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Politik kültür çalışmaları, siyasal gelişmeleri, olayları, tutum ve davranışları anlamada tarihsel sürekliliğin ve aktarımın önemine vurgu yapar. Güncel siyasal olaylarla, hatta yapısal ögelerle tarihsel ve kültürel ögeler arasında kökensel bir ilişki olduğu varsayımı politik kültür çalışmalarının temel iddialarından birisidir. Türkiye’de 1936 yılında politik ve idari bir karar ile devlet-parti bütünleşmesi (CHP Genel Sekreteri’nin aynı zamanda İç İşleri Bakanı ve il başkanlarının da vali olması) gerçekleşmiştir. Bu karar doğrudan kendi döneminde idari ve politik sonuçlar doğurduğu gibi politik kültür açısından sonraki süreçleri de etkileyen bir mahiyete sahip olmuştur. Çalışma bu kararın, alınış ve uygulanış aşamalarıyla birlikte, bir politik kültürü ögesi ve kaynağı olarak ne tür nitelikler taşıdığını ve nasıl bir etkiye sahip olduğunu analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu analizin amaçlarından birisi de güncel olanın daha iyi anlaşılması çabası olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu nedenle çalışma, döneme ilişkin yaptığı analiz neticesinde ortaya çıkan bulgular doğrultusunda, çok genel hatlarıyla güncele dair de açıklamalar yapma iddiasında olacaktır.

Partying is a widespread, understudied, and playful phenomena. Game Studies has seen great value from defining important concepts related to games since its inception. Foundational play and game scholars urged for a need to analyze parties and celebrations as a form of playfulness, yet there is little empirical Game Studies work enabling a deeper understanding of partying. Partying bears striking resemblances to games: inefficient use of resources, arbitrary rules, cultural group formation, and ongoing moral panics. There are also practical overlaps: games occur at parties and digital party games are quite popular. This work contributes to a deeper understanding of parties by analyzing 33 semi-structured interviews where individuals from a wide variety of cultural backgrounds had highly playful experiences at parties. A new theoretical conception of partying as a form of playfulness is proposed as a “phenomenon that creates an experience of social connection in a group mediated through a shared engagement-prioritizing activity”. This work concludes with a call for party studies to become a sub-field in game studies.

The absence of a full-fledged scientific and theoretical study of the criminal procedure notion of «party» in conjunction with the normative and definitional imbalance of this notion in the current sectoral legislation forms polar positions in its interpretation and enforcement in law enforcement practice, which leads to a serious deformation in understanding the mechanisms of organizing criminal proceedings in the Russian Federation. Purpose: to formulate the problem and justify its negative impact on the emerging state law enforcement practice within public law form of the organization of national criminal proceedings. Methods: empirical methods of comparison, description and surveys; theoretical methods of formal and dialectical logic. Results: the study shows that there are serious problems in the regulatory definition of the notion of «party» in the national criminal procedure and in the regulation of its enforcement. The establishment of mandatory elements for ascertaining the presence of the prosecution and defence at a particular stage of criminal proceedings, which consists in the individualisation of the functions performed by a particular party in adversarial process (i.e. with the indispensable participation of an independent party represented by the court), is largely ignored by the legislator in other criminal procedure norms, despite the use of the notion of «party» in them to describe the regulated criminal procedure legal relations.

Aromas, flavors, images, colors, sounds and movements make up the relationships that the Xucuru-Kariri people establish with enchanted beings in their periodic festivals in the woods of Upper River Pardo (Caldas, Minas Gerais). The idea of describing this synesthetic cosmopolitics is to know the beings and forces of nature to which the indigenous warrior person exists ontologically related. To this end, the article focuses on some of the xucuru-kariri terms and practices in caring for the body and the role of relatives –especially ritual grandparents –in preparing things and food in more than one place in the daily living area of the village.

Taking Chilean society as a case study, this article is inserted in discussions on political power and economic elites, drawing attention to the importance of status. The objective is to propose an interpretation of the specificity of this crisis and of elite malaise in Chile today. To this end, an argument is presented based on the principles of interpretative historical sociology from Max Weber’s theory of stratification (the distinction between classes, status, and party) and the methodology of ideal types. On this basis, an analytical reasoning is presented in three moments – the first marked by the validity of the ideal type of señorial society; the second, by its crisis in the 1970s and by the recomposition of the elite domain after the coup d'état, when there was a successful restructuring of classes and parties and an insufficient status restoration; and the third moment characterized by the specificity of the current malaise of the elites in Chile which, unlike other political or economic crises, has its focus on the status order. Thus, attention is drawn to the need to complement the study of the relations between economic elites and political power, differentiating between legitimacy crises and status malaise.

