activation of its foreign policy and the beginning of the First World War. Pan-Germanism is seen as a nationalist ideology, social movement and foreign policy of the government of the German Empire in the era of Wilhelm II (1888˗1918). French, British and American scholars, who published their work on the eve of the First World War, seek to understand, on the basis of the sources available to them, the causes of Pan-Germanism, the conditions for its emergence and the nature of its influence on the course of European history. The author focuses on the intuitive nature of the interpretations of Pan-Germanism, referring to the concept of «remote vision», taken from the analytical psychology of the early twentieth century. In this regard, attempts to comprehend Pan-Germanism were largely determined by personal experience, political predilections, and the nature of the development of diplomatic relations between countries. On the example of French historiography of the first quarter of the twentieth century. the experience of an objective scientific analysis of German history (Ch. Andler, A. Lichtenberger) and the creation of the French school of German studies are considered. Published but not previously translated into Russian texts by foreign historians are introduced into scientific circulation.

Our aim is to take a look at the telling of the story by writer-witnesses who were deported because of their Jewishness such as Primo Levi, Élie Wiesel, Jean Améry, or because of their political commitment such as Robert Antelme or Jorge Sumprun, among others, of the planned annihilation of a people. The memory of this event became an ethical and political imperative after the liberation of the camps, which is why our desire is to recall stories whose narration involves individual and collective memory.

In the spring of 1916, the Serbian Government in exile sent two prominent intellectuals, the philologist Aleksandar Belić and the historian Stanoje Stanojević, on a propaganda mission to Russia, in order to inform the local public about its war aims and its national program. Serbian propaganda activity in Russia became much more organized after their arrival. During 1916, they worked on publishing books and establishing a Serbian institute in St. Petersburg, gave university and public lectures, met with members of the Duma and other influential politicians. Although there were some disagreements between Belić and Stanojević and the representatives of the Yugoslav Committee in Russia (mainly regarding the vision of the future unification), they generally cooperated well, especially in propaganda among Serb, Croat and Slovene volunteers in Odessa. The position of the Serbian representatives in Russia was fundamentally changed by the February Revolution. While liberal politicians were still influential, Belić and Stanojević made use of their acquaintances with them to get promises regarding the Serbian war aims. Their moderate optimism soon turned into bleak pessimism, because chaos and preoccupation with internal issues kept hindering Serbian propaganda in Russia. They tried to organize joint propaganda with Czechoslovak leader Tomáš Masaryk, but without much success. Stanojević left Russia in the summer, and Belić in the fall of 1917. They informed the Serbian Government that further propaganda in Russia was almost impossible. The initially fruitful mission of two Serbian intellectuals ended abruptly due to unpredictable events.

This article focuses on the online magazine Al-Jumhuriya [The Republic], a platform for opponents to the regime of Bashar Al-Assad founded in March 2012. It traces the formation of a writers’ collective gathered around the Syrian intellectual Yassin Al-Haj Saleh and shows how the circumstances of the revolution, war and repression in Syria led to the establishment of a transnational network linking Syria from the inside to the centers of Syrian population in exile. The study examines the journal's evolution towards greater institutionalization and chronicles its internal transformations in terms of organization, format and content. It also deals with the ideological and cultural orientations of the journal and its frames of reference, notably through the study of a thematic file devoted to "the left and the question of freedom".

Founded in 1984, the Paris-based weekly magazine al-Yawm al-sābi‘ [The Seventh Day] distributed 348 issues across Arab capitals in the space of six and a half years (from May 1984 to January 1991). The publication represented a key moment in contemporary Arab intellectual life, as it was one of its supports in the context of the ideological regression of the 1980s. As a space for reconstituting Beirut’s network of left-wing intellectual militancy, the magazine drew its success from several sources, including the strong symbolic capital of its regular contributors, such as the poet Mahmoud Darwish, the devotion of large sections to the Palestinian question, and the initiation of high-level political and intellectual debates. As a privileged place for the circulation of Arabist and progressive ideas, the weekly was also a rallying point for Arabic-speaking intellectuals from the Maghreb and the Mashreq, as well as a point of passage between French culture and the Arab world.

In this study, we analyze the evolution of the cultural scene of the Romanian Popular Republic from 1950 to 1965 as reflected in the journalistic activity of Romanian writer and literary critic George Călinescu. As Romania succumbed to Soviet occupation, its old culture was abolished and the Soviet proletkult was imposed on Romanian intellectuals and journalists, which meant that the esthetic was subordinated to the ideology and all cultural works that did not glorify the communist doctrine were censored and the authors were sent to prison. George Călinescu’s intellectual journey in this hostile climate remains an example of an ideological compromise in order to be able to salvage what could be saved of the Romanian cultural heritage.

