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For the discipline of International Relations (IR), the study of International Peace Settlements (IPS) for the organization of postwar international orders has thus far primarily been the purview of realist, liberal, and constructivist approaches. To date, Marxist approaches have tended to either ignore the significance of IPS in the formation of new global orders or have been inscribed into longer-term overarching processes--namely, the reified consequences of the development of capitalism. These proclivities have had the unwelcome effect of subsuming the role historical agents have played in the devising of international ordering strategies under preordained universal 'laws of motion' and downplaying the broader efficacy of foreign policymaking in the building of world order. This paper proposes to rectify this Marxist lacuna by highlighting how adopting an approach that elaborates on the principles of Geopolitical Marxism (GPM) in IR can overcome these shortcomings. The paper argues that a radical historicist methodology for analysing these important world- historical junctures retrieves the significance of contextualized agency within the historical materialist tradition and overcomes the issues beholden to structuralist Marxist approaches. Keywords: Peace Conferences, World Order, Foreign Policy, Geopolitical Marxism, The Congress of Vienna, Introduction The perception that Marxism was unable to provide a theoretical account of the emergence of the modern state-system stems from Marx and Engels' own lack of engagement with the [...]

This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey's quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey's search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey's foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey's status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey's foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey's foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. Keywords: Turkish Foreign Policy, Status Politcs, Internatonal politcs, Foreign policy change, Introduction The first decade following the arrival in power of the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) witnessed Turkey's continuous status-seeking efforts in foreign policy. As a [...]

This article focuses on the changing nature of Russia-Turkey energy trade relations. The main argument of the article is that climate change, as well as EU institutions and environmental protection regulations, have been decisive in the long-term transformation of bilateral natural gas relations. The EU favors competitive market structures to combat climate change, and the EU Green Deal sets ambitious targets for renewable energy consumption. These variables establish grounds for legitimacy among EU members in the face of Russian dominance of the EU energy market. However, as discussed in this paper, the Russian government's main strategy to counter this opposition from the EU side is to circumvent the EU's institutional arrangements through its relations with Turkey. The final point to be discussed in this paper is the impact of the EU energy and environment policies on changes in Russian perceptions of Turkey. Keywords: environment; energy; Green Deal; European Union; international trade, Introduction The Russian invasion of Ukraine that started in February 2022 has cost thousands of lives and put Europe in late 2022 into an energy crisis, which forced Europeans to [...]

The paper discusses the institutional factors that influence the development of think tanks in different political systems, with a focus on Russia and Turkey. It identifies various institutional factors such as the structure of the decision-making process, the type of regime, bureaucratic structure, level of democratization, approach of decision-makers, presence of pluralism, effectiveness of political parties, strength of foundations, legal norms, state of civil society, presence of an open public debate culture, and autonomy of the business world that influence the operation of think tanks. The study examines the similarities and differences between the institutional environment of Russia and Turkey, provides examples of how political and institutional factors in different periods in Turkey and Russia have had a facilitating or complicating effect on the establishment and development of think tanks. This paper contributes to the literature by highlighting the importance of institutional factors in the formation, development, role, and structure of think tanks. Keywords: think tanks, foreign policy, decision-makers, Russia, Turkey, Introduction The focus of this paper is the influence of institutional factors on think tank(TT) development, which has been neglected for many years in the literature. (1) Institutional differences that [...]

Economic nationalism and state intervention recently gained attraction in many countries including Turkey. This paper questions whether Turkey has changed its economic policy framework towards a state-centric model and, if so, whether these changes are well thought-out and sustainable. The examination of key areas of state capitalism, that is the monetary, industrial, trade, financial, and state economic enterprise (SEE) policies put forward in the officially adopted five-year plans and annual programs, suggests that the changes in the economic policy framework began after the 2008 global crisis and accelerated after the transition to a presidential system. Upon examination, the policy framework does not reflect a definitive, coherent, and wholistic approach but rather a pragmatic attitude that swings back and forth, which exposes the country to swings in the global system. Keywords: state-centric model, liberal international order, Turkey, globalization backlash, state capitalism, Introduction It is now commonplace to argue as even the World Economic Forum did that the financial crisis of 2008 spelled the end of the neoliberal paradigm's domination in shaping [...]

This paper argues that the Mediterranean imaginations of France and Turkey have served as a barometer for analyzing the level of their bilateral relations. Turkey and France have been among the region's prominent rivals since the Middle Ages, and their level of relationship has varied over time. This article investigates key patterns that shape the direction of Turkish-French relations and presents a fundamental factor: The spatial representation of the Mediterranean. If the Mediterranean images developed by the two countries are adverse/unfavorable/conflictual, the relationship in a given era deteriorates and vice versa. This study aims to situate the contemporary Turkish and French representations of the Mediterranean through a Critical Geopolitics, and Artificial Intelligence based Content Analysis method. This paper first deals with the theoretical and methodological aspects by focusing on Critical Geopolitics and 'word embedding' as a promising technique in content analysis. Second, the historical dynamics between France and Turkey will be discussed by examining the shift in the two countries' representations of the Mediterranean. Finally, this study will shed light on how the Mediterranean representations of Turkey and France in the recent period affect contemporary bilateral relations in line with the empirical findings obtained from Agence France-Presse and Anadolu Agency. Keywords: Spatial Representation, Critical Geopolitics, International Relations, Computational Social Science, Word2Vec., Introduction Fernando Passao once asked the sailor in his famous poem: 'Are the seas of other countries beautiful?'. Most Mediterranean residents either give a negative answer to this question or [...]

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the 'spatial turn', which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between 'Turkey' and 'Europe', establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters,that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of 'Turkey' and 'Europe', I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. Keywords: Turkey, Europe, space, spatal turn, identity, Spatial Imaginations International relations are always also spatial relations. (1) Territory is an organisational feature of international society in the sense that it is one of the constitutive elements of [...]

This paper focuses on the geographical, historical, and cultural spatializations of Turkish national identity by political elites in the post-2000 era. Considering the close link between the formation of national identity and the spatial constructions of homeland, the paper shows that Turkish national identity since the foundation of the Republic has been constructed through different supranational visions, navigating through different civilizational ingredients. We show that the Kemalists' Western-oriented or Eurocentric geopolitical discourses, which perceive Turkey as a 'bridge country', have been transformed in the post-Cold War era into a more ambitious geopolitical discourse of a 'central country', which aims to broaden Turkey's 'identity space' through its Ottoman heritage. In line with this transformation, in the 2000s, the Turkish homeland was imagined as the 'cradle of civilizations', but the national identity did not develop as a counter-hegemonic measure against the West (Europe). The post-2010 era--with a pronounced emphasis on Islamic culture and Ottoman geopolitical space--constitutes a departure from the previous years' spatial and identity constructions of Turkey, in the sense that the political elites' perception of national identity has never gone beyond the national frontiers to this extent, and the West (Europe) has never been so trivialized in terms of progress and civilization. Keywords: Space, Turkish Homeland, Anatolia, Supranationalism, Blue Anatolianism, Introduction Although the word 'space' basically refers to a geographical context, it is closely related to power and limitation, because the social construction of space is a political process that [...]

By putting scale and (re)scaling at the center of its analysis, this paper aims to grasp the scalar process of EU-Turkey relations from historical, political and social perspectives. In doing so, this paper will first overview the existing theories on scale and re-scaling concerning their use in political geography and IR. The second task of this paper will be to examine the relevance of scale in EU relations from historical, political, and social perspectives. In the third part, as a first step, this paper investigates whether the EU and Turkey can redefine and reconstruct a new EU-Turkey space. As a second step, it assesses whether globalizing EU-Turkey relations is possible in new global policy areas such as climate change, sustainable development, and trade & economics. Keywords: Scale, Scale Process, Climate change, Sustainable development, Trade & economics., Introduction Turkey's geostrategic location in the Middle East and Asia, combined with its shared border with Europe, position Turkey as a key and unrelinquishable partner of the European Union (EU). [...]

When and how do agents consciously reproduce or unconsciously transform social structures? This inquiry is pivotal for advancing a theory of socio-historical development, particularly in addressing a key debate within International Historical Sociology (IHS) surrounding modern revolutions. This debate revolves around the tension between the 'consequentialist' interpretation of bourgeois revolutions and the 'revisionist' critiques, notably from the 'historicist' wing of Political Marxism (PM). This article contends that the tension arises from an inadequate conceptualization of the agent-structure relationship. Drawing on Roy Bhaskar's transformational model of social activity (TMSA) and critical realist philosophy of science, the article proposes a conceptual framework reconciling PM's focus on class struggle to understand the historical specificity of capitalism with the role bourgeois revolutions historically and structurally played for the development of capitalism. Integrating Bhaskar's framework with historical materialism-inspired debates on bourgeois revolutions, the paper suggests that agents' unconscious actions can transform social structures amid social disintegration ('classic bourgeois revolutions'). Conversely, agents consciously seek to preserve and reproduce social structures, as seen in 'passive revolutions'. This occurs when social structures, marked by inequality and hierarchies, are viewed as historical constructs rather than natural phenomena, particularly in the context of uneven and combined development of capitalism. This analysis contributes to ongoing IHS debates, enriches our comprehension of modern revolutions, and extends TMSA by empirically delineating circumstances wherein agents consciously uphold or unwittingly trigger the transformation of social structures. Keywords: international historical sociology, transitions to capitalism, revolutionary transformation, historicism, transformational model of social activity, Introduction Although revolutions have played a formative role in shaping modem societies, political systems, and global politics, the study of revolutions has not been a central focus within the discipline [...]