Background. Nowadays in searching ideological foundations of society and ap-peals in this regard to Soviet ideology, the study of the party vocabulary of the of the CPSU fanile stage history is of undoubted scientific interest and is an urgent topic that allows a critical approach to the phenomena of the past and creatively rework everything that was created important and valuable. Materials and methods. The research uses elements of dis-course analysis, semiotic methods necessary to identify texts of behavior, as well as theoret-ical developments of the “history of everyday life” concerning the identification of tactics and strategies of everyday life of actors of the historical process. The discourse of the Soviet party functionary of the late Soviet era is analyzed on the basis of party documentation. In the relatively prosperous Brezhnev era in terms of foreign policy factors and internal devel-opment, the process of forming the Soviet nomenclature reaches its apogee. The factors of vivid empathic emotions of the generation of the first Bolsheviks, the creators of the eco-nomic power of the Soviet country of the 20s–30s of the twentieth century, the heroic era of the Great Patriotic War, the post-war restoration of the economic potential of the USSR are disappearing. The final period of the Soviet Union development (1960–1980s) is character-ized by such features as the creative activity of the people in the economic sphere, and a kind of “stagnation” in the upper echelons of power structures and ideology. In the same years, the formation of the “cultural code” of the Soviet nomenclature was completed. In this regard, the study of the content of the reports of a provincial party functionary, preserved in the party and Soviet records management, is of undoubted interest and is an urgent topic in the light of modern attempts to revive some structural social elements of that era and nostalgia for the ideology cementing society, which was broadcast by regional leaders of the Communist Party. Results. The biography of a provincial party functionary provides an opportunity to show this process of “stagnation” illuminated by domestic historiography from the inside, “trepanning” the biographical trace of a person in his daily activities of a Soviet and party official. Attention is drawn to the complete devaluation of the sincerity of impulses, that is, the “emotional burnout” of party functionaries who exclusively live in the “semiotic lan-guage” of the party elite, who have mastered this language with its pathos and ideological constants. Conclusion. Any epoch of the “maturity” of the phenomenon is just interesting for its completeness. This, in our opinion, hides two opposite vectors: stagnation, stagnation, which at the same time mean calm, peace, silence. But also the maturation of new dynamic forces in the bowels of the old, which inevitably lead to the death of one socio-economic system and its replacement by another. The space of lexical everyday life is always micropractices that are detected “under the microscope”. But the authors of the article are con-vinced that these micro-movements of historical actors, speech strategies, are also important for reconstructing the picture of the “beautiful” past, as well as large-scale research projects of global historical events.

In Norway, a specific kind of children’s parties take place around Christmas every year: The Christmas Tree Party. This is a well-known custom, developed from schoolteachers during the second half of the 19th Century. This paper discusses how the custom was established, with interest in how materiality contributes to holding the custom alive.

In this writing, we challenge ourselves to think about contracolonizing leisure, or parties, as we understand them. The first idea we have is that the party exists and resists since before colonization until the present day, and, even with several attempts to erase it, it is present. We circulate through Nêgo Bispo’s thoughts, which provoked us to reflect on the party in Afro-diasporic and indigenous traditions and its resistance in some communities and, in particular, in the Cultural Group Meninas de Sinhá. Such ideas led us to overcome leisure, due to its linearity, and brought us closer to the circularity of the party. It led us to understand that we need to (re)create, (re)appropriate festive time. Thus, contracolonizing consists of an urgent paradigm to reverberate in the field of Leisure Studies with the potential to access frontiers exalted by diversity and as a way to engage in organic andsensitive experiences in which knowledge and memories circulate

The article studies the features of the Albanian Labor Party policy regarding religions, which proclaimed its goal to build a society of “full atheism”. The Albanian communist regime declared the religion illegal and conducted a long campaign of oppression of Christian and Muslim believers imprisoning and sentencing clergymen to death and harassing their families. The relevance of the research has been determined by the fact that its study allows a deeper understanding of the features of the Albanian totalitarianism. The author identifies two main periods in the party anti-religious activity. At the first stage (1945-1967) an ideological campaign aimed at establishing a scientific and materialistic worldview in society was the main tool for overcoming the religious worldview. Within this campaign the Albanian Labor Party launched an extensive scientific and atheistic propaganda through the media, education, and art. At the second stage (1967-1990) the Albanian authorities launched an active campaign to completely eliminate religious beliefs and their vestiges, declared Albania the first atheistic country in the world, introducing a ban on religious faith in the Constitution and providing for sanctions, including criminal ones, for participation of people in religious ceremonies, keeping religious books, etc. The article analyzes the reasons that have determined the tough course in relation to faiths and defines the role of the party leader Enver Hodja in this process. The author has concluded that the anti-religious policy of the Albanian communists pursued two main goals: firstly, the formation of a new communist worldview based on scientific materialism. Secondly, it was one of the instruments of rallying society before the “external enemy”, since the leader of the ALP E. Hodja perceived all religions as “the law of foreign invaders”.

The Yugoslav People’s Front developed through four phases: pre-war, war, post-war and the last phase during which the name of the People’s Front (of Yugoslavia) was changed to SSRNJ (Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia). The decisive factors for its creation came from the external political context (the Allied efforts to preserve the Yugoslav borders after the war, the importance of the Allied landing in Sicily, the desire of the Allies to be represented in the Yugoslav post-war government structure through their representatives, etc.). On the internal political level, the peasant parties, their structures, the ideology of brotherhood and unity, as well as the fact that the Communist regime evolved from the partisan army through the People’s Front, were particularly significant. A comparative analysis of the Yugoslav People’s Front with the people’s fronts of Bulgaria and Romania indicates the uniqueness of the Yugoslav case.

