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In recent years, researchers of far-right radicalism have shown interest in the contribution of radical conservatives to the modern theory of international relations. This study focuses on the ideas of the German intellectual movement of the New Right in the FRG in relation to the challenges of world politics. The aim of the study is to analyze the evolution of the political language of the movement’s representatives according to two stages: the Cold War phase of the second half of the 20th century; and the modern stage of development from 2013 to the present. The methodological basis of the paper is the analysis of political texts within the framework of the Cambridge School of the History of Ideas. This method allows us to identify the political problems and opponents of the New Right, to reproduce the political contexts in which the theorists acted, and to identify the cultural resources of the ideologues’ political language. The findings of the study illustrate that the main challenge of the New Right throughout its existence is to ensure national security and increase the political power of the Federal Republic of Germany. The fulfillment of this goal required the development of a foreign policy concept that would ensure the dominance of the FRG in Continental Europe. Despite the fact that the intellectual sources of the ideology of the New Right were not directly related to the theory of international relations, the theses of the theorists are closest to the school of political realism. At the same time, the pro-European ideological positions of the New Right appear to be constrained and, as a consequence, irrelevant among right-wing populists of Europe and the United States. This conclusion allows us to reject the assertion that the goal of the New Right is to revolutionize the existing system of international relations.

This essay examines the positions taken in foreign policy by the periodical «La Voce della Fogna», founded by the leader of the radical right youth Marco Tarchi and an expression of the most heterodox youth current that arose within the Italian Social Movement in the aftermath of the 1968 protests. The aim is to understand what were the original features expressed by the magazine compared to the line of the MSI leadership. The first part focuses on the analysis of the political and cultural context that has arisen in the MSI since its foundation through the use of historiography on the subject. The second is dedicated to the study of the positions taken by the periodical on the main international political issues, proceeding by macro areas.

The subject of the study is public disagreements on certain issues of Korean history. The study aims to determine the theoretical principles underlying the memory policies of the conservative government of Yun Seokyeol. On the example of the controversy over the transfer of the bust of the Korean independence movement fighter Hong Beomdo and the restoration of the legacy of Syngman Rhee, the author shows what arguments conservatives and progressives make to defend their position, what tools and techniques they use to establish a certain interpretation of history as the dominant one. The reason for the dispute about the legacy of the fighters for Korean independence, who belonged to the left wing of the national liberation movement, was the decision of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Korea to move the bust of Hong Beomdo, installed in front of the Military Academy, to another place. This decision caused protests from progressive political parties and public organizations, which accused the Yun Seokyeol’s government of an anti-communist approach and disdain for independence fighters. The dispute over Hong Beomdo’s bust also showed that there is no unity among conservatives on this issue. The government of Yun Seokyeol, largely, proceeds in its memory policies from the theoretical approach of the “new right,” the far-right group of the South Korean conservatives, which diminish the importance of anti-Japanese resistance, especially the left wing, in restoring Korean state sovereignty. At the same time, the “new right” proponents highly appreciates the role of the first President Syngman Rhee in the establishment of the Republic of Korea, ensuring its security and prosperity. The conservative government supports public initiatives to restore the positive image of Syngman Rhee, who resigned as a result of the 1960 April Revolution. Progressives have an extremely negative attitude towards conservative’s attempts to revive the legacy of Syngman Rhee, who was guilty of the presidential election fraud and political repressions.

The main objective of this article is to review the authoritarian legacy of the Uruguayan dictatorship from a feminist perspective, focusing the analysis on the conservative interventions of the present and its continuity with the patriarchal reconfiguration project of the past. Given that the current conservatisms are not a replica of the past, the article analyzes them in terms of reverberations and continuities. The comparative analysis of gender conservative strategies in the Uruguayan dictatorship and in the current conservative backlash focuses on identifying its main referents, the adversaries invoked, the assets that are sought to be safeguarded and the strategies deployed. It works with press and parliamentary debates.