This research paper investigates the pivotal role played by intellectuals in the spread and preaching of Islam during the era of the Prophet Muhammadﷺ. The study explores the multifaceted contributions, including interpretation of the Qur'an, providing education, preserving Prophetic traditions, advocating, and defending Islam, and documenting important records, as well as offering advice and counseling. By examining historical sources, primary texts, and scholarly works, this research highlights the indispensable role intellectuals played in disseminating, understanding, and safeguarding the message of Islam. The findings underscore the significance of their knowledge, wisdom, and dedication in shaping the development and dissemination of Islamic teachings to subsequent generations. This research sheds light on a crucial aspect of early Islamic history and offers valuable insights into the role of intellectuals in societal and religious transformations.

The article analyses the perception of the history of the Muslim community in the modern Indonesian politics of memory. For the first time in Belarusian historiography, the features of the historical politics or the politics of memory in modern Indonesia are considered. The novelty of the article lies in the integration of Indonesian issues into the contexts of modern interdisciplinary memorial studies. The key subjects of the politics of memory in Indonesia are determined in contexts of the revision of the history of political Islam in the second half of the 20th century. The activity of the media is considered as the main form of the revision of history, criticism of old historical narratives and the formation of a new memorial canon of the history of Indonesian Islam. Attempts to revise the history of Islam are analysed, including new interpretations of Muslim activists, who impact participated in the national movement. The author analyses the contradictions of historical politics in the context of integration of the history of Indonesian political Islam of the 20th century into the secular memorial canon. It is assumed that attempts to construct the history of political Islam in the modern collective Indonesian memory have a compromise character. The author shows how intellectuals assimilate the history of Islam, integrating it into the current memorial canon. It is noted that within the framework of the politics of memory, ideologically and politically controversial points related to the history of radical political Islam, which in the early model of national memory were marginalised and forgotten. Modern manipulations with historical memory are analysed as attempts to achieve a memorial compromise between secular intellectuals and representatives of the Muslim community.

The article is convinced that Gramsci’s relevance lies in his occupation with a great number of modern sociological problems: curriculum, discontinuity between the culture of the school and that of daily life, changes of society and ideology. The structure of the article is. First, I introduce to Gramsci and his strong relationship with the communist movement; then I continue to refer to some of the foundational concepts of Gramsci’s thinking (hegemony, common sense, intellectuals). The concept hegemony origins in the Russian Social Democrats pointing to the role of the Russian proletariat in a bourgeois revolution against Tsarism. Gramsci develops the concept further and attempts to apply it in stable capitalist countries like Italy. In the second section, the article discusses how education can provide knowledge, insight, and mental tools to overcome inequalities.

[es] La disolución del espacio Carta Abierta, luego de 11 años de producciones discursivas, generó debates sobre el rol del intelectual en la Argentina contemporánea. Figuras como Horacio González, Ricardo Forster, Eduardo Jozami, María Pía López, entre otros, conformaron un grupo que construyó una imagen de sí vinculada al gobierno kirchnerista. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el ethos colectivo (Amossy, 2018) que edificó dicho espacio, en la esfera pública, durante el gobierno de Cristina Kirchner, configurando un sujeto intelectual particular diferente al de décadas anteriores. Se analizarán las primeras 18 cartas donde se detecta la fabricación de dos tipos de ethos: el crítico y el partidario. [en] The dissolution of the Carta Abier ta space, after 11 years of discursive productions, generated debates on the role of the intellectual in contemporar y Argentina. Figures such as Ho-acio González, Ricardo Forster, Eduardo Jozami, María Pía López, among others, formed a group that built an image of itself linked to the Kirchner government. The objective of this work is to analyze the collective ethos (Amossy, 2018) that built this space, in the public sphere, during the government of Cristina Kirchner, configuring a particular intellectual subject different from that of previous decades. The f irst 18 letters where the manufacture of two types of ethos is detected will be analyzed: the critic and the supporter.