The debate on normative power has mainly been focused on the European Union. This is partly owing to the fact that its conception is very Euro /Western centric. Yet, it is assumed that the concept is applicable to other actors. The aim of this paper therefore is to examine Turkey and whether its actions embody normative power in Syria and Egypt during the Arab Spring. It applies de Zutter's four-step methodology of identifying normative power. The result is mixed. In the case of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey tried to be a normative power but failed, due to a lack of recognition. In the case of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey was perceived as a normative power due to the combination of its Islamic identity, adherence to democracy, and the role of religion in its society. The implications of this are significant, since this paper demonstrates that normative power can travel outside of its Euro/Western centric context. At the same time, it also demonstrates that the norms are different and context specific. Keywords: Norms, Normative Power, Arab Spring, Islamic Identity, Turkish Model Normatif giic tarticmasi genel olarak Avrupa Birligi uzerinde odaklanmaktadir. Bu, kismen kavramin Avrupa/Bati merkezli olmasindan kaynaklanmaktadir. Fakat kavramin diger aktorler icin de gecerli oldugu one surulebilir. Bu cercevede, makalenin amaci Turkiye'nin ve Arap Bahari sirasinda Suriye ve Misir'daki eylemlerinin normatif giic ozellikleri icerip icermedigini incelemektir. Calicmada normatif gucu belirlemeye yonelik de Zutter'in dort acamali metodolojisi uygulanmaktadir. Sonuc karmaciktir. Misir'daki Musluman Kardesjer orneginde, Turkiye normatif bir guc olmaya calicsa da taninmamasi nedeniyle bacarisiz olmuctur. Suriye'deki Musluman Kardecleri orneginde ise Turkiye, Islami kimligi, demokrasiye bagliligi ve toplumundaki dinin rolunun birlesimi nedeniyle normatif bir guc olarak algilanmictir. Makalenin etkileri onemlidir nitekim normatif gucun Avrupa/Bati merkezi baglaminin divina cikabilecegini gostermektedir. Aym zamanda, normlann farkli ve baglama ozgu oldugunu da gostermektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Normlar, Normatif Guc, Arap Bahari, Islami Kimlik, TurkModeli, Introduction Since the 19 (th) century, there have been multiple forms of regionalism to challenge great power interventions. (1) Having said that, the study of regionalism has been quite limited [...]

This paper proposes a discussion of its core theoretical argument that the international order is more complex than the theories generated by traditionalist state-centric approaches and critical approaches, including the regional security complex approach. The complexity approach highlights the sensitive dependency of complex systems on the nonlinear feedbackloops and dynamic interactions by which the longer term reactions to the behavior of actors could set off actions-reaction spirals. This path dependency is evident in the erosion of U.S.-Turkey relations which is a cause and a consequence of the realignment in the international system and the Middle East regional system. Keywords: Copenhagen School, path dependence, feedbackloops, balance of power system, YPG Bu makale uluslararasi duzenin, bolgesel guvenlik kompleksi yaklasimi da dahil olmak uzere, gelenekselci devlet merkezli yaklasimlar ve electirel yaklasimlar tarafindan uretilen teorilerden daha karmasik olduguna dair temei teorik argumaninin bir tartismasini sunmaktadir. Karmasiklik yaklasimi karmasik sistemlerin, aktorlerin davranisi sonucu uzun vadede ortaya cikan reaksiyonlarin etki-tepki sarmallari baslatabilecegi, dogrusal olmayan geribildirim dongulerinine ve dinamik etkilesimlere olan hassas bagimliligim vurgulamaktadir. Bu patika bagimliligi, uluslararasi sistemdeki ve Orta Dogu bolgesel sistemindeki taban kaymasinin bir nedeni ve sonucu olan ABD-Turkiye iliskilerinin erozyonunda acikca gorulmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kopenhag Okulu, patika bagimliligi, geribildirim donguleri, guc dengesi sistemi, YPG, Introduction This paper analyses how specific aspects of United States (U.S.)-Turkey relations reveal the need to use complexity in International Relations (IR). In applying the complexity theory to this question, [...]

A West-centric knowledge bias has plagued International Relations (IR) for some time, prompting many non-West scholars to develop indigenous knowledge systems. In doing so, there is, however, a risk of both essentialization of certain cultures/histories; and reproducing the hierarchic and exclusionary structure of knowledge production. Moving beyond the add and stir critique style of non-Western approaches to IR, this paper explores the significance of connections and hybrid histories to understand gendered state practices. Through a case study of state performance in Kashmir, the paper traces the hybrid masculinist legacies (colonial, Brahminical and Kshatriya) derived from both Western and non-Western histories. Keywords: Non-Western, International Relations, State, Hybridity, Perfomativity Bati merkezli bir bilgi yanliligi, Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplinini bir süredir rahatsiz etmis ve Batili olmayan birçok akademisyeni yerli bilgi sistemleri gelistirmeye tesvik etmistir. Ancak bunu yapmanin, hem belirli kültürleri/tarihleri özsellestirme hem de bilgi üretiminin hiyerarsik ve dislayici yapisini yeniden üretme riski bulunmaktadir. Batili olmayan yaklasimlarin Uluslararasi Iliskilere yönelttigi ekle-karistir elestirisinin tarzinin ötesine geçen bu makale, toplumsal cinsiyete dayali devlet uygulamalarini anlamak için baglantilarin ve melez tarihlerin önemini arastirmaktadir. Kesmir'deki devlet performansina iliskin bir vaka çalismasi araciligiyla, makale hem Batili hem de Batili olmayan tarihlerden türetilen melez erkeksi miraslarin (sömürge, Brahmini ve Kshatriya) izini sürmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Bati Disi, Uluslararasi Iliskiler, Devlet, Hibrit Yapi, Edimlilik, Introduction The West-centric bias in the process of knowledge production has been questioned in myriad ways by various inter-disciplinary scholars. (1) In doing so, several theoretical strategies have been developed [...]

Limitations pertaining to the discipline of International Relations (IR) in its approach to the non-core parts of the world have been debated over the last several decades. This paper looks at the contributions of two significant bodies of scholarship, namely Third World IR and postcolonial IR, to this conversation and questions whether there have been any differences regarding how 'the international' is understood in these two bodies of scholarship. Such an analysis is significant, argues the paper, because their conceptions of 'the international' inform how the limitations of IR and the place of the non-core in world politics can be understood. To this end, the paper looks at questions that constitute conceptions of 'the international,' namely, the what, who, and where of world politics. We conclude by enumerating the commonalities and differences between these two bodies of scholarship and discussing the implications of our findings for studying non-core and world politics. Keywords: Third World, Global South, Non-Core; International, Critical IR Approaches Uluslararasi Iliskiler (UI) disiplininin dünyanin merkez disi yerlerine olan yaklasimindaki kisitlar son yillarda tartismaya açilmistir. Bu makale, bu tartismaya katki sunan iki önemli yazin olan Üçüncü Dünya UI ve postkolonyal UI perspektiflerine odaklanmaktadir. Makale, bu iki yaklasimin 'uluslararasini' anlamada farklarinin olup olmadigini sorgulamaktadir. Makaleye göre bu analizin önemi 'uluslararasi' anlayislarinin UI'nin kisitlarini ve merkez disinin dünya politikasindaki yerini anlamadaki rolünden kaynaklanmaktadir. Bu amaçla makale, 'uluslararasi' anlayislarini olusturan üç temel soru olan dünya politikasinda ne, kim ve nerede sorularina cevap arar. Makale bu iki yazin arasindaki benzerliklere ve farkliliklara isaret ederken bu bulgularin disiplinde merkez disini ve dünya politikasini çalismaya olan etkilerini tartisarak sonuçlanmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Üçüncü Dünya; Küresel Güney; Merkez Disi; Uluslararasi, Elestirel UI Yaklasimlari, Introduction The discipline of International Relations (IR) has long witnessed discussions on the limitations of the discipline in its understanding of world politics, and the place of the non-core. These [...]

In recent years, Russia and Turkey have been among non-Western powers that have been more assertive in their foreign policies in the Western Balkans. Naturally, this creates the need to identify the key similarities and differences between these two geopolitical players. By using the case of Serbia, the pivotal country of the Western Balkans and a country whose foreign policy was largely influenced by the idea of hedging and engaging non-Western players, one can determine key similarities and differences between these two powers. This paper states two major similarities between these two powers and one major difference. The first similarity is that both Russia and Turkey are acting based on the same permissive environment of a regional power vacuum, the environment in which the EU's leverage has decreased and in which countries like Serbia feel emboldened to hedge their bets and diversify partnerships. The second similarity is that although the popular explanation is to stress to powers' ethnic and religious ties with the Balkans, Slavic and Orthodox ties in case of Russia and Islam in case of Turkey, or even as the continuation of old imperial traditions, the two countries are guided by strategic pragmatism. The difference between the two powers is that Russia can be defined as a status quo power as it aims to act as a spoiler perpetuating the current state of political dysfunctions; Turkey is not a status quo player as it does not oppose the region's membership in Western institutions as long as its interests are respected. Keywords: power vacuum, hedging, strategic interest, revisionist power, status quo power, Introduction The Western Balkans has become one more region where in recent years, both Russia and Turkey have been more assertive in their foreign policy efforts, adding to the list [...]

Based on a discourse-historical approach, this study examines the discursive strategies used by the United States to reproduce Iranian enmity that constitutes the basis for the U.S. withdrawal from the nuclear deal. Analyzing the U.S. Congressional hearings and speeches delivered by President Trump on Iran, the paper shows how the United States has engaged in legitimizing its antagonistic actions towards Iran by appealing to the discursive strategy of positive self-presentation and negative other-representation. Basing its arguments on the topoi of history, threat, and responsibility, the United States presents Iran as a hostile rouge regime sponsoring terrorism and posing a threat to regional and global security. Emphasizing that such discourses are embedded within historical conditions, the paper highlights the historical context and discursive strategies that the United States exploits to justify its anti-nuclear deal actions. Keywords: United States, Iran, Nuclear Deal, Discourse-Historical Approach Söylem-tarihsel yaklasimi analizine dayanan bu çalisma, ABD'nin nükleer anlasmadan çekilmesinin temelini olusturan ABD-Iran düsmanligini yeniden üretmeye yönelik söylemsel stratejileri incelemektedir. ABD Kongresi'nin ve Baskan Trump'in Iran hakkindaki söylemlerinin incelendigi bu makale, ABD'nin, pozitif özsunum ve digerlerinin olumsuz sunulmasi söylemsel stratejisine basvurarak, Iran'a yönelik karsit eylemlerini nasil mesrulastirmaya çalistigini göstermektedir. Tartismalarini tarih, tehdit ve sorumluluk argümanlari üzerinden söylemlestiren ABD, Irani teröre destek veren bölgesel ve küresel güvenligi tehdit eden düsmanca bir rejim olarak sunmaktadir. Çalisma, tarihsel kosullara bagli olan bu söylemlerin ABD'nin nükleer anlasmadan çekilmesini mesrulastirmak iç in kullanildigini vurgulamaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: ABD, Iran, Nükleer Anlasma, Söylem-Tarihsel Yaklasim, Introduction Despite the nuclear deal concluded on 14 July 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 countries (the United States, the United Kingdom, China, Russia, France, and Germany), an overwhelming majority [...]