The recent elections in Paraguay, held on April 30, once again gave victory to the Colorado Party, which has remained in power, with a small hiatus, for more than seven decades. The new president, Santiago Peña, is a protégé of former President Horacio Cartes, sanctioned by the United States for considering him "significantly corrupt." The US sanctions, which en-trenched the Colorados in a nationalist discourse, were added, during the campaign, to geopolitical issues such as relations with Taiwan or the change of embassy from Tel Aviv to Jeru-salem, in addition to definitions on Mercosur or relations with Venezuela.

This article examines leaders’ ability to take care of the people during a global pandemic. The article focuses on two populist leaders in Spain: Ada Colau, Barcelona’s mayor and a global municipalist referent, and Isabel Díaz Ayuso, president of the Community of Madrid and a referent of the new right in Europe. The analysis is informed by theoretical discussions on care, examining how populists perform micro and macro practices of care(lessness) as reflected on their Instagram accounts. How has a global pandemic affected populists’ unspoken role of taking care of “their people”? Do they understand care as an individual or as a collective enterprise that challenges capitalist forms of annihilation? The article takes a feminist approach by challenging traditional male-centric analyses of populism. Methodologically, the article advances our understanding of discursive, visual, and affective approaches to digital storytelling. The data is analyzed through a combination of content analysis, a performative approach to populism and visual rhetorical analysis. The results show important differences in how right- and left-wing populists create their ethos as carers and establish emotional connections with those they care about, performing radical care versus neoliberal carelessness.

The so-called New Right in Brazil is not as new as it might appear. Among its main protagonists are groups with a conservative Catholic orientation which preserve the legacy of the TFP – Sociedade Brasileira de Defesa da Tradição, Família e Propriedade [Brazilian Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property] and earlier associations such as the Dom Vital Center from the 1920s. Although discreetly, the protagonists of this movement have returned to act politically in the last decade and exert influence on the Bolsonaro government. Unlike other actors of the New Right, such as the Military and the (Neo)Pentecostal Churches, they have not yet received academic attention. Based on recent fieldwork, this article analyzes the historical ideological formation of conservative Catholics and their contemporary political action through the Plínio Corrêa de Oliveira Institute, the Dom Bosco Center, and the League of Christ the King, as well as the film production company Brasil Paralelo.

Racialized social inequality is considered a structural problem in Brazil and has been a political priority of recent progressist governments. This understanding is not backed up by the so-called New Right, who understands inequality as an inherent principle of a God-given “order” and question of personal capability and merit. In this study, I explore the ideological roots of this powerful Rightist narrative by looking at the Brazilian canon of traditional conservative thought and its influence on New Right discourse. The results show that the core ideas stem from neo-Thomist interpretations of late-scholastic scholarship, which were promoted in Brazil through the Vatican’s integrist reaction to modernization during the First Republic. Since then, Brazilian conservatives have successfully used these religious legitimizations of naturalized inequality to constrain State-driven social reformism and join forces with neoliberalism through the invention of the supposed late scholastic roots of the Austrian School of Economics. After redemocratization, a recycled version of this liberal-conservative claim for less “State” and more “Brazil” (as guided by theocratic traditional order), promoted mainly by the philosopher and online influencer Olavo de Carvalho, has fueled the desecularizing discourse of the New Right and their attempt to conserve the colonial social hierarchy in Brazil.

In the article, the author analyzes the differences in value orientations and the specifics of the party-political systems of Western countries and Russia, the features of the basic values of the United Russia party and the value orientations of Russian citizens. The problem of borrowing and using successful foreign experience and finding one's own way of development has always been in the center of Russian political discourse. Today conservative as well as liberal approaches prevail in politics in Western countries, until recently they were present in the form of the ideology of the new right. In Russia the dominant “United Russia” party has been in power since 2003 and it positions itself as an all-encompassing or "catch-all" party. However, there are liberal and conservative wings in United Russia. The second one is closer to the ideological platform of the parties of the new right, which in practice in politics abandon the model of the welfare state. According to the surveys, in Russia the neoliberal values recorded in the program documents of United Russia do not meet the expectations of the majority of Russians who demand an active social policy. This contradiction, according to the author, is connected with the decline in popularity of the pro-presidential United Russia, which Russian President Vladimir Putin is trying to stop by supporting social programs, while relying on some members of United Russia and the ONF. United Russia won the elections to the State Duma in 2021, but the influence of socially oriented political parties in society and the state is increasing.