Voters tend to criticise and punish the ruling party for mistakes made during the term of office and therefore never vote for the same party twice in a row. However, there are no studies on whether the ruling party receives more criticism in the media during election periods. The article focuses on the portrayal of the opposing political parties – the Lithuanian Peasant and Green Union and the Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats – in online news dailies during the 2020 parliamentary elections. The study shows that the media publishes more negative news about the ruling party, but that the communication strategy chosen by the politicians themselves also contributes to this. A link can also be found between the presentation of parties in the media and the final results of the parliamentary elections.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to determine the legality of the constitutional court as a party and at the same time as an adjudicator in disputes over the authority of state institutions. The research method used is the normative legal research method. The results showed that the 1945 Constitution never allocated the authority to test executive legal products in the form of Perppu to the Constitutional Court but to the DPR which is commonly known as legislative review. However, the Constitutional Court through decision No. 138/PUU-VII/2009 has added its authority, namely adding Perppu as the object of the litical test of the judicial review law. The consequence of the addition of the authority to test the Perppu is of course likely to cause a conflict of authority between the Constitutional Court versus the DPR. The problem is that the authority to torture and adjudicate legal conflicts between state institutions according to the 1945 Constitution must be carried out through the courts of the Constitutional Court. Therefore, the juridical problem that arises is whether there is legality or constitutionality of the Constitutional Court to try cases concerning its own interests, while on the other hand there is a doctrine of nemo judex idoneus in propria causa which means that judges are not fit to try themselves because of a conflict of interest or conflict of interest. Abstrak Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui legalitas mahkamah konstitusi sebagai salah satu pihak dan sekaligus sebagai ajudikator dalam sengketa kewenangan lembaga negara. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa UUD1945 tidak pernah mengalokasikan kewenangan untuk menguji produk-produk hukum eksekutif dalam bentuk Perppu kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi melainkan kepada DPR yang biasa dikenal dengan judicial review legislatif. Namun, Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui putusan No. 138/PUU-VII/2009 telah menambah kewenangannya, yaitu penambahan Perppu sebagai objek uji litical test uu judicial review. Konsekuensi dari penambahan kewenangan untuk menguji Perppu tentu saja kemungkinan akan menimbulkan konflik kewenangan antara Mahkamah Konstitusi versus DPR. Masalahnya, kewenangan penyiksaan dan mengadili konflik hukum antar lembaga negara menurut UUD 1945 harus dilakukan melalui pengadilan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Oleh karena itu, permasalahan yuridis yang muncul adalah apakah ada legalitas atau konstitusionalitas Mahkamah Konstitusi untuk mengadili perkara-perkara yang menyangkut kepentingannya sendiri, sedangkan di sisi lain terdapat doktrin nemo judex idoneus dalam propria causa yang artinya hakim tidak layak untuk mengadili diri sendiri karena adanya benturan kepentingan atau benturan kepentingan.

The Swedish Liberal Party chose a new leader in 2019. It was, in some ways, typical of leader selection in Sweden. It featured an elaborate, institutionalised and yet only semi-public form of “precursory delegation,” in which aspiring leaders are filtered by a “steering agent” on behalf of the party's main power centres. In other ways, though, the process was unusually conflictual and produced an unexpected result, which had considerable consequences for the party and for Swedish politics. Moreover, the selection involved the breakdown of a long-established procedure for leader selection in the party. We seek to explain this deviant case. We emphasise an unexpected cascade of decisions by regional party branches to hold membership ballots on the leadership candidates. This event, we argue, was critical for the outcome. We also suggest a causal mechanism, a shifting perception of procedural legitimacy, that facilitated the outcome—a mechanism that could be useful in understanding leader selection and moments of party change more generally.

The active participation of women in performances and festive life, as entertainers, spectators and performers, has always been a sensitive cultural and social indicator, involving above all the aristocratic elites, and traditionally arousing mistrust and censure. During the Renaissance, before the professional actresses of the Commedia dell'Arte imposed themselves in Italian and European public theatres, there were communities that welcomed the female presence on stage and within the party in various forms, but the phenomenon has not yet been explored in depth in historiography. The essay examines, from this point of view, the examples of Siena, where academies organised an intense theatrical life, deeply intertwined with the convulsive political events of the Republic, and Ferrara, where the princesses and their court ladies carved out a specific space for themselves in the spectacular entertainments, which were strictly directed by the prince.

The article studies a complex set of different problems related to the systemic characteristic of regional migration policy undertaken by the Soviet leadership at the turn of the 20s - 30s XX century. These processes are considered to be a part of drastic modernization of agricultural production which changed the existing system of economic and social relations. The reference to unpublished sources can form an adequate idea of the real nature and the objective dynamics of organized migration processes which developed within the framework of the government's policy into total collectivization.

The party is one of the important components that has an important place in democratic systems. In fact, the party is the link between the practice of governance and the standards of governance. Davood Farihi in his book Jurisprudence and Party Governance tries to reconcile political jurisprudence with the government. It is related to the emergence of parliament and the concept of law in the contemporary era and explains the position of parties in the Islamic political system. The results of Farihi’s efforts show that the “party issue” in political jurisprudence is a logical extension of jurisprudence’s confrontation with the modern government. It is jurisprudential “but the fact is that the party in Iran is not jurisprudential and in this article, we criticize “the issue of the party in Iran is jurisprudential” in a descriptive and analytical way and based on library studies.

The article examines the organization and activities of the Foreign Organization and the Foreign Committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party at the beginning of the XX century. It is the institutional history of political parties, in the authors opinion, that is of interest, since the structural analysis and the comparative historical method provide no less for an idea of ​​their nature than the analysis of party programs. In the first period of its existence, the structure of the conspiratorial party of the Social Revolutionaries was surprisingly simple: a few Central Committee members traveled around Russian organizations and corresponded with them. After the arrests of the late 1902 - early 1903. the first, the Gershunev Central Committee, ceased to exist. In August 1903, through the efforts of E.K. Breshko-Breshkovskaya, the Foreign Organization and the Foreign Party Committee were created. Until late autumn 1905, they played the role of central party institutions: the Foreign Organisation was the main reservoir of cadres of party functionaries, its congresses, in essence, played the role of general party forums. The Foreign Organization concentrated many functions of the Central Committee: publishing and distribution of literature, communication with Russian organizations, business trips to Russia of party functionaries, etc. Thanks to the Foreign Organization and especially the Foreign Party Committee, a relatively ramified network of party leadership was formed. The Foreign Organisation was an amorphous union, squabbles and squabbles tore it apart. The Foreign Party Committee, along with the orthodox Socialist-Revolutionaries, included dissidents. In November 1905, the Foreign Party Committee ceased its activities, and the Foreign Organisation was disbanded. At the end of 1906, the Foreign Organisation and Foreign Party Committee were reanimated. The new Foreign Organisation did not want to be considered party, and the Socialist-Revolutionary leadership dissociated itself from it. The sphere of activity of the Foreign Party Committee was limited to the limits of emigration. Beginning in 1909, the process of demoralization embraced both the Socialist-Revolutionary Party as a whole and the emigration. In the spring of 1909, the delegates of the most numerous Parisian group for the promotion of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party left the III Conference of the Foreign Federation. After the Fifth Party Council (May 1909), the Paris assistance group withdrew from the ranks of the party. In 19101914. the decline of the Overseas Organization progressed. Disputes intensified, the Regional Foreign Committee was in conflict with the Central Committee. Thus, by the beginning of the First World War, the Socialist-Revolutionary emigration was a collection of scattered and warring factions. During the war years, the Central Committee finally broke up into opposing groups and as a whole ceased to exist.