State-centric explanations of life in Europe and (or, including) Turkey often do much more than account for differences between the two--they reify them. This paper notices similarities instead. Such an analytical exercise does not simply turn the older narrative upside down. It starts with accepting the pluriverse of relations unfolding within Turkey-EU spaces and chooses to experiment with the idea that what seems marginal can in fact be formative. My argument is situated in discussions about mobility--the latter being a chief destabilizer of the conventional idea of space as a perennial entity. Building on observations of diplomatic process, ethnographic moments and conversations with refugee rights workers and volunteers in the period around adoption of the 2016 Turkey-EU refugee deal, I show the analytical possibilities of studying spatiality through the eyes of islands dissenting from the current border regime. Their very existence, on both sides of Turkey/EU border is an invitation to pay closer attention to splits and similarities that run across inter-national borders, rather than along them. Keywords: Europe, migration/mobility, space, Turkey, refugees, Introduction International Relations (IR) scholarship on Turkey and the European Union (EU) has mostly moved within the framework of difference demarcated by the borders of modern nation states. Narratives about [...]

Geographies and borders have become often-debated concepts, especially in the view of the increasing impact of globalization and regional integration processes. In such cases, borders are attributed certain imagined meanings and more so, they are associated with feelings. Considering such dynamics, EU-Turkey relations can be considered a good example of how borders, emotions and spatial dimensions interact. However, not much attention has been given to the emotional facets of spatial relations. By utilizing the concept of 'hot places', this study tries to fill this void. We separate EU-Turkey relations into three phases: the Cold War, post-Cold War, and the peak of migration politics, driven by the Syrian Civil War. We argue that there is a specific hot place for each of these periods: Kreuzberg, Berlin for the period between 1959 and 1989, Cyprus for the post-Cold War period, and the Syrian conflict for the last period. Thus, this paper aims at suggesting a novel approach to the study of emotions, spatiality, and EU-Turkey relations. Keywords: Emotions, Kreuzberg, Cyprus, Spatiality, Hot Places, Introduction Boundaries are spatial imaginations to which communities attribute sentimental meaning and which they regulate through mechanisms of border control. Since 2010, with the increase in interstate and intrastate conflicts [...]

This paper discusses how Turkey's bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar have changed after the Arab Spring erupted and assesses how the Syrian conflict affected them. The paper argues that Turkey had developed excellent relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the 2000s, but eventually fell out with Saudi Arabia and strengthened its relations with Qatar as the Arab Spring unfolded. The Syrian conflict, in which the three countries colluded to overthrow the Assad regime, has alleviated the deleterious impact of the differences between Saudi Arabia and Turkey on the bilateral relations or, to put it in another way, slowed down the deterioration of Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations. The paper also argues that the geopolitical landscape that pushed Turkey and Saudi Arabia apart also pushed Turkey and Qatar closer. Keywords: Syrian Crisis, Qatar, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Bilateral Relations. Bu makale Turkiye'nin Suudi Arabistan ve Katar'la ikili iliskilerinin Arap Baharinin ortaya cikmasinin ardindan nasil degistigini tartismaktadir. Makale ozellikle Suriye Krizinin Turkiye'nin iki ulke olan iliskilerini nasil etkiledigini ele almaktadir. Turkiye'nin Suudi Arabistan ve Katar'la iliskileri 2000'li yillar boyunca guclenirken, Arap Bahari boyunca Suudi Arabistan'la olan iliskileri kotulesmis, Katar'la iliskileri ise daha da guclenmistir. Ote yandan Suriye Krizi boyunca uc ulkenin de Esad rejimini yikmak icin isbirligi yapmasi, Arap Bahari'nin Turkiye-Suudi Arabistan iliskileri uzerine olan negatif etkisini hafifletmis ya da iliskilerin kotulesmesi surecini yavaslatmistir. Ayrica Turkiye'nin Suudi Arabistan'la iliskilerini kotulestiren jeopolitik zemin, Turkiye ile Katar'i birbirine daha da yakinlastirmistir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Suriye Krizi, Katar, Turkiye, Suudi Arabistan, Ikili Iliskiler., 'They will not be able to divide as long as there is a king called King Salman bin Abdul Aziz and a crown prince named Muhammed bin Salman, and a [...]

This paper examines Iran's historical and strategic ties to the Levant and argues that its objectives can characterized as multifaceted, diversified and pragmatic in orientation. Mindful of its strategic calculations and taking advantage of regional events, Iran operates as an opportunistic and adept regional actor having increased its foothold in Lebanon and Syria by supporting its axis of resistance partners Hezbollah and Bashar al Assad in their common goals of survival, stability and anti-Israeli and American sentiments. While Tehran's strategy has, for the time being, strengthened its influence in the Levant, this paper observes that it has simultaneously resulted in the creation of anti-Iran regional alliance that could ultimately undermine Tehran's regional position. Understanding Tehran's strategic calculus in the Levant can shed light on its long-term objectives and potential outcome.Keywords: Islamic Republic of Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Bashar al Assad, Strategic Depth, Axis of Resistance.Bu makale, Iran'in Levant'la tarihi ve stratejik baglarini incelemekte ve Iran'in hedeflerinin cok yonlu, cesitlilik iceren ve pragmatik yonelimli seklinde nitelendirilebilecegini savunmaktadir. Stratejik hesaplari goz onunde bulunduran ve bolgesel gelismelerin sundugu avantajlardan faydalanan firsatci ve hunerli bir bolgesel aktor olarak Iran, direnis ekseni ortaklari olan Hizbullah ve Besar Esad'i beka, istikrar ve Israil-ABD karsiti duygulardan olusan ortak hedefleri cercevesinde desteklemis, Lubnan ve Suriye'deki nufuzunu artirmistir. Bu makale, Tahran'in stratejisinin su ana dek Iran'in Levant'taki nufuzunu artirdigini belirtmekle birlikte, es zamanli bicimde Tahran'in bolgesel konumuna nihayetinde zarar verebilecek Iran karsiti bolgesel bir ittifakin olusmasiyla sonuclandigini ileri surmektedir. Tahran'in Levant'taki stratejik hesaplarini anlamak, uzun vadeli hedefleri ve olasi sonuclarini da acikliga kavusturacaktir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Iran Islam Cumhuriyeti, Suriye, Hizbullah, Besar Esad, Stratejik Derinlik, Direnis Ekseni., IntroductionIran's increasing influence and interference in the Levant, seen through its support for Lebanese Hezbollah, Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria and Palestinian groups such as Hamas, has been both an [...]

Given Iraqi Kurds' special place in Turkey's 'biographical narrative', Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) relations are not simply strategic or economic but also highly affectively charged. These relations involve emotional encounters filled with anxiety, pride, anger, and disappointment that generate concerns for not only Turkey's physical security but also its ontological security. This paper traces the emotional context of Turkey-KRG relationship. It suggests that a combination of Turkey's deep-rooted 'anxiety' and 'hubris' toward the Iraqi Kurds prevented the emergence of a close partnership between these two actors and fostered merely a 'fragile rapprochement' since 2008. Keywords: Ontological security, emotions, identity, foreign policy change, Turkish foreign policy Irakli Kurtlerin Turkiye'nin 'biyografik anlatilari' icindeki ozel yeri nedeniyle Turkiye-Irak Kurt Bolgesel Yonetimi (IKBY) iliskileri yalnizca stratejik ve ekonomik degil, ayni zamanda kaygi, gurur, ofke ve hayal kirikliklariyla dolu temaslar da iceren duygu yuklu bir iliski olagelmistir. Bu cercevede, IKBY Turkiye'nin yalnizca fiziksel guvenligi icin degil, ontolojik guvenligi icin de endise kaynagi olmustur. Bu makale, Turkiye-IKBY iliskilerindeki duygularin izini surerek Turkiye'nin Irakli Kurtlere karsi gelistirdigi koklesmis 'kaygi' ve 'kibir' duygularinin bu iki aktor arasinda 2008'den itibaren yakin bir ortakligin ortaya cikmasini engelledigini ve iliskilerin yalnizca kirilgan bir yakinlasma ile sinirli kalmasina sebep oldugunu ileri surmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Ontolojik guvenlik, duygular, kimlik, dis politika degisimi, Turk dis politikasi, Introduction 'Our interlocutor is not the Kurdish leaders, but Iraq's central government. Other than that, I cannot meet with a tribal leader, [Masoud] Barzani or anyone else.' (1) Such is [...]

The main aim of this paper is to contribute to the literature on ontological security by empirically investigating how the European Union (EU), which is perceived as one of the most important actors that provides means and/or grounds for overcoming antagonisms through transformation of the 'Self-Other' dialectics, fails to become an agent of peace. Drawing on the case of Republika Srpska (RS), a political entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), we aim to understand how the EU's post-conflict stabilization efforts, which, among others, presuppose the de-intensification of the antagonistic identity narratives, become entrapped in ethnopolitical narratives, and even 'ethnicized' by the ethnopolitical elite in RS. To answer these questions, we analyzed news articles at two critical junctures, namely the negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (2005-2007) and the Butmir Process (2009), two of the most important EU-driven initiatives in post-conflict BiH. We find that those initiatives, which promised to make BiH more functional and stable, challenged the existing ethnopolitical narratives in BiH, particularly on the side of the ethnopolitical elite in RS. Keywords: Ontological security, Republika Srpska, ethnicization, Butmir process, European Union. Bu makalenin temel amaci, Biz-Oteki' diyalektiginin donusturulmesi yoluyla dusmanliklarin ustesinden gelmek icin arac ve/veya zemin saglayan en onemli aktorlerden biri olarak algilananvAvrupa Birligi'nin (AB) nasil bir baris aracisi haline gelemedigini ampirik olarak arastirarak ontolojik guvenlik literaturune katkida bulunmaktir. Bosna-Hersek'teki (BH) siyasi bir olusum olan Sirp Cumhuriyeti (SC) davasindan yola cikarak, AB'nin catisma sonrasi istikrar cabalarinin, digerlerinin yani sira, dusman kimlik anlatilarinin yogunlasmamasini ongoren, etnopolitik anlatilara nasil suruklendigini ve hatta SC'deki etnopolitik seckinler tarafindan nasil 'etnik hale getirildigini' anlamayi amacliyoruz. Bu sorulari yanitlamak icin, catisma sonrasi BH'de AB gudumlu girisimlerden en onemli ikisi olan Istikrar ve Ortaklik Anlasmasi muzakereleri (2005-2007) ve Butmir Sureci (2009) olmak uzere, iki kritik kavsakta yer alan haber makalelerini analiz ettik. BH'yi daha islevsel ve istikrarli hale getirme sozu veren bu girisimlerin, ozellikle SC'deki etnopolitik seckinler tarafinda BH'deki mevcut etnopolitik anlatilara meydan okudugunu goruyoruz. Anahtar Kelimeler: ontolojik guvenlik, Sirp Cumhuriyeti, etniklestirme, Butmir sureci, Avrupa Birligi., Introduction (*) Ethnic conflicts, which cause multiple forms of violence, often perpetuate security concerns long after large-scale armed violence ceases. An important part of such security concerns in post-conflict societies [...]