New concepts of authoritarian (affective) populisms and right-wing extremisms challenge democratic politics within their strategic critiques of so called multiculturalism, modern cosmopolitanism and democratic liberalism; hence the politics of the New Right use aesthetic practices in an attempt to resonate within subcultures but also to reach the cultural mainstream and broader publics (see digital culture wars). The fusion of right-wing (post-truth) politics, subversive tactics and popular cultures is already in progress. Therefore the essay analyses on the one hand non-conforming and transgressive aesthetics within the context of New Right movements active in Europe (example: the Identitarians) and traces their histories (example: Casa Pound). On the other hand it discusses artistic positions that employ methods like subversive affirmation and over-identification and analyses more thoroughly the Viennese feminist group Burschenschaft Hysteria. Considering the popular and/or transgressive aesthetic practices of the New Right (and the Alt-Right) we can critically review artistic and cultural practices, which use appropriation, mimicking, fakes and over-identification as methods to distort sociopolitical phenomena. What are the current (political) possibilities of mimetic and transgressive art/cultural practices? How to avoid post-ironic confinements, nihilistic reactionary trends and the risk of becoming immune or getting neutralized? In what extend those art/cultural practices can advance their cause of complexity and ambivalence so as to go beyond simplistic relativism, post-ironic confinements and nihilistic reactionary trends?

This paper situates the Harper government’s 2006 restructuring and effective dismantling of Status of Women Canada and its 2011 take down of the approximate 12,000 volume online library of the federal Family Violence Initiative in relation to two developments. These are the ascendant influence of men’s rights and other antifeminist activism in Canada and globally; and the concurrent rise of a Hayekian-animated New Right neoliberal agenda intent on subordinating civil society and democratic rule to the forces of twenty-first century global capitalism. The paper contends that anti-feminism is among a host of neoconservative forces that the New Right instrumentalizes to augment and advance and its neoliberal agenda. For the New Right, however, the enemy is not gender equality or feminism per se but rather the market inhibiting commitment to social justice that feminism participates in and advances.

Far-right movements, activists, and political parties are on the rise worldwide. Several scholars connect this rise of the far-right at least partially to the affordances of digital media and to a new digital metapolitical battle. A lot has been written about the far-right’s adoption of trolling, harassment, and meme-culture in their metapolitical strategy, but researchers have focused less on how far-right vloggers are using the practices of influencer culture for metapolitical goals. This paper tries to fill this gap and bring new theoretical insights based on a digital ethnographic case study. By analyzing political YouTuber and #pizzagate propagator Brittany Pettibone, this paper contributes to our understanding of radicalization processes in relation to the use of digital media.

Abstract This essay posits Brazil as one critical locus for gestating the New Right. Often conceived of as a conservative reaction to the U.S. Civil Rights movement, the New Right actually developed transnationally, with determinative participation from Brazilian activists. In this article, I focus on a revelatory subset of those activists, who demonstrate collaboration that (1) linked elite reactionaries in Brazil, the United States, and elsewhere; (2) facilitated the rise of conservative Christianity as populist groundswell; and (3) transformed these two countries into power centers of a Right that adheres to the now-familiar Brazilian moniker “Bible, Bullets, and Beef.”

This article deals with the xenophobic discourse of contemporary Finnish anti-immigrationists, namely the anti-immigration faction of the Perussuomalaiset party and its 'metapolitical' background organisation - Suomen Sisu. It focuses on two main themes - differentialism and anti-egalitarianism - as they have been conceptualised by the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) and the European New Right. Because these themes have been used to serve a variety of anti-immigration movements and parties within Europe, the article examines whether the selective reception of differentialism and anti-egalitarianism have a part to play in the xenophobic discourse within Finnish politics as well. The Finnish anti-immigrationists share some rhetorical strategies with the ND and use these selectively and in a modified form. It also shows the Finnish faction's aim to be part of a European nationalist and communitarian conservatism to legitimise their own otherwise harshly expressed anti-immigration views.