The present research featured the development of urban planning policy in small towns of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 1950s–1960s, when it was designed by the local authorities and included construction, repairs, national, historical, cultural, environmental, and natural features of the terrain, etc. The authors developed some criteria for the classification of small towns and traced the evolution of urban planning policy from individual to mass construction. The new principles that appeared in 1950s–1960s included the natural and climatic conditions and aimed at strengthening the country's defense. The new course of economic, architectural and urban development modernized and changed the structure of the economy in small towns. The research was based on the historical-chronological and geopolitical method that covered the strategic, economic, and socio-cultural development of Siberia in general. The research contributes to the development of urban planning policy and helps to improve city management practices.

The contract is the subject of civil law that creates the basic entity of the national and international economy, and the contracting process is the most important stage in economic affairs in general. Naturally producing effects between the parties, we can say that vis-à-vis the parties, the contract is binding, or, in other words, the signatory parties must comply with the provisions of the contract. On the other hand, compared to third parties, the effects of the contract being only an exception, we can say that the production of the effects towards them is relative. This study represents an exemplary synthesis of the theoretical and practical dimension of the issue of the third party notion in the light of the new regulations of the Civil Code, norms that created new ways of economic development of the Republic of Moldova.

The prime minister of Japan (日本国内閣総理大臣, Nihon-koku naikaku sōridaijin, or shushō (首相)) (informally referred to as the PMOJ) is head of the government of Japan, the chief executive of the National Cabinet and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Japan; he is appointed by the emperor of Japan after being designated by the National Diet and must enjoy the confidence of the House of Representatives to remain in office. He is the head of the Cabinet and appoints and dismisses the other ministers of state. The literal translation of the Japanese name for the office is Minister for the Comprehensive Administration of (or the Presidency over) the Cabinet. The current prime minister of Japan is Yoshihide Suga. On 14 September 2020, he was elected to the presidency of the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). After being confirmed in the Diet, he received an invitation from Emperor Naruhito to form a government as the new prime minister, and took office on 16 September 2020. Japan's parliament has elected Yoshihide Suga as the country's new prime minister, following the surprise resignation of Shinzo Abe. After winning the leadership of the governing party earlier this week, Wednesday's vote confirms the former chief cabinet secretary's new position. It happened because the needed of political interest for Japan.

The development paradigm of Russian parliamentarism, 2008 and 2020 amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation are directed towards expanding the power of the Russian parliament and the accountability of the executive branch to the supreme legislative body. In this regard, a logical question arises about strengthening the independence and autonomy (primarily from the executive branch) of the members of the Russian parliament (MP). However, instead of a logical increase in the independence of parliamentarians, recently Russia has introduced internal quasilabor standards of parliament, which, on the contrary, puts MP under party control. In addition, the existing anti-corruption standards for controlling the openness of the income, expenses and property obligations of MP also have serious shortcomings in terms of the severity of sanctions – up to the early termination of MP. The problem of legal reasons and the procedure for terminating the powers of a deputy of a representative authority is considered by the author comprehensively, taking into account the specifics of the status of a deputy. It should be noted that for the young Russian parliamentarism, the study of this procedure through the prism of the constitutional legal status of a deputy is of fundamental importance. The article analyzes the judicial practice of the reasons for the termination of the deputy’s powers, statistics on the application of anti-corruption legislation to deputies of representative authorities in 30 regions of the Federation from all Federal Districts of Russia. The author also explores new grounds for terminating the deputy’s powers, including regarding the practice of attending parliament, and concludes that a number of the current legislation used by the law enforcer (parliamentary majority, courts, prosecutor’s bodies) contradicts the tasks of legal regulation of the duties of MP, and doctrinally are not consistent with the model of a free mandate adopted in Russia in 1993. Thus, the domestic legislator needs to decide whether he/she continues to follow the model of a free mandate enshrined in the current Russian Constitution, or whether it is time to return (as it was in the Soviet period) to a model of an imperative mandate. If the legislator decides to use the model of a free mandate, then the new liability measures that are introduced into the legislation should be reviewed. If the legislator finally abandons the free mandate, which corresponds to a certain trend in world practice, then it is necessary to make appropriate point adjustments to the Russian Constitution, and provide for a procedure for recalling a deputy at the federal level; especially today in the context of growing digitalization, such a procedure can be done without damage conduct using electronic voting.