[es] El artículo presenta una lectura interpretativa de las producciones de la formación intelectual Carta Abierta (2008-2019), cuya emergencia se asoció con un clima agonal en la coyuntura política argentina. Sostendremos que es posible identificar en sus textos regularidades discursivas a lo largo de los años. El objetivo del escrito será mostrarlas y, luego, vincularlas con la tradición nacional-popular. Para ello transitamos cuatro momentos: I- la escenificación del surgimiento del espacio; II- una revisión transversal en sus cartas del problema de la hegemonía; III- la identificación de sus regularidades discursivas; IV- la relación de esas regularidades con la tradición nacional-popular. En las reflexiones finales retomamos la discusión, emergente de los análisis previos, sobre el uso del concepto de hegemonía en el discurso de Carta Abierta. [en] The article presents an interpretative reading of the productions of the intellectual formation Carta Abierta (2008-2019), whose emergence was associated with an agonal climate in the argentine political situation. We will argue that it is possible to identify discursive regularities in their texts over the years. The aim of the writing will be to show it and then link them with the national-popular tradition. For this, we propose four moments: I- the emergence of the space; II- a transversal review in his letters of the problem of hegemony; III- the identification of their discursive regularities; IV- the relationship of these regularities with the national-popular tradition. In the final reflections, we propose a discussion, emerging from the previous analyzes, on the use of the concept of hegemony in Carta Abierta.

In this article, we analyze the relationship between intellectuals and the political factor during the process of the communization of Romania carried out after August 23 1944, through the study of the editorials signed by G. Călinescu, editorial director of the newspaper Națiunea (The Nation). Our research highlights the public discourse used by the „fellow travelers” of that period by highlighting in the public discourse of G. Călinescu the abandonment of „aesthetics” in favor of politics.

The article analyzes the International Committee of social sciences for Chile, created in 1973 after Pinochet’s coup d’État. It synthesizes the political-academic articulation between European and Latin American intellectuals who had in Chile, from the 1960s to September 11, 1973, the framework of an international academic community. It highlights the role of Brazilians in this process and questions the production of ideas in the articulation between center and periphery in the context of the institutionalization of social sciences in Latin America.

This paper explores the place neoliberalism has in Foucault’s opus and the reasons he turned to studying subjectivity in the latter part of his career. We will follow the thematic, theoretical, and methodological changes in Foucault’s work and show how they relate to the social context. We will claim that Foucault, due to his political engagement, gives a political dimension to his work by putting it in the service of political goals. The article starts by researching how the social context influenced the beginnings of Foucault’s work in order to show how even then the changes in the French political scene influenced his thought. Afterwards we move on to the period after the rebellion of 1968 when Foucault was working with radical Maoist organizations. It is here that we find the first form of politicization of his intellectual work. We argue that due to the conflict between progressive French intellectuals and the “Communist party of France” in the second half of the 1970s Foucault turned to studying the history of liberalism in order to find a conceptual framework for a new non-communist left politics. This can be seen as a second form of politicization of his intellectual work and Foucault’s study of neoliberal ideas can be located here. We claim that since this research is placed at the very end of his history of governmentality it is here that Foucault found a conceptual framework suitable for a new left politics. For him this politics would be based on the pursuit of an ever greater autonomy of the individual and his subjectivity. Therefore, after studying neoliberalism Foucault turns to studying subjectivity which we understand as a third form of politicization of his intellectual work. We argue that he conceptualized the “care for the self” as a form of subjectivity which is supposed to play the role of an ethical ideal for a new left politics. The paper concludes with a segment in which we contrast our claims with the claims of other authors that studied Foucault’s relation to neoliberalism and his turn towards studying subjectivity.

Between 1933 and 1939 many British organisations, as well as individuals, who witnessed the rise of Nazi Germany, the implementation of anti-Jewish laws, and growing anti-Semitism, decided to take action. There were numerous attempts aimed at supporting Jews living in the Third Reich, either by providing them with money or by helping them emigrate. This article describes two largest such programmes, i.e. the Kindertransports, and an unnamed action focused on intellectuals, scientists, and artists. The article first discusses the character of both, and then proceeds to explore the question of the character of the migrations presented, as well as the differences between migration and refuge seeking. It concludes with the issue of post-war mobility of the participants of both programmes.