El punto de partida de este artículo va a ser 1980. Durante esta decisiva década se producen transformaciones en el panorama mundial. A través de la descripción de los sucesivos cambios en los modelos políticos, económicos e ideológicos que experimentan los países del Primer Mundo, el autor muestra las graves consecuencias que de ello se han derivado para la seguridad humana, el afianzamiento de la sociedad civil y la calidad de las principales democracias del mundo. La capacidad de manipulación por medio del discurso y la imagen y qué alternativas se pueden presentar frente a ello centran uno de los grandes objetivos de este trabajo.__________________ABSTRACT:The point of departure of this article will be 1980. During this decisive decade, transformations in the world-wide panorama took place. Through the description of the successive changes in the political, economic and ideological models, that the countries of the First World are experiencing, the author shows the serious consequences that have been derived from it for the human security, the reinforcement of the civil society and the quality of the main democracies of the world. The power of manipulation through speeches and images and what alternative can be presented to face it, are one of the great objectives of this work.

En este trabajo estudiaremos dos de los "pensamientos únicos" que ha generado la globalización/altermundialización. Por un lado, el surgido como consecuencia de la interacción entre la Nueva Derecha y el neoconservadurismo, y por otro lado, el acontecido al amparo de los movimientos altermundistas. El objetivo de este análisis es concluir en la necesidad de planteamientos e ideas más contingentes, plurales, complejas y en continuo diálogo, en definitiva, en el abandono de los llamados pensamientos únicos, y en la necesidad de la interacción entre historia/acontecimientos y teoría/ideas.In this article we will study two of the "pensées uniques" that the globalization/altermundialism has generated. On the one hand, one thought as a result of the interaction between the New Right and neoconservadurismo, and on the other hand occurred under protection of the movements altermundists. The objective of this analysis is to conclude in the necessity of expositions and more contingent, plural, complex ideas and in continuous dialogue, and the necessity of the interaction between history/events and theory/ideas.

To ensure equal access to high quality education, the global expansion of universal basic education has included accountability measures in the form of academic tests. Presently the majority of countries participate in national testing; however, the past two decades have seen a substantial shift in test characteristics and aims. This article investigates the global transformation toward testing for accountability, where intentional or unintentional positive or negative consequences are applied to educators (teachers and administrators) based on their student’s test scores, in light of the emerging global culture, identified by World Culture theorists. Elements of the world culture – including the expansion of western education models, an emphasis on academic intelligence, faith in science as a rational path to truth, and the decentralization of authority to the local level – justify the establishment of testing for accountability systems. Descriptive evidence from regional and international datasets, such as PISA, PIRLS, and TIMSS, illustrate the speed at which this transformation occurs. The convergence of countries toward testing for accountability and its position as an increasingly normative policy lever is illustrated in brief vignettes from the diverse systems of Hungary, Mexico, and South Korea. As testing for accountability becomes embedded in the world culture as a legitimate tool for education reform it is less prone to critical reflection. If the potential benefits and concerns of testing for accountability, outlined in this article, are not thoughtfully evaluated this global transformation will lead to a testing culture that is internalized as normative and adopted as individual values.

This article examines the development of Massive Resistance, in particular Citizens’ Councils, in Louisiana after the council movement in the South had passed its zenith when being unable to prevent the passage of federal civil rights and voting rights legislation. This article argues that grassroots white supremacist groups in Louisiana faced a winding path of decline and revitalization, and a number of councils proved adaptive to the changing political, social, and economic landscape by devising activist strategies that focused on direct action, white voter registration, and tapping into broader conservative discourses on law and order, welfare, and morality. Similar to questions about a “long civil rights movement,” white supremacist resistance against the civil rights movement did not vanish in the latter half of the 1960s but transformed its rhetoric while seeking to align with the conservatism.