The article presents an analysis of the process of forming an Alliance of Liberals and Democrats of Europe on the basis of liberal and liberal-democratic parties in Europe, which began in the middle of the twentieth century. In the end, ALDE united the majority of liberal democ- ratic and liberal parties from most EU member states. Today, this party is the third political force in the European Union, after the Conservatives of the European People’s party and the Socialists and Social Democrats of the Party of European Socialists. The article analyzes how the representation of liberal parties from different EU member states in the European Parliament and the European Commission has changed, as well as their participation in the governments and parliaments of indi- vidual countries at the present time. The party’s program documents for the 2019 European elections were reviewed. The results of the ALDE parliamentary group’s work in the current composi- tion of the European Parliament are presented.

The article presents an analysis of the process of formation of the European People’s Party on the basis of Christian Democratic parties in Europe, which began after the end of the Second World War. This party initially supported the creation of a United Europe and played a pro- minent role in the General Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Association. However, at the end of the XX century, the Christian Democrats lost the initiative in the European arena to the So- cialists and Social Democrats because they could not expand their ranks, trying to preserve the ideo- logical purity of their ranks. At the end of the XX century, they changed their strategy, proclaiming a policy of openness towards other center-right parties, including those from Central and Eastern Europe. However, they had to pay for this by eroding their ideological base. In the end, the EPP United the majority of Christian-Democratic, Conservative, and Liberal-Conservative parties from most EU member States. Today, this party is the leading political force in the European Union, in- cluding its institutions such as the European Parliament, the European Commission and the Europe- an Council, and is likely to maintain these positions for at least the next 5-10 years.

Serbian Law on General Administrative Procedure (LGAP) opened a possibility for broadening the standing in administrative procedures and administrative disputes, by inclusion of subjects representing collective interests and interest of the wider public - primarily, citizen associations and similar organizations. However, by failing to regulate a series of concrete issues, the Law places the administration and the Administrative Court before a challenge, demanding from them an extensive interpretation of not only LGAP's provisions, but other legislation already recognizing such organizations as AIDS in realization of the public interest. The author analyzes relevant legislation, as well as available administrative and court caselaw in search of these answers. The lack of explicit legal provisions could be balanced by a creative approach in practice, especially by the Administrative Court. Having in mind comparative solutions, the question arises whether it is necessary to regulate this category of potential parties separately or to link it more explicitly to the already existing notion of an interested party. Instead, completely new notions have been introduced - collective interests and the wider interests of the public - which are not or not consistently defined in Serbian law. The current, not so voluminous case law, shows that the administrative bodies need a more direct indication of the rules, i.e. a more explicit definitions of these terms. However, despite the restrictive legal framework, administrative bodies should be open to understanding the specific circumstances, i.e. the motivation that an organization has when it seeks standing. In the normative sphere, one of the solutions could be to envisage the analogous application of LGAP's provisions on the interested party. Other solutions could be sought in explicitly mentioning them in the provisions on right to appeal. The current formulations of LGAP do not provide sufficient guidance to the administration and an extensive interpretation would be a great challenge for them. An active approach of the Administrative Court could show the way for the administration toward and effective application of these provisions of LGAP.

The feast of the "Lord Jesus of Great Power" is the greatest folkloric event of the city of La Paz (Bolivia). The research developed is theoretically anchored in the field of social and cultural practices, more specifically in the theory of folk communication. Therefore, the objective of this work is to carry out a folk communicational and folkmedia analysis of this festival, simultaneously considered as a festival, investigating in what ways it acts to promote the communication of the marginalized and folklore as a democratizing socio-cultural practice. The approach adopted is qualitative, the methodology starts from the bibliographic survey and subsequent theoretical and documental analysis of a series of research linked to the folk communicational field, the main tools used are the observation and photographic record of practices, festive rituals and, in a special way, the dances presented in its course. However, it was also used semi-structured interviews with some characters active in the party. The reflective challenge of this text points to the inclusion of the theory of folk communication, in the Bolivian academic field, since, at least until this moment and by the surveys carried out, this discussion has been absent. So it also resembles as a result, the addition of other theoretical categories such as: social and cultural practices and cultural resistance, in this context. The research is justified, to the extent that it opens a horizon of visibility, regarding the importance of the analysis of this folkloric event, as well as the issues related to communication of the marginalized in Bolivia.

The basic approaches to the study of the political development and government of Siena, one of the Italian republics of the Renaissance, are examined. The works of Western, especially Italian, historians of the second half of the XX - beginning of the XXI centuries are analyzed. The novelty of the study is that the author summarizes the results of studying the problem, shows the evolution of approaches to its solution, introduces the reader to modern views on it. An urgent question about the specifics of the Renaissance state by the example of the formation of Siena statehood in the second half of the XIV - first half of the XVI centuries has been raised. Based on a study of the works touching upon this problem, the author shows that during the study period the issue of the features of Siena’s political and state development was considered from different perspectives and underwent evolution from the problem of the decline of Siena to the problems of autonomy of the Siena state within the “Medici state”. Analysis of Western historiography of this period leads the author to agree with the conclusions of Italian scientists that the formation of a system of “parties” and coalition governments in Siena determines not only the relatively late formation of Signoria Petrucci, but also the specifics of Siena’s political and state development a kind of historical alternative to the Florentine signoria.