A significant foundation of European stability after World War II has been the balance of power between the United Kingdom (UK), France, and Germany. The UK's accession to the European Communities (EC) in 1973 had carried that 'balance' into the EC's institutional framework. In this regard, the UK's withdrawal from EU structures may lead to an important political and financial vacuum at the center of the Union. In the wake of Brexit, indications of anxiety and concerns about power imbalances have emerged around the question of which country or counties will steer the Union. There exit fresh post-Brexit assessments that indicate that the UK's departure from the EU may catalyze the differences between Germany and France. This paper will discuss three essential scenarios for the EU's political and economic future direction, namely, French leadership, German leadership, and a Franco-German partnership, for the post-Brexit period. Keywords: Brexit, European Union, Power Struggle, France, Germany Brexit Sonrasi Avrupa Birliginde Alman-Fransiz Rekabeti Ikinci Dünya Savasi'ndan sonra Avrupa'nin istikrarinin temellerinden birini Birlesik Krallik'in, Fransa ve Almanya arasindaki güç dengesi olusturmaktaydi. Birlesik Krallik'in 1973'te Avrupa Topluluklari'na (AT) katilmasi, söz konusu dengeyi, AT'nin kurumsal çerçevesi içine tasimisti. Bu baglamda, Britanya'nin Birlikten ayrilmasi Avrupa Birligi'nin (AB) merkezinde siyasi ve finansal anlamda büyük bosluklar olusmasina yol açabilir. Brexit gerçeklesirken, Birlige hangi ülkenin / ülkelerin yön verecegi sorusu etrafinda bir gerilimin ve güç dengesizligi endisesinin isaretleri ortaya çikmaktadir. Britanya'nin AB'den ayrilmasinin, Almanya ve Fransa arasindaki farklari açiga çikaracagi seklinde yorumlar yapilmaktadir. Brexit sonrasi dönemde AB'nin gelecegine iliskin; Fransiz liderligi, Alman liderligi ve Fransiz-Alman ortakligi seklinde ifade edilebilecek üç ana senaryonun öne çikabilecegi tartisilmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Brexit, Avrupa Birligi, Güç Mücadelesi, Fransa, Almanya, Introduction On January 31, 2020, a member state left the European Union (EU) for the first time in its history. Many unprecedented crises--Eurozone problem, a sovereign debt crisis, the increase [...]

Küresel-yerel bagintisinda kendi alanlarini olusturan ulusötesi aktörler, ortak iyinin yayilmasini amaçlayan savunuculuk aglari olusturmaktadirlar. Keck ve Sikkink, dolayli veya dogrudan baski yollari ile devlet davranislarini degistirmeyi amaçlayan bu aktörleri Bumerang Modeli çerçevesinde inceleyerek, insan haklari normlarinin devletler tarafindan uygulanmasi için yerel ve ulusötesi savunuculuk aglarinin alttan ve üstten baski yapmalari gerektigini savunmaktadirlar. Bu çalisma, Bumerang Modeli'nin merkezi devletten ziyade yerel yönetimlere uygulanmasi durumunda insan haklari normlarinin ne derece etkili yayilabilecegi sorusuna odaklanmaktadir. Çalismanin vaka incelemesi kismi, insan haklarinin parçasi olan LGBTI+ haklarina dair normlarin, Bumerang Modeli yoluyla yerel yönetimlere uygulanmasi halinde normlarin yerelde sosyalleserek daha etkin yayilabildigini göstermektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Bumerang Modeli, Sivil Toplum Kuruluslari, Norm Yayilmasi, Yerel Siyaset, Toplumsal Cinsiyet Esitligi Transnational actors that have established their own borderless space stemming from glocal links build advocacy networks that aim to spread the common good. Keck and Sikkink examine these actors that intend to change state behavior either with direct or indirect pressure through the Boomerang Model and advocate a simultaneous top-down and bottom-up pressure by local and transnational networks to force states to implement human rights norms. This paper questions to what extent the Boomerang Model could work at the local government level rather than the central one in diffusing human rights norms. The case study in this article shows that when the norms related to LGBTI+ rights as a part of human rights are exerted on municipalities through the Boomerang Model, they create social interaction and get diffused in more effectively. Keywords: Boomerang Model, Civil Society Organizations, Norm Diffusion, Local Politics, Gender Equality, Giris Uluslararasi siyasetteki devlet-disi aktörler bir taraftan devletler ve devletlerin üye oldugu uluslararasi örgütler ile, diger taraftan da ulusal düzeyde örgütlenmis küçük veya büyük ölçekli sivil toplum örgütleriyle etkilesim halindedir. [...]

One of the critiques of International Relations (IR) is that the discipline's discursive boundaries are particularly rigid and continue to be shaped and maintained by dominant Western-centric concepts and discourses. This paper explores the apparent dichotomy between how concepts like 'the international' are interpreted by IR scholars and the experiences of ordinary people on which these concepts are imposed. How people engage with borders will be used as an illustration, with borders being regarded by IR scholars as constituting important boundaries that are essential to the field's understanding of the world as consisting of neatly separated sovereign, territorial states. Two examples that highlight the arbitrary nature of national borders in Africa draw these assumptions into question and suggest that defining what does or does not constitute the international is, in reality, much more complex than suggested by the theoretical abstractions found in standard IR texts. Keywords: The International, Africa, Borders, Everyday Life, Chewa Uluslararasi Iliskilere yöneltilen elestirilerden biri, disiplinin söylemsel sinirlarinin bilhassa kati oldugu ve Bati merkezli egemen kavramlar ve söylemler tarafindan sekillendirilmeye ve korunmaya devam ediyor oldugudur. Bu makale, 'uluslararasi' gibi kavramlarin uluslararasi ilisikiler alanindaki bilim insanlari tarafindan nasil yorumlandigi ile bu kavramlarin dayatildigi siradan insanlarin deneyimleri arasindaki açik ikilemi arastirmaktadir. Insanlarin sinirlarla nasil iliski kurduklari, disiplinin dünyayi özenle birbirinden ayrilmis egemen, teritoryal devletler olarak ele alan anlayisina esas teskil eden ve uluslararasi iliskiler akademisyenleri tarafindan önemli kurucu hudutlar olarak ele alinan sinirlar baglaminda, bir örnek olarak kullanilacaktir. Afrika'daki ulusal sinirlarin keyfi dogasini vurgulayan iki örnek bu varsayimlari sorgulamakta ve neyin uluslararasini olusturup olusturmadigini tanimlamanin, aslinda standart uluslararasi iliskiler metinlerinde göründügünden çok daha karmasik oldugunu göstermektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararasi Olan, Afrika, Sinirlar, Gündelik Yasam, Chewa, Introduction One of the critiques of International Relations (IR) is that the discipline's discursive boundaries are particularly rigid and continue to be shaped and maintained by dominant Western-centric (1) concepts [...]

Conventional explanations of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) focus on how the BRI will be in China's interest, how it will strengthen China's geopolitical position, or a combination of the two. We argue that such views are limited because they merely interpret the BRI through 'Western' IR lenses. This paper 're-worlds' China by using the BRI as a case study to illustrate how in the discursive field(s) of China's elite, China as a Westphalian nation state, and China as amorphous Tianxia under Confucianism coexist, struggle for recognition, and are interrelated. Consequently, we argue that China, because of the economic miracle it created domestically over the last few decades, is now convinced of its own 'moral superiority', and ready to export its self-perceived 'benevolence' abroad. In this light, we read the BRI to be undergirded by a combination of 'Western' and Confucian values, suggesting a post-Western/post-Chinese form of regionalism. Keywords: Belt and Road, Post-Western, Regionalism, Tianxia, Confucianism Çin'in Kusak-Yol Inisiyatifine (KYI) dair geleneksel açiklamalar, KYI'nin Çin'in çikarlarina nasil hizmet edecegine, Çin'in jeopolitik konumunu nasil güçlendirecegine veya bu ikisine birden odaklanmaktadir. Bu tür görüslerin KYI'yi yalnizca 'Batili' uluslararasi iliskiler merceginden yorumlamalari nedeniyle sinirli olduklarini ileri sürüyoruz. Bu makale, Çinli seçkinlerin söylemsel alan(lar)inda Çin'in Vestfalyen bir ulus devlet ve Konfüçyanizm altinda biçimsiz Tianxia olarak nasil ayni anda var oldugunu, kabul görmek için nasil mücadele ettigini ve bunlarin nasil birbirleriyle iliskili olduklarini açiklamak için KYI'yi bir örnek olay olarak kullanarak Çin'i küresel bütüne yeniden yerlestirmektedir. Sonuç olarak, ülke içerisinde son birkaç on yilda yarattigi ekonomik mucize sebebiyle su anda Çin'in kendi 'ahlaki üstünlügünden' emin ve öz-algisina dayanan 'hayirseverligi' yurt disina ihraç etmeye hazir durumda oldugunu öne sürüyoruz. Bu bakimdan KYI'nin, Batisonrasi/Çin-sonrasi bir bölgeselcilik biçimi öneren, 'Batili' ve Konfüçyüsçü degerlerin bir birlesiminden destek bulan bir okumasini yapiyoruz. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kusak-Yol, Bati Sonrasi, Bölgeselcilik, Tianxia, Konfüçyanizm, Introduction 'The Chinese have shown their capacity to adapt their myths to reality; they may also find that new myths will better serve their purpose' (1) The discourse of the [...]