The author analyzes the perception of radical Islam in the discourse of Indonesian Muslim liberalism, whose history and current state are among the little-studied problems in modern Russian Indonesian studies. The primary sources are the materials of the tirto. id project, the main Internet resource of contemporary Muslim liberals in Indonesia. The study of the perception of radical Islam in the modern liberal intellectual discourse of the Indonesian Ummah and society is relevant because the country demonstrates the growth of radical Islam and Islamization of the society in general. The fragmentation of the Ummah also makes it relevant to study the current trends in its development. The article highlights the main features of the ideology of liberal Islam in contexts of imagination, criticism and deconstruction of Islamic radicalism. It analyzes the problems of the intellectual agenda of Muslim liberals, the peculiarities of their perception of the history and modernity of radical Indonesian Islam as a factor in the development of the Ummah and as a participant in the social and political processes of modern Indonesia. As a result, the following conclusions are drawn: 1) modern Indonesian political Islam isfragmented and represented by both liberal and radical tendencies, 2) Islam in itsliberal version islooking for new forms of its own structuralself-organization and representation in Indonesian society through its opposition to radical Islam, 3) dividing linesin Indonesian Islam take place in the sphere of different perception of state development models within the framework of the secular or religious paradigm of the state, represented in the political imagination of Islam.

In German-speaking countries as elsewhere, women, especially from the middle classes, demanded entry into the male-dominated academic world with growing vehemence around 1900. This essay focuses on the constellations and dynamics that prompted the reframing of the social field of knowledge production. Taking the case of the women’s rights activist and writer Käthe Schirmacher, who publicly campaigned for women’s access to higher education, I explore the motivations, social transformations and socially available life plans behind her path. To this end, I draw on the concept of the scholarly persona as a mediating instance between individual aspirations and social relations and examine its potential for a gender-sensitive intellectual history. Here I argue that a differentiated analysis of knowledge production in the sciences and the humanities is only possible if non-institutional and, therefore, less obvious gender regimes are also addressed. The institutional and private arrangements that enable academics, intellectuals, and also artists to concentrate on their work play an essential part in their production of knowledge and artistic work. Therefore, the key argument of this paper is that questions about gender-specific (as well as class-specific) life plans in various creative social fields can only be examined in a differentiated way if this support is systematically included in research on the scholarly, intellectual, or artistic persona.

In the article, the author analyzes the transformation of the dichotomy “Europe – Russia” in contemporary Georgian intellectual discourse as well as strategies and forms of positive and negative ideologization of the West and Russia. We state that the hypertrophied role of European and Russian images in the Georgian discourse has resulted from the belief of elites in the collective West as an alternative to Russian infl uence. We analyze the main strategies of forming a positive image of Europe in Georgian intellectual discourse, believing that the development of European motifs and images by several generations of Georgian intellectuals led to the emergence of a unique Georgian Europeanism and the concept of the “Non Typical European” Georgian nation. The development of European images depends on the formation and promotion of the image of Russia as a universal Other. It is assumed that the negative mythologization of Russia resulted from the historical trauma of the loss of statehood, Georgia’s forced history in the Russian Empire and the USSR, as well as the failures in the Russian-Georgian relations in the post-Soviet period. Overall, the author believes that Russian and European narratives have become invented traditions of Georgian identity that infl uence the strategies of elites in Georgian foreign policy.

Immanuel Wallerstein was one among those social scientists who constantly confront their analyses of the structures of injustice and inequality with the problem of the future. As a modern thinker, he provided rationalized forms of forecasting that proved correct previsions. He was right in anticipating the timing and configuration of the age of transition we are currently living, particularly as much as the pandemics informs global historical change and functions as a new social regulator across different arenas. Wallerstein engaged in the future as an expert as well as a public intellectual concerned about the present of world politics. This attitude is coherent with his understanding of global historical social change. For involving social theory into public debate may inform culture through knowledge and participate into ongoing transformations, in order to move towards a less unjust and less unequal world. This tension towards the future calls for a deep understanding of the political and transformative role of social theory in this age of transition, which can occur through the intellectual transgression of the spatiotemporal borders of modernity wherein social theory has given legitimacy to its own epistemological foundations.

The cycle of essays by G. I. Uspensky “The Peasant and the Peasant Labor” in the aspect of the actual for Russian literature of the second half of the XIX — early XX centuries problems of relations between the people and the intellectuals are analyzed in the article. The crisis in the study of the “peasant” cycles of Uspensky, caused by the predominance of ideological interpretation, is stated. It is argued that Uspensky finds the key to understanding the peasantry not in the socio-economic conditions of his life, but in the field of aesthetics. The point of convergence, in which the peasant and the intellectual appear as equal subjects of communication, is, according to Uspensky, the aesthetic attitude to work. An implicit correspondence is established between peasant labor and the creative effort of the artist. Therefore, the intellectual turns out to be a necessary mediator in the process of the peasantry acquiring its own “voice”. It is proved that the aesthetic utopia in the cycle “Peasant and Peasant Labor” was crushed by the ethical maximalism of the writer. The peasant economy is represented by the Uspensky reasonably organized order, the anthroposphere, in which the working peasant was likened to the monarch and the Creator. In turn, the intellectual was declared an impostor, marked by the “antichrist” seal. In Uspensky’s creative consciousness, the aesthetic and ethical found themselves in a tragic and hopeless contradiction, and the prospect of “merging with the people” was illusory.