The study of the characteristics of the Soviet ruling elite, which had almost limitless management capabilities in all spheres of social life, is of particular interest. The ruling elite or "nomenklatura elite" was formed mainly from members of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), also known as the VKP(b). The article traces the evolution of social characteristics and political behavior of Soviet managers who were part of the Central Committee in the 1930s . It allows us to reveal the real correlation of utopian and adequate to that epoch management methods; to get closer to understanding the true history of the Soviet society and the state. The author notes underestimation existing in the scientific literature of the role played by the plenums of the Central Committee of the VKP(b), on which the legitimization of managerial decisions of the Soviet leadership depended. The article characterizes such processes as the transition to a "moderate course" since 1933, associated with the growth of relative "divergence" in various structures of the party-state apparatus; the adoption of the state program of compulsory technical education for workers at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the VKP(b) in December 1935; discussion and approval of the draft Constitution in 1936. It is emphasized that the events of 1936 demonstrated the depth of the divergence of idealistic and rational approaches to the main issues of economic policy, revealed criticism of the course on quantitative indicators and punitive management methods. The article traces the causes of the tragic fate of the party-state elite, which was relatively stable for two decades(1917-1936), linking the events of 1937-1938 with the logical manifestation of the long struggle of two approaches (rational and voluntarist) to the implementation of state policy. Special attention is paid to the problems of strengthening the defense capability of the USSR in the pre-war years. It is concluded that at the turn of the 1930s and 1940s the fate of the regime depended on the quality and speed of the actions taken by the "commanders of the economy" ‒ business executives of various levels, regional leaders, military figures. It led again to the stabilization of the elite, which retained the function of a shock absorber for the most dangerous Stalin's decisions.

In this paper, we merely begin to discuss the establishment of political ideas, beginnings of political thought and political streams at the end of the first half of the 19th century, as the basis upon which political parties were formed several decades later. It was the time of great social turmoil and uncertain future of the young Serbian state. Serbia was recognized in 1878 after the liberation from the Ottoman rule and subsequently joined the family of world countries. Its beginning as a state was accompanied by numerous difficulties in establishing power, organizing political life and solving various social problems. The key part of this paper is dedicated to political parties, their formation and content turned into political programmes. We shall not delve into the political infrastructure nor study their exercise of power in the society. Our interests are directed at the political, economic and social content of political parties' programmes in Serbia until 1918. We intend to highlight the value basis of Serbian community's development and programme objectives used by the parties in their public communication. Taking into account that today Serbia is facing numerous challenges of political, economic, social and security nature, it is worth remembering the time 137 years ago in Serbia when its social life was formed. We can make a parallel between similarities and differences as well as challenges of this time and the past, from the perspective of one-century distance.

Among the many music festivals, rock festivals “large format” offer a privileged field to observe the relationship between people and festive forms of the cultural offer. Based on the results of a long-term research on audiences at the Eurockéennes de Belfort festival, this article pointing out the spaces where the festive activity take place, and also its variations and conditions. For this, we focus on both the first and continuing practices, and also the relationships that festival-goers have with each other. This article is also an opportunity to know what is happening about party in today’s festival. Whether it’s a party event designed to make party in itself or whether it’s a space where the party happened and where everyone comes to party for himself.

Spring break is a festive phenomenon connected to the student world which appeared in the United States after the second World War. Aside from the beach and sun, binge drinking and the promise of casual heterosexual sex are constituent elements of the imaginary world of these festivities. From the 80s onwards, similar practices in seaside party resorts emerged in all of the western world, fed by the US spring break imagery. The spring break phenomenon quickly raised moral concerns. Nevertheless, this practice pertains to the construction of gender and life stages in compliance with dominant social norms. It is a part of a constellation of rites of passage in preparation for entering the world of grown-up responsibilities and a monogamous and procreative sex life. Thus, far from the dreaded or desired transgression, spring break allows the incorporation of gender and life stages’ standards as well as the reproduction of the contemporary societal configuration.

The article shows the activity of the social and political movement of the Russian emigration — Eurasians, who sought not only to understand and comprehend the Soviet form of the state, but also to influence the development of state building in Soviet Russia.

Along with the pregnancy symptoms, the curiosity about the gender of the baby also starts. Practices to satisfy this curiosity develop, change, and get updated by emerging based on the expectation and values of the related culture. In the traditional social life in Turkey, the curiosity about the gender is tried to be satisfied with certain practices such as looking at the shape of some parts in the pregnant body, pains in particular parts of her body, the food she wants in the craving period, baby’s movements in the mother’s womb etc. In addition, between the fourteenth and sixteenth week of pregnancy, the baby’s gender is explained to the future parents with ultrasound method. On the other hand, today there are celebrations that are called “gender parties,” are spreading rapidly, and even these parties are candidates to become a serious business sector in urban society. The main aim of these parties abroad, especially in America, is that the couples want to learn the baby’s gender in a more sincere and special atmosphere where acquaintances and relatives are present instead of the hospital and doctors. Organized under the guidance of the mother and father to be, these parties have important functions in terms of sharing their excitement with their loved ones, getting moral support from them, having fun together, communicating and getting relieved, solidarity, helping each other and improving their sense of belonging. In the article, gender parties are discussed in terms of their contents, way, place and time of organization, participants, and hosts, and observations and interpretations are made regarding their individual and social functions. As a result of the examinations and evaluations made, it is concluded that especially the future mother and father’s curiosity about the baby’s gender is still a big issue, however, the environment and conditions, in which this curiosity is satisfied, are changing.

For the new Law on General Administrative Procedure of 2016, despite many novelties, it can not be said that it brought substantial changes in the legal regime of the costs of administrative proceedings, especially not in aspect of improving the legal position of the parties. Although there are certain novelties that can be said to constitute positive solutions, most of the legal changes are not of particular importance forlegal position of a parties in the administrative procedure. Particularly valuable criterion is the new provision on the concept of procedural costs, which contributed, without improving the legal regime of procedural costs, to hide the fact that the right of a party to the costs of legal representation in administrative proceedings still depends exclusively on the free assessment of their necessity, and justification by the official conducting the proceedings.