Scholars who adopted de-centring as a strategy for globalising IR have embraced the notions of 'centre' and 'periphery' to highlight structural inequalities between North America and Western Europe and the rest of the world in the production of knowledge about world politics. In doing so, however, de-centring IR scholarship has portrayed the 'periphery' as if it is a new entrant to the 'international'. Yet, such a presumption is not in the spirit of globalising IR, which views the periphery as the 'constitutive outside'. By re-visiting the 1970s' centre-periphery approaches, the paper highlights the limitations of the de-centring approaches insofar as they have not always been attentive to the critical concerns of earlier theorisations about 'centre' and 'periphery', and underscores the need for studying the periphery as 'constitutive outside'. The periphery is 'outside' by virtue of having been left out of those mainstream narratives that the centre tells about the international; it is also 'constitutive' because those ideas, practices, and institutions that are typically ascribed to the 'centre' have been co-constituted by centre and periphery in toto. Keywords: Center, Periphery, Constitutive Outside, Decentering IR, Global IR Merkezsizlestirmeyi uluslararasi iliskilerin küresellestirilmesi için bir strateji olarak benimseyen arastirmacilar, dünya siyaseti hakkinda bilgi üretiminde Kuzey Amerika ve Bati Avrupa ile dünyanin geri kalani arasindaki yapisal esitsizlikleri vurgulamakta 'merkez' ve 'çevre' nosyonlarina sarildilar. Fakat bunu yaparken 'çevre'yi sanki 'uluslararasi'na yeni katilmis gibi sundular. Oysa ki böylesi bir kabul, çevreyi 'kurucu dis' olarak gören uluslararasi iliskileri küresellestirme yaklasiminin ruhuna aykiridir. Bu makale 1970'lerin merkez-çevre yaklasimlarini yeniden degerlendirerek, merkezsizlestiren yaklasimlarin daha önceki 'merkez' ve 'çevre' kuramsallastirmalarinin elestirel dertlerine dikkat etmedikleri ölçüde sinirli kaldiklarini vurgulamakta ve çevrenin 'kurucu dis' olarak çalisilmasi gerekliliginin üstünde durmaktadir. Çevre, merkezin uluslararasi hakkinda sundugu ana akim anlatilar tarafindan disarida birakildigi için 'dis'tadir; ancak ayni zamanda da 'kurucudur' zira tipik olarak 'merkez'e atfedilen bu düsünceler, uygulamalar ve kurumlar merkez ve çevre tarafindan birlikte olusturulmustur. Anahtar Kelimeler: Merkez, Çevre, Kurucu Dis, UI'yi Merkezsizlestirme, Küresel UI, Introduction In the 1970s, distinguishing between 'centre' and 'periphery' was offered as a key move by critical scholars who sought to move away from totalizing conceptions of the international which, [...]

The discipline of International Relations is increasingly paying attention to nationalism, although this attention is mostly limited with the role of nationalism on international system. By presenting an approach born out of the intersection of Historical Sociology in International Relations (HSIR) and the Modernist School of Nationalism, this paper aims at expanding the terrain of nationalism studies in International Relations (IR). Using Iran as an example, it demonstrates that three basic premises of HSIR--the interaction between domestic and international dynamics, historicization, and multi-causality--are central to analysing nationalism, which is only associated with the domestic level. It argues that HSIR has much to offer not only to studies of nationalism and/in the Middle East but also to the discipline of IR by elucidating the international connections of this seemingly domestic issue. Keywords: Historical Sociology, Nationalism, Internationalization of Nationalism, Iran, Pahlavi Period Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplini milliyetçilige giderek daha fazla önem vermektedir ancak bu önem çogunlukla milliyetçiligin uluslararasi sisteme etkisi ile sinirli kalmaktadir. Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplinindeki Tarihsel Sosyoloji ve modernist milliyetçilik teorilerinin kesisim noktasina dayanarak kavramsal çerçevesini olusturan bu çalisma, Uluslararasi Iliskilerde milliyetçilik çalismalarina alan açmayi amaçlamaktadir. Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplinindeki Tarihsel Sosyolojide yer alan ulusal ve uluslararasi dinamikler arasindaki etkilesim, tarihsellestirme ve çoklu-nedensellik prensiplerinin, sadece ulusal alan ile iliskilendirilen milliyetçilik analizi için önemini Iran örnegi üzerinden tartismaktadir. Çalisma Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplinindeki Tarihsel Sosyoloji yaklasiminin sadece milliyetçilik çalismalarina ve Ortadogu Çalismalarina degil, ulusal kabul edilen milliyetçiligin uluslararasi baglantilarini göstererek Uluslararasi Iliskiler disiplinine de katkida bulunacagini ortaya koymaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Tarihsel Sosyoloji, Milliyetçilik, Milliyetçiligin Uluslararasilasmasi, Iran, Pehlevi Dönemi, Intro By the 1990s, students of International Relations (IR) began to pay greater attention to nationalism as a way to understand global politics. (1) Despite this increased interest, studies mainly [...]

Bu çalisma, 2010-2020 yillari arasinda Suudi Arabistan'in Arap ülkelerine sagladigi dis yardimlari Iran ile bölgesel rekabetinde etkili bir araç olarak kullanip kullanmadigi sorusuna yanit aramaktadir. Suudi dis yardimlarinin etkinligi; bu dönemde Riyad yönetiminin Iran'a karsi olusturmaya çalistigi bölgesel güvenlik mekanizmalari, bu ülke ile yasadigi bölgesel krizler ve etkili oldugu bölgesel örgütler olmak üzere üç düzlemde incelendi. Söz konusu üç düzlemde Suudi yardimlarinin alicisi olan Arap ülkelerinin Suudi Arabistan-Iran rekabetinde hangi tarafin yaninda yer aldigi ve bu politikalarinda bir tutarlilik olup olmadigi analiz edildi. Analiz sürecinde esnek arastirma tasarimi ve çözümleme olanagi sunan 'gömülü kuram' yöntemi kullanildi. Çalismada, Suudi dis yardiminin alicisi olan Arap ülkelerinin çogunun-Iran'dan herhangi bir tehdit algilamamalarina ragmen-Suudi Arabistan'in yaninda yer aldigi, Iran'in etki alaninda olan Arap ülkelerinin ise iki ülke arasinda dengeli davrandiklari gözlemlendi. Anahtar Kelimeler: Dis Yardim, Suudi Arabistan, Iran, Arap Ülkeleri, Bölgesel Rekabet This study aims to answer the question of whether Saudi Arabia used its foreign aid to Arab countries as an effective tool in its regional competition with Iran between 2010-2020. We examined the effectiveness of Saudi foreign aid in three levels: the establishment of the regional security mechanism which was led by the Riyadh administration against Tehran, the regional crises that Saudi Arabia had with Iran in the region, and the regional organizations in which Saudi Arabia has been influential. At these three levels, this paper tries to uncover whether aid recipient Arab countries sided with Saudi Arabia against Iran in regional competitions and if there was a consistency in their attitudes. In the analysis process, 'grounded theory' method, which offers flexible research design and possibility for testing, was used. We find that most of the aid-receiving Arab countries took side with Saudi Arabia against Iran even if even they did not perceive any threat from Iran. We also find that Arab countries under Iran's influence pursued a balanced policy between Saudi Arabia and Iran although they received aid from Saudi Arabia. Keywords: Foreign Aid, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Arab Countries, Regional Rivalry, Giris 1979 Iran Devrimi ile 2010 Arap Ayaklanmalari arasindaki yaklasik 30 yillik zaman diliminde, Suudi Arabistan-Iran iliskileri kontrollü gerilim ile ihtiyatli iyimserlik arasinda gidip gelen bir karaktere sahipti. Ancak geçen [...]

The number of refugees in Turkey exceeded 4 million in a short period of time due to the civil war in Syria, and Turkey has become the country hosting the largest number of refugees from 2014 onwards. The concerns of Turkish society, which portrayed an extraordinary solidarity initially, have become apparent in terms of refugees, almost all of whom live side-by-side with Turkish society in urban areas. This paper is based on a comprehensive and representative research data about Turkish citizens' attitudes towards Syrian refugees. This study critically analyses traditional securitisation studies and instead puts forward the concepts of the 'securitization from society' and 'social acceptance' to be able to analyse the views of Turkish public towards Syrian refugees. Keywords: Syrian Refugees, Social Acceptance, Securitization, Securitization from Society, Social Cohesion Türkiye'de mülteci sayisi Suriye'deki iç savas nedeni ile kisa zamanda 4 milyonu asti ve Türkiye 2014'den itibaren dünyada en fazla mülteci barindiran ülke haline geldi. Neredeyse tamami Türk toplumu ile bir arada kent merkezlerinde yasayan mülteciler konusunda baslangiçta olaganüstü bir dayanisma ortaya koyan Türk toplumunun kaygilari giderek daha görünür hale gelmektedir. Suriyeli mülteciler konusunda çok kapsamli ve temsili bir arastirmanin verileri dikkate alinarak siyasal parti seçmenleri bazli bir analizin yapildigi makalede, geleneksel güvenliklestirme yaklasimlari elestirel bir sekilde analiz edilerek, 'toplumdan güvenliklestirme' ve 'toplumsal kabul' yaklasimlarinin Türk toplumunun Suriyeli mültecilere yönelik tutumlarini anlamak için önemli oldugu vurgulanmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Suriyeli Mülteciler, Toplumsal Kabul, Güvenliklestirme, Toplumdan Güvenliklestirme, Sosyal Uyum, Introduction Movements of people that cross national borders are considered to be political issues, as well as security matters, rather than sociological issues, irrespective of their rationales, their voluntary or [...]

The number of academic papers criticizing the discipline of international relations (IR) for neglecting states and societies outside the core Western countries in the establishment, consolidation, and maintenance of international [...]

Scholarly papers regarding space expansionism tend to lack an overarching perspective. To fill this gap, Daniel Deudney has penned a timely book called Dark Skies: Space Expansionism, Planetary Geopolitics, and [...]

This paper analyzes Turkey's energy supply security and resource diversity with regard to consumption patterns, price fluctuations and environmental pressures as their significance is increasing constantly in parallel with the rising demand. The paper introduces consumption trends, expectations on oil prices and the environmental criteria affecting energy sector first at global scale. It then elaborates Turkey's position by indicating similarities and dissimilarities on its energy consumption patterns with regard to the average of OECD countries, indicates the economic burden of price fluctuations in different cases and discusses its interaction with environmental criteria such as Kyoto. This chapter is followed by a product centered analysis mainly on oil, natural gas, bio-energy and nuclear which aims at mapping Turkey's futures within the new energy order (N.E.O.) characterized by actor (state and non-state), resource and supply diversification. Interaction between hydrocarbon countries on the one hand, energy demanding countries on the other, is elaborated with regard to rising pressure upon supply and demand sides. The study conceptualizes neopolitics to define a comprehensive strategy in this picture leading to a new power configuration based on energy. The paper finally elaborates Turkey's initiatives and capabilities in terns of oil and gas transit, bio-fuel production and nuclear energy to indicate the link between neopolitics, security and development. Keywords: Energy Security, Neopolitics, Oil, Natural Gas, Bio-fuels, Nuclear. Bu calisma Turkiye'nin yukselen enerji ihtiyacina kosut olarak onemini artiran arz guvenligi ve kaynak cesitliligi hususlanm, enerji tuketim trendini, fiyatlardaki gelismeleri ve cevresel faktorleri ele almak suretiyle incelemektedir. Oncelikle kuresel enerji kullammimn mevcut durumu ve gelecekteki egilimi, petrol fiyatlanmn seyri ve sektoru etkileyen cevresel etmen ve kistaslar ortaya konmaktadir. Akabinde Turkiye'nin bu cercevede nasil bir enerji tuketim kompozisyonuna sahip oldugu ve olacagi, petrol fiyatlanndaki oynakliktan nasil etkilendigi, basta Kyoto olmak uzere cevresel kistaslarn nelere yol actigi ve acacagi, OECD ulkelerinin ortalamasma atifla tanimlanmaktadir. Bu bolumun ardindan petrol, dogal gaz, yenilenebilir ve nukleer enerjinin onemiyle, hidrokarbon sahibi ulkeler bir yanda, artan oranlarda enerjiye ihtiyacduyan ulkeler diger yanda olmak uzere, arz ve talep odakh baskinin jeopolitik anlami ortaya konmaktadir. Cahsma, degisen sartlarda butunsel bir stratejik yaklasimin onemine dikkat cekerek, yeni enerji duzeni siyasetini neopolitik olarak kavramsallastinnaktadir. Hemen ardindan gelen bolum, Turkiye icin arz guvenligi ve kaynak cesitliligi hususlanni neopolitik cercevede firsat ve tehditlere atifla degerlendirmektedir. Sirasiyla petrol ve gaz, biyoyakitlar ve nukleer enerjinin Turkiye nezdindeki neopolitfk anlami, guvenlik ve kalkinma hususlanna atifla ortaya konmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Enerji Guvenligi, Neopolitik, Petrol, Dogal Gaz, Biyoyakit, Nukleer., Giris 21. yuzyil, yukselen yeni enerji rejiminin politik etkisiyle sekillenmektedir. Klasik jeopolitik anlayista guckadar guvenlik de onemli bir kriterdir. (1) Yeni enerji rejimi ise, kuresel ve bolgesel duzeyde devlet ve [...]