The article presents an overview of the political measures of the Soviet government to marginalize the socio-professional group of technical intelligentsia in 1917–1919. The article describes the process of forming the attitude of the Soviet government to the social group of technical specialists in the conditions of the accomplished October revolution and the Civil war in the country. The political writings of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the Bolshevik party and the head of the country regarding the place of technical specialists in the social space of the new state were characterized. The motives of the authorities in implementing a change in the social status of technical specialists were identified. Through the use of the historical-genetic method, the study analyzes the consecutive statements of V. I. Lenin regarding this socio-professional group was carried out. As a result of this, the periodization of the development of their relationships was constructed. The construction of such a chronology is relevant, because it makes possible to assess the motives of the actions of the Bolshevik government from the point of view of a specific goal setting, not from the standpoint of the class struggle, but in the search for the most effective way to overcome it. At the beginning, the authorities tried to create pragmatic relations with engineers, but seeing their refusal to cooperate, they took a course to stigmatize and marginalize them as a social group. As a result of this discrediting, the only buyer of their services became the Soviet government, using them centrally in the most important fields of production and economy. The authorities were forced to abandon further marginalization in the face of the difficult situation on Civil war, the small number of remaining specialists and the low efficiency of their work. In this regard, the process of rehabilitation of engineers was initiated, authorized by V. I. Lenin at the VIII Congress of the Bolshevik party. The head of state in a short period managed to organize a campaign to discredit the specialists, after which they were forced to abandon the anti-Soviet rhetoric and begin to integrate into society on the terms proposed by the Bolsheviks.

The article deals with the (re)construction of tenant structure of the nationalized living quarters on Kyiv-Pechersk monastery area during 1920s — early 1930s, primarily persons associated with museums and/or the AllUkrainian Academy of Sciences. Their living conditions are outlined. The dependence of the local contingent both from the change of indirect owners of the buildings, (re)subordination of the territory, the formation, restructuring, liquidation of institutions, and from the processes of urbanization, which objectively caused the housing crisis in the USSR is elucidated. Well-known intellectuals of the interwar period lived in the former monastery buildings — archaeologists Petro Kurinnyi and Mykhailo Rudynskyi, an art critic Kost Moshchenko, a restorer Mykola Kasperovych, a cooperation connoisseur Ivan Oleksiiev, etc. The living conditions of Kyiv-Pechersk Preserve dwellers, including white-collar workers, were not ideal during 1920s and early 1930s. The distance of the apartments from the city center made access to research institutions (academic departments, book and museum collections) difficult. Almost everyone faced commonplace problems and trials: adaptation of monastery spaces, current repairs, furnishing of houses, humidity and low temperatures during the autumn-winter period, lack of heating, water supply, drainage, electricity, and other utilities, etc. Besides, Pechersk, the city suburb, was quite dangerous, the local population was often robbed. Families with children faced additional difficulties — providing access to educational institutions. The main part of Kyiv-Pechersk Preserve tenants–intellectuals were newcomers from other cities and towns. Therefore, museum workers and academics changed their apartments quite easily, not only within the so-called Citadel, 9 (Kyiv-Pechersk Preserve) in Kyiv but also within the country.

In his early writings, dealing mainly with problems of agricultural policy, Max Weber at times differentiates between “class” and “estate”, but in general he treats them as synonyms. Only after 1909, when he started to work on Economy and Society and Economic Ethic of the World Religions, he felt the necessity to use these concepts in a more clear-cut manner. “Classes” are only placed within the economic order, while “estates” belong to the social order and take shape through the partition of «social prestige» or «honor», which in turn derives from different sources, including the religious ones. This essay explores the forms of religious stratification which arise from the knowledge of rituals and precedents, from the knowledge of the Sacred Scriptures, or from a specific knowledge of the conditions of possibility of redemption.