Romania's entry into the First World War was preceded by fierce diplomatic battles between the two warring parties – the Entente and the Triple Alliance – regarding its involvement in the conflict on one side or the other. No less dramatic was the internal struggle waged by representatives of civil society - writers, doctors, engineers, historians, leaders of political parties, both ruling and opposition. They were brought up in the spirit of nationalism and spiritual and moral values, formed on the basis of the national liberation struggle of the 19th century. Each of them motivated entry into the war, defending his own interests, trying to get as much political dividends as possible, sometimes taking unfavorable decisions, ignoring the real economic and military potential of the Romanian state. What seemed simple at first glance turned out to be in fact an equation with many unknowns. Today we know the result - the disappearance from the political map of several empires and the emergence of other political systems and regimes, more severe, which will determine the fate and history of many peoples, including Romanian.

The relevance of accounting for pension liabilities currently caused by economic reasons, directly related to the political and economic changes in the Russian Federation. Political changes are related to proposals by the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of economic development of the Russian Federation to increase the retirement age for old-age pension, adapting the duties of the State pensions of citizens on the shoulders of the employer and direct them towards non-government pension provision. Economic change of recent months are associated with declining profitability on investment, unstable prices for commodities, but rather their decline. These circumstances call for more scrutiny of processes occurring in the non-State pension funds, primarily relating to the accounting for pension liabilities.

The photo essay is an excerpt from a documentary project in development which addresses "pilgrims", such as "pilgrimages" and "ex-votos" practiced by devotion to São Francisco de Canindé, in the municipality of Canindé, located 110 km away from the city of Fortaleza, capital of the state of Ceará (CE), located in the Northeast Region of Brazil. The photographs were captured during the feast in honor of the saint, which takes place annually between September 24th and October 4th. However, in 2016, especially because of the changes, the party was extended to after the election. It is an initiative linked to the ECOMSUL Research Group - Epistemologies and Emerging and Transforming Practices in Communication, Media and Culture, of the Department of Social Communication and Postgraduate Program in Media Studies / UFRN.

In Ceauşescu’s Romania, territorial systematization was used as a gigantic political, economic and social tool in order to create the ‘multilaterally developed socialist society’. The regime seemed to be homogenous and function in a unilateral ideological way. However, the national-communist edifice was full of contradictions. The most important of them, that between party and state, reverbered at all levels of activity, and systematization surely represented one of the most important fields in which party-state contradictions could expand. They did so, as I try to argue in the present article, in favor of the state rather than the party, although the party used the state as an administrative instrument in order to achieve its developmental goals.

Abstract Background Alcohol use and subsequent consequences are harmful for individual college students. Other students and the university can also be negatively impacted by the consequences of alcohol use. Method A field-based study was used to assess the alcohol use environment at college parties. Researchers replicated a previous study by driving and walking a route to identify parties primarily on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday evenings between 9:00 PM and 1:00 AM across an academic year. Parties were randomly sampled. Hosts were asked for permission to enter the party at each sampled location. A census of partygoers was attempted at each party. Participants were asked to complete a brief survey and give a breath sample. All participants were recruited into a follow-up survey. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of individual-level and party-level factors associated with intoxication are presented. Results The research team identified 29 parties: 16 were approached, and 12 were surveyed. Overall, 112 participants were surveyed for a response rate of approximately 28.7% of partygoers. Controlling for demographic characteristics, consumption of shots of liquor/spirits was significantly associated with a five times greater risk for intoxication. Notably, drinking games were protective of breath alcohol concentration (BrAC) risk in this model. Individuals who reported engaging in drinking games were 74% less likely to report a BrAC above the U.S. legal limit, while controlling for underage drinking in the model. Several party characteristics were identified that increased overall BrAC at the parties, including whether the party was themed, if it was a Greek life party, and whether there were illicit drugs present. Notably, when intoxication is examined by gender and party theme, women are significantly more likely to be intoxicated at themed parties: 75% were above 0.08 at themed parties compared to 35% above 0.08 at non-themed parties. Conclusions Field-based data collection methods can, and should, be modified to conduct needs assessment and evaluation of prevention programs on college campuses. The findings on this campus were different than the originally sampled campus. Prevention programs should target unique risks identified on each campus, and to respond to problematic party behaviors with comprehensive programming rather than policy-level bans.

The article examines the crisis of representative democracy in Spain, which is characterized by the growth of the population’s critical attitudes towards politicians and political institutions and the decline of the latter’s influence. Special attention is given to the reorganization of the party system, manifesting in the weakening of traditional parties’ influence and strengthening of newcomer parties challenging old elites. Political modernization is not a straightforward process, and can yield results different from the initiators’ expectations

Abstract Because on the one hand, some believe that partisanship in Islam and the Islamic state, and has been a source of confusion and division in the ranks of Muslims breaches and gaps and conflicting ideas are created And this is against the command of the Qur'an is that of being ordered ranks of Muslims. These are to prove their arguments on this verse ((Vatsmva Bhbl God all overseeing Vela Tfrqva)) to an unbroken string of Allah (Islamic Brady unity) hold fast and also Mpashyd (Imran / 103) can be invoked. On the other hand, the political parties present in society as a connecting link people and government are of great importance, And a two-way relationship between political parties and democracy is established. In this study, it is due to religious and legal reasons, regardless of the political party of the foundations of Western liberalism and democracy, To explain the point of view of religion and Islamic teachings on the issue and the issue of new religious party that is one of the issues, to be addressed . So the question that will be answered in this study is that partisanship in Islam is what is the position? Also in response to this question, this hypothesis has been proposed that partisanship in Islam, having legal basis, conditional and constrained accepted.