The Arab revolts have changed the regional balances. Syria is one of the particular examples of these changes. The shifting balances also presented ideal ground for the identities that have been suppressed throughout years. In addition to Al-Qaedah, new version of jihadism appeared at the stage which is known as Daesh. In this research, one intends to comprehend Turkeys interaction with Daesh in the context of Syrian Civil War to shed light on the evolution of the global jihadism. Ankara has perceived Syria problem at first an opportunity to establish its domination over Syria later it turned into the web of entanglement relations which has changed Turkey's a century long standing policy in the Middle East and initiated sets of reactive policies to handle the short term problems. The US and Russia agreed to suppress Daesh with the collaboration of various local groups. However, Daesh is far beyond being just a terrorist organization but a new version of the jihadist ideology which holds the remanences of prior jihadist groups. Keywords: Daesh, Turkey ISIS, ISIL, Jihadism, Kurds, Terrorism, Radicalization, Networks Arap isyanlariyla birlikte bolgesel dengeler degisti. Suriye bu degisimlerin ozel orneklerinden birisidir. Degisen dengeler yillar boyunca bastirilan kimliklerin kendini gosterebilmesi icin ideal bir zemin olusturdu. El Kaide'ye ek olarak, cihatciligin yeni versiyonu Daes sahnede yerini aldi. Bu arastirma Turkiye'nin Suriye ic savasi baglaminda Daes ile etkilesimini anlamayi hedefliyor. Bu etkilesim de kuresel cihadin ne yone evrildigini anlamamiza yardim edecektir. Ankara basta durumu Suriye uzerinde hakimiyet kurma firsati olarak okudu. Sonrasinda, Suriye'deki durum Turkiye'nin uzun yillardir devam eden Ortadogu politikasini degistiren karmasik iliskiler agina donustu ve Ankara kisa vadeli sorunlarin ustesinden gelmek icin bir dizi reaktif politikalar baslati. ABD ve Rusya, cesitli yerel gruplarla isbirligi yaparak Daes'i bastirmayi kabul eti. Bununla birlikte, Daes bir teror orgutu olmanin otesinde, onceki mucahit gruplarin ideallerini de surduren cihatci ideolojinin yeni bir versiyonudur. Anahtar Kelimeler: DAES, Turkiye, ISIS, ISIL, Cihatcilik, Kurtler, Terorizm, Radikallesme, Aglar, This paper (1) presents the historical timeline to understand the emergence of Daesh and its interaction with Turkey in the context of the Syrian Civil War. A thorough understanding of [...]

Within the scope of the Readmission Agreement signed in 2013 between the European Union (EU) and Turkey, the EU will grant visa-free travel for Turkish citizens in exchange for Turkey readmitting the illegally resident of third- country nationals transited through the territory of Turkey to Europe. However, in accordance with the EU-Turkey Association Law and the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), visa-free travel could be valid for Turkish citizens who would conduct or plan to conduct economic activity in the EU since the entry into force of the Additional Protocol (AP) of 1970 and Association Council Decision (ACD) No.1/80. This paper examines whether visa-free travel for Turkish citizens is an already-acquired right stemming from the EU-Turkey Association Law or would be a favor given by the EU in exchange for signing the Readmission Agreement, via the interpretation of Article 41 (1) of the AP and Article 13 of ACD 1/80, in light of the case-law of the CJEU. Keywords: EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement, EU-Turkey Association Law, Standstill Clause, Visa-Free Travel for Turkish Citizens Turkiye ve Avrupa Birligi arasinda 2013 yilinda imzalanan 'Geri Kabul Anlasmasi' kapsaminda Turkiye'nin, ulkesi uzerinden AB ulkelerine yasadisi yollarla gecen ucuncu ulke vatandaslarini geri kabul etmesi karsiliginda Avrupa Birligi Turk vatandaslarina vizesiz seyahat imkani saglayacaktir. Oysa, Ortaklik Hukuku ve Birlik ictihat hukuku uyarinca Katma Protokol ve 1/80 sayili Ortaklik Konseyi Kararinin yururluk tarihinden itibaren Avrupa Birliginde ekonomik faaliyette bulunacak veya bulunmayi planlayan Turk vatandaslari icin vizesiz seyahat gecerli olabilir. Bu calismada, Turk vatandaslarina taninacak olan vizesiz seyahatin Ortaklik Hukukundan kaynaklanan kazanilmis bir hak mi yoksa geri kabul anlasmasi karsiliginda Turkiye'ye yapilan bir iyilik mi oldugu Birlik ictihat hukuku kapsaminda Katma Protokol m. 41 (1) ve 1/80 sayili Ortaklik Konseyi Karari m.13 yorumlanmak suretiyle incelenmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: AB-Turkiye Geri Kabul Anlasmasi, AB-Turkiye Ortaklik Hukuku, Standstill, Vizesiz Seyahat, Introduction The new Title V of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) concerning the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice grants to the European Union (EU) [...]

This paper discusses through a Constructivist perspective that the aim of maintaining influence via great power identity in the Near Abroad which preserved its significance in the post- 1991 Russian foreign policy under the statist/pragmatist and civilizationist schools' influence, is reinforced through citizenship policies due to established collective identities with certain actors. The fact that Russia's conferral of citizenship to certain peoples through old collective identities via long-time great power identity is not a newly invented and ephemeral policy but that its roots reflect influence-driven subjecthood/citizenship policies since the Tsarist times, strengthens the assumption that the Near Abroad is an irreplaceable region for Russia which may practice similar policies towards other actors in the Near Abroad in the future. Keywords: Russia, Citizenship, Near Abroad, Abkhazia, South Ossetia Mevcut calismada, devletci/pragmatist ve medeniyetci ekollerin etkili oldugu 1991 sonrasi Rus dis politikasinda onemini korumus olan Yakin Cevre'de buyuk guc kimligiyle nufuzu koruma hedefinin, bolgede bazi aktorlerle yerlesik kolektif kimliklerden faydalanarak vatandaslik verme politikasiyla pekistirildigi Insaci perspektiften tartisilmaktadir. Rusya'nin, kadim buyuk guc kimlik algisi uzerinden eski kolektif kimlikler araciligiyla bazi halklara vatandaslik vermesi, yeni icat edilmis ve gecici bir politika olmayip, koklerinin Carlik doneminden bu yana gozlemlenebilen nufuz amacli tabiiyet/vatandaslik politikalarini yansitmasi; Yakin Cevre'nin Rusya acisindan vazgecilmez bir bolge oldugu ile gelecekte uygulamayi baska Yakin Cevre aktorleriyle de gerceklestirebilecegi savini guclendirmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Rusya, Vatandaslik, Yakin Cevre, Abhazya, Guney Osetya, Giris Rusya'nin 1991 sonrasinda sinirlari disindaki bazi halklara kitlesel vatandaslik verdigi gozlemlenmektedir. Uygulamanin hayata gecirildigi alanlardan ikisi, Rusya'nin Yakin Cevre'deki nufuz alanlarindan Abhazya ile Guney Osetya'dir. Bu uygulamanin anlasilmasi dogrultusunda [...]

Turkey's perception of the Levant has been hazy in modern times and the country has not constructed a holistic approach towards the region until recently, despite the fact that Turkey has sought closer cooperation with the Levantine countries since the late 1990s. In addition to Turkey's willingness to open up to the region, recent international developments, such as the discovery of hydrocarbons off the coast of Israel, Egypt and Cyprus, the outbreak of the Arab Spring, and changes in the regional balance of power have provided momentum for Turkey's engagement with the region. This paper argues that although these factors have provided space for Turkey to play a more assertive role in the region, the country has thus far failed to present a successful region- wide strategy or carve up an influence zone. Keywords: Turkish Foreign Policy, the Levant, Eastern Mediterranean, Energy Resources, Arab Spring. Turkiye'nin Levant bolgesine yonelik algisi degiskendir. Turkiye, 1990'larin sonundan itibaren bolge ulkeleriyle yakin isbirligi arayisinda olmasina ragmen, hernuz bolgeye yonelik butuncul bir yaklasim gelistirememistir. Turkiye'nin bolgeye acilma isteginin yani sira, son yillarda Dogu Akdeniz'de hidrokarbon kaynaklarinin kesfi, Arap Bahari'nin patlak vermesi ve bolgesel guc dengesindeki degisimler gibi uluslararasi gelismeler Turkiye'nin bolgeyle etkilesimine ivme kazandirmistir. Bu calisma, soz konusu gelismelerin Turkiye'nin bolgede daha iddiali bir rol oynamasina imkan saglamasina ragmen, Turkiye'nin bugune kadar bolge geneline yonelik etkili bir strateji sergileme veya bir nufuz alani olusturma konusunda basarili olamadigini vurgulamaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Turk Dis Politikasi, Levant, Dogu Akdeniz, Enerji Kaynaklari, Arap Bahari, Introduction Modern day Turkey has not seen itself as part of the Levant and has not looked at the region as an integrated unit of analysis until recently, and thus [...]