The link between intellectuals and higher education has never been clear-cut in the past, but nowadays this relationship seems to be made more complicated by notions of the mass higher educational system, the changes in the functions of universities, the utilitarian expectations of students, the features of the labour market and the new emphasis on social stratification. In this study we attempt to describe students' conceptions regarding intellectual roles and also the effects of higher educational institutions with the help of quantitative research (N=1502). A substantive block of questions was used during this analysis. The scientific literature delineates the possible roles of intellectuals (i.e. professionals, public intellectuals or the intelligentsia). The location of our study is Hungary so this latter type of role can also be important because this type refers to the societies of Eastern Europe. However, the utilitarian expectations and the dominance of a labour-market oriented attitude predict a mixed pattern of students' conceptions of intellectual roles. The empirical findings verified these mixed patterns in which the professional and classical elements are significant. We can identify the fields which may shape these conceptions. The impacts of the institutional effects seem to be more significant than the effects of sociodemographic variables and some disciplines significantly shape the conceptions as well.

This paper traces the connection between cultural work and power in the thinking and writing of Italian socio-political theorist and strategist, Antonio Gramsci. His rootedness in Marxism and a deep humanistic culture are emphasised as well as how his main conceptual tools (e.g. Hegemony, Intellectuals, ‘Popular Creative Spirit’, Critical Appropriation and ‘National-Popular’) are central to his analyses of different forms of cultural production, intellectual activity and educational developments in his time. The paper dwells on his musings on the ever so pertinent issue of Migration as it found expression in the literature of his time and their implication for reflection on the same issue in more recent times. Importance is given to the role of political and artistic movements of the period such as Futurism and their legacy for present day life. Parallels are drawn between Gramsci’s cultural views and those of later thinkers such as Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall and Henry A. Giroux who often adopt a Gramscian lens in their economic-social-cultural analysis. The core theme of this paper is the influence of culture and cultural workers/intellectuals in the process of social transformation.

Analyzing the roots of war and identifying ways to overcome it are two key dimensions of both the ethical thinking and action of pacifists. This paper will therefore examine the situation prevailing in Germany prior to the First World War. Among the intellectuals who at that time supported the pacifist movement, publicists and jurists played a leading role alongside pastors and pedagogues. Using contemporary sociological concepts, they sought to demonstrate that the “suggestion” of war through printed media posed a danger. In order to establish their own audience, they founded associations and published journals and pamphlets. However, in the end, the diverse shapes in which suggestion came and the complexity in decision-making prevailing at the outbreak of war made it impossible to determine the exact influence of the press on the public opinion and decision-makers.

Professor Molefi Kete Asante is Professor and Chair of the Department of Africology at Temple University. Asante’s research has focused on the re-centering of African thinking and African people in narratives of historical experiences that provide opportunities for agency. As the most published African American scholars and one of the most prolific and influential writers in the African world, Asante is the leading theorist on Afrocentricity. His numerous works, over 85 books, and hundreds of articles, attest to his singular place in the discipline of African American Studies. His major works, An Afrocentric Manifesto [Asante 2007a], The History of Africa [Asante 2007b], The Afrocentric Idea [Asante 1998], The African Pyramids of Knowledge [Asante 2015], Erasing Racism: The Survival of the American Nation [Asante 2009], As I Run Toward Africa [Asante 2011], Facing South to Africa [Asante 2014], and Revolutionary Pedagogy [Asante 2017], have become rich sources for countless scholars to probe for both theory and content. His recent award as National Communication Association (NCA) Distinguished Scholar placed him in the elite company of the best thinkers in the field of communication. In African Studies he is usually cited as the major proponent of Afrocentricity which the NCA said in its announcing of his Distinguished Scholar award was “a spectacular achievement”. Molefi Kete Asante is interviewed because of his recognized position as the major proponent of Afrocentricity and the most consistent theorist in relationship to creating Africological pathways such as institutes, research centers, departments, journals, conference and workshop programs, and academic mentoring opportunities. Asante has mentored over 100 students, some of whom are among the principal administrators in the field of Africology. Asante is professor of Africology at Temple University and has taught at the University of California, State University of New York, Howard University, Purdue University, Florida State University, as well as held special appointments at the University of South Africa, Zhejiang University in Hangzhou, and Ibadan University in Nigeria.