This article explores the performance of ANO 2011 and Dawn of Direct Democracy—two new subjects of the post-2013 Czech party system—in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament. Programs and statements of both movements are analyzed in order to determine whether a link exists between protest and populist characteristics on one side and Euroscepticism on the other side.

In Ceaușescu’s Romania, territorial systematization was used as a gigantic political, economic and social tool in order to create the ‘multilaterally developed socialist society’. The regime seemed to be homogenous and function in a unilateral ideological way. However, the national-communist edifice was full of contradictions. The most important of them that between party and state, reverberated at all levels of activity and systematization surely represented one of the most important fields in which party-state contradictions could expand. They did so, as I try to argue in the present article, in favor of the state rather than the party, although the party used the state as an administrative instrument in order to achieve its developmental goals.

Mass migration to cities, economic independence of youth and life without strict family control, most clearly visible in rural areas, had an effect on expression of emotions and sexual liberation. Due to the image created in popular culture, love and romance became an ideal to be pursued. As the number of unwanted pregnancies was steadily rising, Yugoslav authorities promulgated more liberal law on abortion (1960). The main intention of this law was to minimize the consequences of illegal abortion. The reasons for abortion were mainly of socio–economic nature – overemployment of women, severe housing crisis and coexistence of several generations in a single household, relatively low income and higher expectations of life. Authorities tried to stop the upward trend in abortion through health education, popularization of contraception and sexual education of youth. As these efforts turned to be in vain, in 1969 abortion was totally liberalized. Although press wrote extensively on gender relations and sexuality and the modern contraceptive methods were becoming more and more accessible, the population was not sufficiently informed. Thus, abortions were the most widespread method of „birth control“. Their number was steadily rising – 388,933 abortions were performed in 1988 – i. e. abortion ratio was 106,1 abortion per 100 live births.

Abstract Third –party oppositionIn Dispute among different persons having common interest, issuances of judgement to the loss of one of the plaintiff’s doesnot lose the rights of other plaintiffs. For this reason, objection by third party is not needed. In Dispute among defendants having common interest, if the judgment issued against one of the defendants and from the result of that judgment is used to the loss of other defendant, loss of created to the their rights and to delete induced loss, it should be protest to the that judgment. Because issuance of orders doednot loss to the third parties, orders arenot protestable by third party. In case of accepting third allegation, desition of court is to the form of judgment. Since court cannot contraditts main claim in case of order, there isnot possibility of formal objection to the main claim by third protester.This paper is relating to third party's objection.

The „Doparie” is a proposal, a method indeed, for participatory democracy in a context of a representative democracy. The awareness, that the policy, which has long been considered unreliable by the civil society, has been the assumption for a search of an organic participation. This has been developed through a scientific survey conducted by the National Research Council that examines the relationship between „emotion and participation”, using also the studies of prof. B. Frey on „Economics and Happiness”. The goal is to create a public opinion structured within the parties that may have an influence, through a deliberative debate on the partisan choices.

The present article analyzes the dual nature of what Kenneth Jowitt called „Leninist regimes”. Divided between an ideological dimension (the party) and a material, administrative dimension (the state), Leninist regimes faced an implacable dilemma: how to survive without loosing the party spirit in favor of the bureaucratic, state spirit that they reproduced through their sheer mode of production? Romanian national-communism faced the same dillema and it tried to overcome it with the help of unions and of other intermediary organisms placed between party and state. How and why it failed are the main questions adressed here.

The article studies political ideological orientations and practical steps taken by Podemos party, which was founded in January 2014 and for a short time turned into an influential actor in Spanish politics. Special attention is given to the Podemos image metamorphoses, designed to satisfy the interests of various groups of population with different political orientations.

Notions of “face” play a central role in traditional East Asian ethics and, in particular, in Confucian views about the self and its cultivation. Awareness of and attention to face is central to self-reflection and evaluation and, when properly employed, motivate one to continue to strive to improve oneself morally. Today, the Chinese Communist Party seeks to monitor and control its population by means of an extensive system of surveillance that is increasingly controlled by artificial intelligence programs. This not only undermines traditional conceptions of face but ultimately the role and ability of the party to set and enforce its own view of what Chinese citizens should seek and pursue.

Theatre in the German Democratic Republic was an essential part of the state propaganda machine and was strictly controlled by the cultural bureaucracy and by the party. Until the early sixties, ancient plays were rarely staged. In the sixties, classical Greek drama became officially recognised as part of cultural heritage. Directors free to stage the great classical playwrights selected ancient plays, on one hand, to escape the grim socialist reality, on the other to criticise it using various forms of Aesopian language. Two important dramatists and three examples of plays are presented and discussed: an adaptation of an Aristophanic comedy (Peter Hack’s adaptation of Aristophanes’ Peace at the Deutsche Theater in Berlin in 1962), a play based on a Sophoclean tragedy (Heiner Müller’s Philoktet, published in 1965, staged only in 1977), and a short didactic play (Lehrstück) based on Roman history (Heiner Müller’s Der Horatier, written in 1968, staged in 1973 in Hamburg in West Germany, and in the GDR only in 1988). At the end there is a brief look at a production of Aeschylus Seven against Thebes at the BE in 1969.

Every year in October in the city of Toro (Spain) is celebrated the Festival of the grape harvest, which has its climax in the popularly known as "Carriage Parade". This feast of exaltation of wine, medicine and important food in the subsistence economies due to its high caloric intake, but which is now consumed as a fashionable product, is the ideal framework for representing the toresana identity. During the parade the center of the city becomes the scene of a staging of the traditional cultural heritage of wine, although in recent history there have been many changes that make what is perceived as traditional is the romantic evocation of a World disappeared. This performance is endorsed and legitimized by a very high participation and by the consent of the group that organizes it and participates year after year.