Dünya genelinde Uluslararasi Iliskiler (UI) disiplinine yönelik çalismalara paralel olarak Türkiye'de de disiplinin geçirdigi dönüsüm ve Türkiye'nin bilgi üretimine katkilarina yönelik çalismalar yapilmaktadir. Özellikle bu konulardaki çalismalara veri saglamak amaciyla 2007 ve 2009'da dogrudan Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi (UIK) tarafindan, 2011, 2014 ve 2018 yillarinda ise Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary' nin yürüttügü Teaching, Research and International Policy (TRIP) arastirmasi ortakligi yoluyla yine UIK tarafindan Türkiye'de UI alaninda çalisan akademisyenlere yönelik anketler düzenlenmistir. Temelinde epistemolojik ve ontolojik anlamda UI disiplininin sinirlari, özgün karakteri ile UI akademisyenlerinin egitim ve arastirmalarinda hangi teorileri, yöntemleri ve pedagojik yaklasimlari kullandiklarini anlamayi hedefleyen TRIP arastirmasi, Türkiye'deki UI çalismalarinin küresel UI disiplini içerisindeki konumunu anlamaya da yardimci olmaktadir. Bu makale, Subat-Temmuz 2018 tarihlerinde es zamanli olarak 35 ülkede yürütülen son anket çerçevesinde ortaya çikan sonuçlari, Türkiye'yi merkeze alarak sunmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararasi Iliskiler, Akademik Tercihler, Bilimsel Arastirma, Yöntem, Egitim. In parallel with the worldwide studies focusing on the International Relations (IR) discipline, there have been works looking into the transformation of the IR discipline in Turkey and its contribution to the global knowledge production. In order to provide sound data for these studies, International Relations Council of Turkey (IRCT) conducted two surveys among the Turkish IR academics in 2007 and 2009, and have been cooperating with the Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary since then on the Teaching, Research and International Policy (TRIP) project. The TRIP surveys that aim to understand the epistemological and ontological limits, autonomous character of the IR discipline as well as the theoretical, metodological and pedagocial approaches in which IR scholars used in their teaching and research activities, also help to comprehend the place of the Turkish IR scholars within the global IR discipline. This paper presents Turkey-related findings of the lastest survey, which was simultaneously conducted in 35 different countries between February and July 2018. Keywords: International Relations, Academic Choices, Scientific Research, Method, Education., Giris: Metodoloji ve Demografik Bilgiler Uluslararasi Iliskilerin (UI) bagimsiz bir disiplin olarak kurulmasindan bu yana disiplinin gelisimi, varligi, diger disiplinler ve politika uygulayicilariyla etkilesimi, alanda egitim, sorunlar ve çözüm önerileri [...]

China has emerged as an important source of foreign direct investment (FDI). In recent years, we have witnessed the reconfiguration of China's strategies as a global investor, moving from resource-seeking investment into more sophisticated and competitive market-sites for FDI such as Switzerland. Although Chinese FDI in Switzerland is still relatively small in magnitude, its rapid growth is worthy of reflective assessment from both the theoretical and international business perspective. This paper focuses on Chinese investment into Switzerland giving particular consideration to the assessment of these new entrants, aspects related to drivers and motivators, elements of difference, and considerations of resources and capabilities. Likewise, the challenges and opportunities for the Swiss economy stemming from Chinese investment are addressed. Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment, Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment, Chinese Foreign Affairs, Switzerland. Cin onemli bir dis yatirim kayna gi olarak ortaya cikti. Gecti gimiz yilarda kuresel yatirimci olarak Cin'in stratejilerinin kaynak arayisindan Isvicre gibi karmasik ve rekabetci pazarlara do gru yeniden bicimlendi gi goruluyor. Cin'in Isvicre'deki yatirimlari gorece kucuk ancak hizla artiyor olmasi bu konuyu teorik ve uluslararasi isletme perspektifiyle arastirmayi onemli kiliyor. Bu calisma Cin'in Isvicre'deki yeni yatirimlarina, motivasyonlarina, bunlarin farkli oldu gu taraflara ve kaynak ve yetkinliklerine odaklaniyor. Benzer sekilde Cin yatirimlarinin Isvicre icin sundu gu tehdit ve firsatlarda tartisiliyor. Anahtar Kelimeler: Do grudan Yabanci Yatirim, Cin'in Do grudan Yabanci Yatirimi, Cin Dis Iliskileri, Isvicre., Introduction There has been an extraordinary transformation in the economy of China in recent decades. The economic reforms of the late 1970s and the incorporation of China as a member [...]

China has emerged as an important source of foreign direct investment (FDI). In recent years, we have witnessed the reconfiguration of China's strategies as a global investor, moving from resource-seeking investment into more sophisticated and competitive market-sites for FDI such as Switzerland. Although Chinese FDI in Switzerland is still relatively small in magnitude, its rapid growth is worthy of reflective assessment from both the theoretical and international business perspective. This paper focuses on Chinese investment into Switzerland giving particular consideration to the assessment of these new entrants, aspects related to drivers and motivators, elements of difference, and considerations of resources and capabilities. Likewise, the challenges and opportunities for the Swiss economy stemming from Chinese investment are addressed. Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment, Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment, Chinese Foreign Affairs, Switzerland. Cin onemli bir dis yatirim kaynagi olarak ortaya cikti. Gectigimiz yilarda kuresel yatirimci olarak Cin'in stratejilerinin kaynak arayisindan Isvicre gibi karmasik ve rekabetci pazarlara dogru yeniden bicimlendigi goruluyor. Cin'in Isvicre'deki yatirimlari gorece kucuk ancak hizla artiyor olmasi bu konuyu teorik ve uluslararasi isletme perspektifiyle arastirmayi onemli kiliyor. Bu calisma Cin'in Isvicre'deki yeni yatirimlarina, motivasyonlarina, bunlarin farkli oldugu taraflara ve kaynak ve yetkinliklerine odaklaniyor. Benzer sekilde Cin yatirimlarinin Isvicre icin sundugu tehdit ve firsatlarda tartisiliyor. Anahtar Kelimeler : Dogrudan Yabanci Yatirim, Cin'in Dogrudan Yabanci Yatirimi, Cin Dis Iliskileri, Isvicre., Introduction There has been an extraordinary transformation in the economy of China in recent decades. The economic reforms of the late 1970s and the incorporation of China as a member [...]

Despite the increasing interest in the studies inquiring the limits, autonomous character of and the interactions between the International Relations (IR) discipline and other academic fields, the scope and scale of empirical research on these issues are relatively small. In order to contribute to the discussion on the limits and peculiarities of the IR discipline and to shed light on the development, current status and major characteristics of the IR studies in Turkey, its place in the global IR discipline and the views of IR scholars on major issues on the global, regional and national agenda, two surveys were conducted by the International Relations Council of Turkey (IRCT) in 2007 and 2009. Later on, the IRTC collaborated with the Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary to conduct further surveys in 2011 and 2014. This paper presents findings of the last survey on Turkey, based on the worldwide research simultaneously conducted in 31 different countries in September 2014. Keywords: International Relations, Academia, Academic Choices, Scientific Research, Method, Education, Political Preferences, Survey. Uluslararasi Iliskiler (UI) disiplininin sinirlari, ozerk karakteri, diger disiplinler ve dis politika uygulayicilari ile etkilesimi gibi meseleler, UI literaturunde sikca tartisilan arastirma konulari olmalarina karsin, bu konularda yapilan ampirik calismalar gorece yetersizdir. Bu tartismalara katki saglamak ve Turkiye'deki UI calismalarinin gelisimini, mevcut durumunu, temel ozelliklerini, kuresel UI disiplini icerisindeki konumunu ve alanda calisanlarin kuresel, bolgesel ve ulusal gundemdeki temel meselelere iliskin tutumlarini belirlemek icin 2007 ve 2009'da Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi araciligi ile ardindan da 2011 ve 2014'te ABD'deki Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary araciligi ve UIK'in katkisiyla anketler yapilmistir. Eylul 2014'te dunyada es zamanli olarak 31 ulkede yurutulen son calisma kapsaminda olusan Turkiye raporu sonuclari, bu makalede 2007, 2009 ve 2011 arastirmalariyla karsilastirmali olarak sunulmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararasi Iliskiler, Akademisyenler, Akademik Tercihler, Bilimsel Arastirma, Yontem, Egitim, Siyasi Tutum, Anket., Giris: Metodoloji ve Demografik Bilgiler Uluslararasi Iliskiler (UI) disiplininin akademik cercevesi, alanda egitimin kalitesi, diger disiplinlerle ve politika uygulayicilariyla etkilesimi gibi konularda onemli calismalar yapilmistir. (1) Disiplini ve sinirlarini anlamaya [...]

The Kurdish problem has not only been one of Turkey's most important and long-standing problems, but also always ranked among top agenda items in relation to the EU accession process. Consequently, the stance and opinions of the Kurds on matters pertaining to the Union are of critical importance. The present paper aims to analyze Kurdish orientations to the EU based on two main modes of orientation described in the literature, level of awareness (interest and information), and subjective assessments, on the basis of a field study conducted among university graduate Kurds. Keywords: Kurds, European Union, Orientation to the EU, EU-Turkey Relations Kurt sorunu sadece uzun zamandir Turkiye'nin en onemli sorunlarindan biri olmakla kalmamis ayni zamanda AB uyelik sureci bakimindan da her zaman en onemli gundem maddelerinin basinda yer almistir. Bu acidan, Kurtlerin AB ile ilgili meselelerde durduklari yer ve sahip olduklari gorusler kritik degere sahiptir. Elinizdeki calismada, universite mezunu Kurtler arasinda gerceklestirilen bir alan calismasindan hareketle; literaturde kullanilan iki ana oryantasyon moduna, farkindalik (ilgi ve bilgi) duzeyine ve subjektif degerlendirmelere dayali olarak Kurtlerin AB'ye oryantasyonlari (yonelimleri) analiz edilmeye calisilmistir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kurtler, Avrupa Birligi, AB'ye Oryantasyon, AB-Turkiye Iliskileri, Giris Avrupa Birligi (AB) uyeligi cok uzun sureli ve cok boyutlu bir tartismanin konusu olan Turkiye gibi bir ulkede; hem ulkenin ulusal duzlemi acisindan hem de AB ile iliskileri etkilemesi [...]