The article is devoted to the actively debated, difficult and for many teachers a painful problem addressing lecture as a dominant form of teaching. Nowadays, lecture is increasingly seen as an inefficient form of education, hopelessly outdated, with little interest and response among students, useless and, in principle, dying. The authors are firmly convinced that lecture was, continues to be and will be the main and indispensable form of instruction for the reproduction of an intellectual elite. To substantiate this position, the article presents an argumentation system that unfolds in three stages. In the first part of the article, the essence of lecture is revealed in the light of Randall Collins' theory of intellectual interactive rituals. The subject's intellectual creativity is conditioned by his personal contacts “face to face” with other intellectuals, as well as the position of this subject in the intellectual network. There is a demonstration that lecture has all the hallmarks of an interactive ritual, and it is its archetypal case, which ensures the transmission of cultural capital from the older generation of intellectuals to the young one. During this process, its successful participants feel surge of emotional energy necessary for intellectual creativity. In the second part of the article, the distinctive positive aspects of lecture are systematized and discussed, which together make it a unique form of training that gives indispensable experience to both lecturer and participants. The third part of the article, based on the real history of education and providing illustrative examples, is a kind of empirical confirmation of the first two parts. The article may be of interest to teachers, students, as well as anyone who is not indifferent to the current state of education in Russia.

The author of the article analyses various cultural tactics, practices and strategies that Georgian intellectuals used for the invention of traditions and the (re)production of meanings. The author presumes that various cultural practices and social strategies of Georgian intellectuals became the main incentives for the transformation of traditional local groups into the Georgian modern nation. The history of the 20th century promoted the fragmentation of Georgian intelligentsia. The disintegration of the USSR, the resto-ration of state sovereignty and political independence of Georgia became powerful stimuli for the radical and deep fragmentation of the thinking-class into intelligentsia and intellectuals. The author states that intelligentsia and intellectuals coexist in modern Georgia simultaneously, but this social and cultural cohabitation is temporary because the intelligentsia became an endangered social and cultural category. Georgian intellec-tuals are genetic heirs of the old intelligentsia. The permanent voluntary and forced par-ticipation in the imagination of the nation and the invention of traditions as the for-mation and promotion of new myths brings together intelligentsia and intellectuals. The dynamics of the 20th century turned Georgian intellectuals into cultural hostages of modernization and processes of constant (re)production of the identities and meanings, including nation, space, freedom, independence etc.

During the 1910s and 1920s, two nautical clubs and one regatta club were opened in Florianópolis – capital of the state of Santa Catarina, in Brazil. Rowing, as a sport, began to be encouraged among the native youth. Newspapers and magazines started to interact with the public by promoting competitions and rewarding the winners of the regattas with the publication of colored photos. Poems and plays that paid tribute to both rowers and maritime disputes were written by local artists. The Clubs, which did not have the financial support of the Brazilian Confederation, promoted dancing dinners organized by the young uniformed fans. In the first half of the 20th century, in Florianópolis, rowing helped to improve sociability and created heroes who exhibited strength, beauty and discipline. So a question arises: “Why has rowing become a trend in florianopolitan society at this particular time?”. Starting from this unpretentious question and from the analysis of selected sources that reproduce countless silences, especially those concerning the theater and the women, this study was conceived in the form of short essays that narrate some of the activities that derived from the practice of rowing in Florianópolis.

ABSTRACT The paper presents an alternative periodization of the debate and practice of development in Brazil. It starts with a brief depiction of Rômulo Almeida’s trajectory. It states that during the second Vargas government, a group of bureaucrats - coined as “State organic intellectuals” - occupy a new social position. As the process of economic development unfolds, new contradictions arise, so as other social positions. In the second part, new categories are constructed in order to describe the different conceptions of development during the period 1945-1964. Then, after presenting the many uses of the concept of “developmentalism” over history, the paper delves into the concept of “Developmentalist Brazil” in order to get into the inner dynamic of the period. The purpose is to integrate ideas and social positions, on the one hand, and structural processes, on the other, by addressing the conflicts over development strategies. The “Post-Developmentalist” period (1964-1980) is characterized as a rupture in its attempt to put in place a new development pattern to solve the rising contradictions faced during the “Developmentalist Brazil” period (1945-1964). At the end, we put forth a research programme that could possibly lead to the understanding of Brazil’s structural changes in the context of the post-1980 new capitalist world-economy.

We analyze a series of one-panel comics created by the Argentinian cartoonist Oski [Oscar Conti] published in 1974 in the newspaper Noticias, published by the Peronist leftwing guerrilla group Montoneros. Oski drew “El Créase o No del Sudor (Ajeno)” [Believe It or Not of (Other People’s) Sweat], which denounced and caustically criticized the historical exploitation of Latin America and the Caribbean by the Spanish, Portuguese, British and American. We consider Oski through the lens of the “intellectual”: we inquire if we can characterize some cartoonists as intellectuals, and compare Oski to other intellectual figures of Latin America. Finally, we reconstruct the history of Noticias and take a close look at the comics Oski created for the newspaper and its political and humorous message.

