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For the discipline of International Relations (IR), the study of International Peace Settlements (IPS) for the organization of postwar international orders has thus far primarily been the purview of realist, liberal, and constructivist approaches. To date, Marxist approaches have tended to either ignore the significance of IPS in the formation of new global orders or have been inscribed into longer-term overarching processes--namely, the reified consequences of the development of capitalism. These proclivities have had the unwelcome effect of subsuming the role historical agents have played in the devising of international ordering strategies under preordained universal 'laws of motion' and downplaying the broader efficacy of foreign policymaking in the building of world order. This paper proposes to rectify this Marxist lacuna by highlighting how adopting an approach that elaborates on the principles of Geopolitical Marxism (GPM) in IR can overcome these shortcomings. The paper argues that a radical historicist methodology for analysing these important world- historical junctures retrieves the significance of contextualized agency within the historical materialist tradition and overcomes the issues beholden to structuralist Marxist approaches. Keywords: Peace Conferences, World Order, Foreign Policy, Geopolitical Marxism, The Congress of Vienna, Introduction The perception that Marxism was unable to provide a theoretical account of the emergence of the modern state-system stems from Marx and Engels' own lack of engagement with the [...]

This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey's quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey's search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey's foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey's status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey's foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey's foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. Keywords: Turkish Foreign Policy, Status Politcs, Internatonal politcs, Foreign policy change, Introduction The first decade following the arrival in power of the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) witnessed Turkey's continuous status-seeking efforts in foreign policy. As a [...]

This article focuses on the changing nature of Russia-Turkey energy trade relations. The main argument of the article is that climate change, as well as EU institutions and environmental protection regulations, have been decisive in the long-term transformation of bilateral natural gas relations. The EU favors competitive market structures to combat climate change, and the EU Green Deal sets ambitious targets for renewable energy consumption. These variables establish grounds for legitimacy among EU members in the face of Russian dominance of the EU energy market. However, as discussed in this paper, the Russian government's main strategy to counter this opposition from the EU side is to circumvent the EU's institutional arrangements through its relations with Turkey. The final point to be discussed in this paper is the impact of the EU energy and environment policies on changes in Russian perceptions of Turkey. Keywords: environment; energy; Green Deal; European Union; international trade, Introduction The Russian invasion of Ukraine that started in February 2022 has cost thousands of lives and put Europe in late 2022 into an energy crisis, which forced Europeans to [...]

The paper discusses the institutional factors that influence the development of think tanks in different political systems, with a focus on Russia and Turkey. It identifies various institutional factors such as the structure of the decision-making process, the type of regime, bureaucratic structure, level of democratization, approach of decision-makers, presence of pluralism, effectiveness of political parties, strength of foundations, legal norms, state of civil society, presence of an open public debate culture, and autonomy of the business world that influence the operation of think tanks. The study examines the similarities and differences between the institutional environment of Russia and Turkey, provides examples of how political and institutional factors in different periods in Turkey and Russia have had a facilitating or complicating effect on the establishment and development of think tanks. This paper contributes to the literature by highlighting the importance of institutional factors in the formation, development, role, and structure of think tanks. Keywords: think tanks, foreign policy, decision-makers, Russia, Turkey, Introduction The focus of this paper is the influence of institutional factors on think tank(TT) development, which has been neglected for many years in the literature. (1) Institutional differences that [...]

Economic nationalism and state intervention recently gained attraction in many countries including Turkey. This paper questions whether Turkey has changed its economic policy framework towards a state-centric model and, if so, whether these changes are well thought-out and sustainable. The examination of key areas of state capitalism, that is the monetary, industrial, trade, financial, and state economic enterprise (SEE) policies put forward in the officially adopted five-year plans and annual programs, suggests that the changes in the economic policy framework began after the 2008 global crisis and accelerated after the transition to a presidential system. Upon examination, the policy framework does not reflect a definitive, coherent, and wholistic approach but rather a pragmatic attitude that swings back and forth, which exposes the country to swings in the global system. Keywords: state-centric model, liberal international order, Turkey, globalization backlash, state capitalism, Introduction It is now commonplace to argue as even the World Economic Forum did that the financial crisis of 2008 spelled the end of the neoliberal paradigm's domination in shaping [...]

