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Objective: This study aims to determine the feasibility of recruiting peer leaders to deliver a community-based health intervention using social media. Method: We recruited 16 African American and Latino men who have sex with men (MSM) as peer leaders for either an human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) prevention or general health intervention using social media. Inclusion criteria required that peer leaders were African American or Latino MSM health communication experts experienced using social media. To receive certification, peer leaders attended three training sessions on using social media for public health. Questionnaires asking about health knowledge and comfort using social media to discuss health-related topics were provided at baseline and post-training to ensure that peer leaders were qualified post-training. Repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) models and chi[superscript 2] tests tested for differences in peer leader knowledge and comfort using social media pre- and post-training. Results: After training, peer leaders were significantly more comfortable using social media to discuss sexual positions. There were no significant differences pre- and post-training on other comfort or knowledge measures as, at baseline, almost all peer leaders were already comfortable using social media. Conclusion: Results suggest that peer leaders can be recruited who are qualified to conduct health interventions without needing additional training. The discussed training plan can further ensure that any unqualified peer leaders will be prepared after training. To our knowledge, this is the first study to suggest that peer leaders can be recruited as peer health educators to communicate using social media. (Contains 3 tables.)

The potential utility of a distinction between "automatic (or spontaneous) and implicit" versus "controlled and explicit" processes in theory of mind (ToM) is undercut by the fact that the terms can be employed to describe different but related distinctions within cognitive systems serving that function. These include distinctions in the underlying cognitive systems, processes, or representations involved in ToM, distinctions among methodologies or task procedures used to measure ToM, and distinctions among behavioural signatures evaluated as evidence for the engagement of ToM. We propose an approach in which rather than continued dispute over whether or not ToM "is" or "is not" automatic, researchers focus instead on discovering what the range of stimulus conditions and task contexts are that give rise to various signatures of the ToM system. These input-output relations will constrain theorizing about the kinds of representations employed, the types of processing operating over those representations, and the overall architecture of ToM mechanisms. (Contains 2 figures and 3 footnotes.)

In a task where participants' overt task was to track the location of an object across a sequence of events, reaction times to unpredictable probes requiring an inference about a social agent's beliefs about the location of that object were obtained. Reaction times to false belief situations were faster than responses about the (false) contents of a map showing the location of the object (Experiment 1) and about the (false) direction of an arrow signaling the location of the object (Experiment 2). These results are consistent with developmental, neuro-imaging and neuropsychological evidence that there exist domain specific mechanisms within human cognition for encoding and reasoning about mental states. Specialization of these mechanisms may arise from either core cognitive architecture or via the accumulation of expertise in the social domain. (Contains 3 figures and 2 tables.)

Under what conditions do people automatically encode and track the mental states of others? A recent investigation showed that when subjects are instructed to track the location of an object but are not instructed to track a belief about that location in a non-verbal false-belief task, they respond more slowly to questions about an agent's belief, suggesting that belief information was not encoded or tracked automatically [Apperly, I. A., Riggs, K. J., Simpson, A., Samson, D., & Chiavarino, C. (2006). "Is belief reasoning automatic?" "Psychological Science, 17," 841-844]. In the current experiments, we show that if belief probes occur closer in time to the events that signal the content of the agent's false belief, responses to those probes are faster than responses to probes about reality, and as fast as responses to probes about belief when instructed to track them, suggesting (i) beliefs may get encoded automatically in response to certain cues and (ii) that belief information rapidly decays unless it is maintained via "top-down" instructions. (Contains 2 figures.)

Psychologists interested in culture have focused primarily on East-West differences in individualism-collectivism, or independent-interdependent self-construal. As important as this dimension is, there are many other forms of culture with many dimensions of cultural variability. Selecting from among the many understudied cultures in psychology, the author considers three kinds of cultures: religion, socioeconomic status, and region within a country. These cultures vary in a number of psychologically interesting ways. By studying more types of culture, psychologists stand to enrich how they define culture, how they think about universality and cultural specificity, their views of multiculturalism, how they do research on culture, and what dimensions of culture they study. Broadening the study of culture will have far-reaching implications for clinical issues, intergroup relations, and applied domains. (Contains 3 footnotes.)

The authors examined the effects of writing about the benefits of an interpersonal transgression on forgiveness. Participants (N = 304) were randomly assigned to one of three 20-min writing tasks in which they wrote about either (a) traumatic features of the most recent interpersonal transgression they had suffered, (b) personal benefits resulting from the transgression, or (c) a control topic that was unrelated to the transgression. Participants in the benefit-finding condition became more forgiving toward their transgressors than did those in the other 2 conditions, who did not differ from each other. In part, the benefit-finding condition appeared to facilitate forgiveness by encouraging participants to engage in cognitive processing as they wrote their essays. Results suggest that benefit finding may be a unique and useful addition to efforts to help people forgive interpersonal transgressions through structured interventions. The Transgression-Related Interpersonal Motivations Inventory-18-Item Version (TRIM-18) is appended.

Responds to comments by H. Takooshian and J. K. Tebes on the current author's original article, "Many forms of culture". The current author argued that psychologists tend to focus on too narrow a set of cultures (ethnic and national cultures) and some dimensions of those cultures (individualism-collectivism, independence-interdependence). He then argued that there are a number of ways in which it would be important for psychologists to expand how we theorize about culture, do research on culture, and integrate culture into clinical practice and applied settings. He discussed religion, social class, and within-country region as three examples of under-explored types of culture (Cohen, 2009). Takooshian (2010) and Tebes (2010) pointed to a potentially expanded set of cultures beyond the three examples the current author focused most on (religion, socioeconomic status/social class, region) to include age, sex, sexual orientation, physical and mental challenges, and others. The current author agrees that these are good candidates to be considered cultures as well. Even within the same household (with people sharing ethnicity, nationality, religion, social class, and region of origin), adolescent teenagers hold certain cultural outlooks different from those of their middle-aged parents. This raises the questions of just how limitless the set of cultures is and whether every group is a culture.