The collage of Bourdieu's debates and polemics (Signals of Lights ~ Signals of Lights 2) most expressively illustrates how sociology of knowledge is organically connected with political sociology, or sociology of symbolic power his work;; the unity of theory and practice is achieved in an aspiration to reaffirm the engaged role of the sociologist's profession, renew the role of intellectuals and form a new European social movement. Although he thought that today "it is not always easy to achieve the ideal of the collective intellectual", which he aspired to identify with, Bourdieu hoped that his critical reflections and polemical interventions, as the "lit signals of lights", may "serve as a useful weapon to all those who are trying to resist the neoliberal scourge… if not hoping to move a mobilization… at least to destroy the impression of unanimity that constitutes the essence of the symbolic picture of the dominant discourse" (Bourdieu, 2019, pp. 41-42).

In January 1899, the Société libre d’édition des gens de lettres published a large format album of twelve litographs in honour of lieutenant-colonel Georges Picquart then in jail because of his revelations in favour of the innocence of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. There are two more contributions in Hommage des artistes à Picquart : a preface by Octave Mirbeau entitled « Derrière un grillage » and a significant list of protestors who, they too, claimed their support to the colonel. We propose to consider the way resorting to evidence supports the principle of justice which goes through the whole publication between the verbal and the visual. Indeed, in this text, the writer tries to make the isolation and injustice situation Picquart was being struck obvious. The artists were also concerned with sustaining the innocence of the colonel in their works. Following the thread of evidence thus enables to underline light primacy in the litographs of the album which make use of the allegory of Truth while the principle of Truth was being threatened at the decisive moment of the IIIrd Republic which is the 1890 decade. Now, the idea of justice, its requirement, are at the foundations of the republican idea, if not of politics. That being the case, what is shown is the original form of commitment through art and literature which the Hommage des artistes à Picquart constitutes at the time when the figure of the intellectual associated to the defender of Dreyfus was asserting itself in France. It is that the album thus built up turns back against the state the very principle that founds it and that it is supposed to defend : justice.

In this article, I analyse the transformations of the Romanian post-communist intellectual elites, using as a case study the disputes in the cultural press in Romania from 2002 to 2004, disagreements that influenced the repositioning of the Romanian public intellectuals through ideological alignments. Those debates gave birth afterwards to a cohesive Conservative pole and to anti-conservative tendencies of diverse political orientations, which constitutes the origin of the current divisions of the intellectual space. The analysis combines the Bourdieusian perspective on the social field and the theory of social networks with the purpose to formulate a hypothesis concerning the competitions meant to produce and preserve the prestige of the status groups in the social space that generate conflicting ideological positions. It outlines an alternative form of reassessing the “reputation economy” outside the space of the commodity exchange economy, starting instead with symbolic exchanges. The study describes the social rationale behind status production, as a source of strategies for maintaining dominant positions in a social field.

This doctoral research studies the formative process of the Peronist left as a political culture during the period of the proscription of Peronism (1955-1973). This work argues that in the course of those eighteen years, different Peronist referents deployed ideas, initiatives and actions that made it possible to reconsider the proscribed political force as an anti-capitalist doctrine of national liberation.In the first part of the writing, the starting points that guided this approach to intellectual history are exposed, which made possible a differential approach to the classic history of ideas, as it allowed to address the ideological projections expressed by the referents of the Peronist left in relationship with the contexts they tried to create through the practices they carried out.In the second part, the arrival points of this inquiry are presented based on the analysis of the political and intellectual trajectories of John William Cooke, Alicia Eguren, Juan José Hernández Arregui, Rodolfo Ortega Peña, Eduardo Luis Duhalde, and Raimundo Ongaro. The weeklies 18 de Marzo, Compañero and the discussions that took place around the meanings that the notion of "national socialism" contained for the Peronists at the beginning of the '70s are also examined.

This text aims to expose considerations to think about the place and the role of the intellectuality in contemporary times, especially in the Central American region – a space marked by the performance of literate figures engaged in past decades. Through scoring about the regional context and the historical relations around the topics of incorporation and social participation, it would be possible to reflect on the plausible maintenance of a leading role of the intellectuals in the midst of the current democratic panorama.