Credible EU conditionality is theorized as a central mechanism for bringing EU candidates to comply with the political membership criteria. The literature on conditionality's domestic impact does not sufficiently explore the possibility of democratic reforms in the absence of credible conditionality. This paper tests this alternative hypothesis by studying Turkey under the rule of the AKP (2002-2009). It is argued that notwithstanding the falling credibility of the conditional membership perspective for the ruling actors after 2004, Turkish compliance persisted because it promised political benefits to the government. This finding highlights that domestic governments' belief in conditionality is not a necessary condition of compliance with the EU. Keywords: EU Conditionality, Credible Conditionality, EU Compliance, Compliance Costs, AKP. AB'nin sartli uyelik politikasinin inandiriciligi aday ulkelerin siyasi uyelik kosullarini yerine getirmesi icin onemli bir mekanizma olarak gorulmektedir. Aday ulkelerde demokratik reformlarin AB sartiligi inandirici olmasa da gerceklesebilecegi olasiligi yazinda yeterince arastirilmamistir. Bu calisma bu olasiligi AKP doneminde Turkiye ornegi (2002-2009) uzerinden tartismaktadir. 2004'ten itibaren Turkiye'nin kosullu tam uyelik perspektifinin inandiriciligi azalmistir; ancak buna ragmen AB sartlarina uyum hukumete siyasal fayda sagladigi icin surdurulmustur. Bu bulgu hukumetlerin AB sartliligina olan inancinin AB'ye uyum acisindan bir on kosul olusturmadigina isaret etmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: AB Sartliligi, Inanilir Sartlilik, AB'ye Uyum, Uyumun Maliyeti, AKP., Introduction Since it was formally launched at the European Union (EU)'s June 1993 Copenhagen Summit, EU political conditionality has been central for the liberalization of post-Communist Central and Eastern European [...]

This article seeks to analyze Turkey's policies toward the Kosovo issue since the early 1990's. While Turkey had pursued a rather cautious policy concerning the independence of Kosovo during the Albanian-Serbian conflict, it extended diplomatic recognition only one day after Kosovo declared independence. Turkish recognition took place at a time when countries like Russia and Serbia were objecting to it and a heavy debate was going on regarding whether the Kosovo independence was in line with the international law. The main research question of this study is why Turkey decided to extend its diplomatic recognition on 18 February 2008. The main argument of the paper is that change in Turkish foreign policy toward Kosovo is instrumental and tactical and does not represent a radical transformation. The decision-makers in Turkey continue to follow the line of the Western countries in the first decade of the 21. century as it had been the case during the Cold War and in the 1990's. The article makes it clear that Ankara prepared the necessary background for the recognition of Kosovo in the recent years step by step. Keywords: Turkey, Kosovo, Serbia, Foreign Policy, Continuity. Bu makale, 1990'larin basindan gunumuze kadar Turkiye'nin Kosova politikasini analiz etmeyi amaclamaktadir. Arnavutlarla Sirplar arasinda catismalarin devam ettigi donemde Kosova'nin bagimsizligiyla ilgili temkinli bir tutum takinan Turkiye, Kosova'nin ayrilmasiyla ilgili uluslararasi hukuka aykirilik tartismalari devam etmesine ragmen, bu ulkeyi bagimsizlik ilan etmesinden sadece bir gun sonra tanimistir. Bu calisma, Turkiye'nin neden 18 Subat 2008'de Kosova'yi tanidigini analiz etmeye calismaktadir. Makalenin temel argumani Ankara'nin Kosova konusundaki politika degisikliginin taktik bir degisiklik oldugu, temel bir donusumu yansitmadigidir. Karar alicilar 2000'li yillarda Turkiye'nin Balkanlar politikasini olustururken Soguk Savas doneminde ve 1990'larda oldugu gibi Bati'yla paralel hareket etmektedir. Makalede Ankara'nin, Kosova'yi tanima konusunda gerekli zemini surec icinde adim adim hazirladigi gosterilmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Turkiye, Kosova, Sirbistan, Dis Politika, Sureklilik., Giris Balkanlar, Soguk Savas sonrasi donemde Turk dis politikasinin aktif oldugu bolgelerden biri olmustur. Her ne kadar dagilma surecinin baslarinda Yugoslavya'nin birliginin tekrar saglanabilecegini dusunerek sessiz kalmissa da, Batili ulkelerin [...]

This paper focuses on the use of different forms of power by a (leader/patron/hegemonic) state to get the other (non-leader/client) states to cooperate with its policies. Most of the literature on cooperation operates on the level of bargaining power where the policy changes are directly visible. This article aims to show how the bargaining power model is not adequate in capturing the complete picture of the relationship between Turkey (a non-leader/client state) and the United States (leader/patron state) in their cooperation with regard to Iraq during the Gulf Crisis (1990) and the War against Iraq (2003). Hence, I attempt to show that the three levels of power as discussed by Krause is a better and more comprehensive framework for understanding and explaining the power relationship between Turkey and the US. Keywords: Turkey, Iraq, Bargaining Power, Structural Power, Hegemonic Power. Bu makalede bir lider(patron/hegemon) ulke tarafindan lider-olmayan (musteri) bir ulkeyi kendi siyaseti dogrultusunda isbirligine cekme yOnunde gucun farkli formlarda (duzeylerde) nasil kullanildigi arastirilmaktadir. Literaturde isbirligi uzerine yazilmis eserler cogunlugu siyasetin dogrudan gOzlemlenebildigi pazarlik gucu uzerinde yogunlasmaktadir. Bu makale lider-olmayan bir ulke olan Turkiye ile lider ulke olan Amerika arasindaki KOrfez Krizi (1990) ve Irak Savasi (2003) dOnemlerindeki iliskilerinin tam olarak anlasilmasinda pazarlik gucu modelinin yeterli olmadigini gOstermektedir. Bu makalede Karause'un uc duzeyli guc modelinin Turkiye ve Amerika Birlesik Devletleri arasindaki guc iliskisini en kapsamli sekilde anlamak ve aciklamak icin cok daha iyi bir model oldugu iddia edilmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Turkiye, Irak, Pazarlik/Muzakere Gucu, Yapisal Guc, Hegemonyaci Guc., Introduction Scholars are sometimes not very quick in incorporating new understandings of certain theoretical concepts into their research. One such concept is power. (1) Any student of power should be [...]

ABSTRACT This paper examines two basic concepts that affect conceptual analyses of international issues in Turkey: Historical-factualism and interdisciplinary research. Although both approaches are profoundly important for international relations studies, [...]

How do centralized governments mitigate the political cost of severe financial crises? The economic voting scholarship has established that the clarity of responsibility, i.e., government accountability for economic conditions to the mass public, is a necessity for electoral reward or punishment for economic performance. On the one hand, political centralization, which reduces the number of veto players, may increase the visibility of the role of the executive in policy success or failure. On the other hand, it allows an uncontested blame avoidance discourse, especially when accompanied with democratic backsliding. Furthermore, the recent backlash against globalization has enabled blame shifting to international actors in many countries. Against this theoretical framework, we comparatively analyze the responsibility attribution discourses for the 1994, 2001, and 2018-2022 financial crises in the statements of incumbent presidents, ministers, and parliament members of Turkey. We find that while blame avoidance discursive strategies have been attempted in all three cases, the responsibility attribution for the 1994 and 2001 crises mostly targeted the executive. In contrast, for the ongoing crisis, the responsibility discourse is dominated with blaming international political economy factors, creating ambiguity, and targeting domestic non-governmental actors. Keywords: blame politics, economic voting, backlash against globalization, responsibility attribution, democratic backsliding, Introduction Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) came to power in 2002, only a year after its establishment as a right-wing party promising to fix the Turkish [...]

The discovery of new natural gas resources in the Eastern Mediterranean fueled the tension in the region and led to a highly complicated crisis involving multiple actors. This study adopts a constructivist approach in analyzing the political economy of the Eastern Mediterranean energy crisis by relying on the role of identities and ideas in shaping economic decisions. The historical enmity between Turkey and Greece over Cyprus is at the heart of the crisis. Thus, the study focuses on the Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus triangle to reveal the impact of Turkey's image constructed by Greece and the Republic of Cyprus, on the political-economic aspect of the decisions of Greece and Greek Cypriots. To accomplish this objective, a two-stage content analysis was conducted by filtering the official statements of Greece and the RoC from their respective foreign ministries, utilizing the keyword 'Eastern Mediterranean.' By scrutinizing the official discourses and documents, the analysis aims to delve into the image of Turkey held by these actors. Keywords: Energy, Historical Enmity, Conflict, Constructivism, Cyprus, Identity, Introduction Rationalists assume that actors seek to maximize their interests and determine their actions following a cost-benefit analysis based on material factors. This research adopts the constructivist premise that interests [...]

Building upon empirical research, this study examines the socio-economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Syrian refugees in Turkey by analyzing its implications on employment, livelihood opportunities, and social cohesion. More specifically, it focuses on the experiences of Syrian refugees to examine the ways in which they exert their agency to cope with the structural constraints when faced with 'multiple crises' in host countries, intersecting with the dynamics of a 'normalized refugee crisis'. Our findings from fieldwork conducted in the top six refugee-hosting cities reveal that loss of jobs, limited access to decent work, increased dependency on external financial assistance, and social exclusion have been some of the most acute effects of the pandemic on refugees. Meanwhile, the perceived effects that refugees have on the host community's welfare trigger problems that impede social cohesion. All in all, the study intends to highlight the far-reaching effects of the pandemic beyond its direct health implications by addressing the structural vulnerability of refugees and the importance of providing an enabling environment for socio-economic self-reliance. Keywords: Syrian refugees, Turkey, Covid-19, migration management, refugee politics, Introduction In recent years, the substantial increase in Turkey's refugee population has affected the country's political economy in multiple ways by exerting significant pressure on public resources, labor force dynamics, [...]

The recent African scramble has resulted in uneven and combined development (UCD) in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) throughout the 21st century due to unequal exchange. South Africa plays a sub-imperial role in this scramble in SSA. It both exploits and is exploited. The mining industry in South Africa has attracted interest from colonial powers, English-speaking businesses, and foreign investors, making it a highly lucrative sector. Furthermore, most black South Africans have been employed in the mining industry since the late 19th century. Over the past 25 years, the African National Congress government has utilised the mining industry to achieve economic transformation through black economic empowerment policies. This study proposes that the mining sector in South Africa is responsible for the ongoing UCD, despite receiving new investments and empowerment policies. South Africa's inclusion in BRICS has broadened its range of international partners beyond its traditional Western or African counterparts. However, South Africa's decision to join the BRICS group in 2011 has not yet yielded the expected transformation in the country's economy and growth. As a result, it is uncertain whether South Africa's BRICS membership has addressed the country's persistent problem of UCD. This study argues that South Africa's BRICS membership has exacerbated UCD in the country. This study proposes that Trotsky's UCD analytical framework is useful for analysing South Africa's policy choice to join BRICS, which strengthens its sub-imperial role. Keywords: Unequal Exchange, Sub-imperialism, Mining Industry, Economic Transformation, Transnational Capital, Introduction The expansion of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) bloc to include four more countries (1) in 2024 proves the tendency toward South-South Cooperation within the Third [...]