This paper argues that the Mediterranean imaginations of France and Turkey have served as a barometer for analyzing the level of their bilateral relations. Turkey and France have been among the region's prominent rivals since the Middle Ages, and their level of relationship has varied over time. This article investigates key patterns that shape the direction of Turkish-French relations and presents a fundamental factor: The spatial representation of the Mediterranean. If the Mediterranean images developed by the two countries are adverse/unfavorable/conflictual, the relationship in a given era deteriorates and vice versa. This study aims to situate the contemporary Turkish and French representations of the Mediterranean through a Critical Geopolitics, and Artificial Intelligence based Content Analysis method. This paper first deals with the theoretical and methodological aspects by focusing on Critical Geopolitics and 'word embedding' as a promising technique in content analysis. Second, the historical dynamics between France and Turkey will be discussed by examining the shift in the two countries' representations of the Mediterranean. Finally, this study will shed light on how the Mediterranean representations of Turkey and France in the recent period affect contemporary bilateral relations in line with the empirical findings obtained from Agence France-Presse and Anadolu Agency. Keywords: Spatial Representation, Critical Geopolitics, International Relations, Computational Social Science, Word2Vec., Introduction Fernando Passao once asked the sailor in his famous poem: 'Are the seas of other countries beautiful?'. Most Mediterranean residents either give a negative answer to this question or [...]

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the 'spatial turn', which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between 'Turkey' and 'Europe', establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters,that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of 'Turkey' and 'Europe', I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. Keywords: Turkey, Europe, space, spatal turn, identity, Spatial Imaginations International relations are always also spatial relations. (1) Territory is an organisational feature of international society in the sense that it is one of the constitutive elements of [...]

This paper focuses on the geographical, historical, and cultural spatializations of Turkish national identity by political elites in the post-2000 era. Considering the close link between the formation of national identity and the spatial constructions of homeland, the paper shows that Turkish national identity since the foundation of the Republic has been constructed through different supranational visions, navigating through different civilizational ingredients. We show that the Kemalists' Western-oriented or Eurocentric geopolitical discourses, which perceive Turkey as a 'bridge country', have been transformed in the post-Cold War era into a more ambitious geopolitical discourse of a 'central country', which aims to broaden Turkey's 'identity space' through its Ottoman heritage. In line with this transformation, in the 2000s, the Turkish homeland was imagined as the 'cradle of civilizations', but the national identity did not develop as a counter-hegemonic measure against the West (Europe). The post-2010 era--with a pronounced emphasis on Islamic culture and Ottoman geopolitical space--constitutes a departure from the previous years' spatial and identity constructions of Turkey, in the sense that the political elites' perception of national identity has never gone beyond the national frontiers to this extent, and the West (Europe) has never been so trivialized in terms of progress and civilization. Keywords: Space, Turkish Homeland, Anatolia, Supranationalism, Blue Anatolianism, Introduction Although the word 'space' basically refers to a geographical context, it is closely related to power and limitation, because the social construction of space is a political process that [...]

By putting scale and (re)scaling at the center of its analysis, this paper aims to grasp the scalar process of EU-Turkey relations from historical, political and social perspectives. In doing so, this paper will first overview the existing theories on scale and re-scaling concerning their use in political geography and IR. The second task of this paper will be to examine the relevance of scale in EU relations from historical, political, and social perspectives. In the third part, as a first step, this paper investigates whether the EU and Turkey can redefine and reconstruct a new EU-Turkey space. As a second step, it assesses whether globalizing EU-Turkey relations is possible in new global policy areas such as climate change, sustainable development, and trade & economics. Keywords: Scale, Scale Process, Climate change, Sustainable development, Trade & economics., Introduction Turkey's geostrategic location in the Middle East and Asia, combined with its shared border with Europe, position Turkey as a key and unrelinquishable partner of the European Union (EU). [...]

When and how do agents consciously reproduce or unconsciously transform social structures? This inquiry is pivotal for advancing a theory of socio-historical development, particularly in addressing a key debate within International Historical Sociology (IHS) surrounding modern revolutions. This debate revolves around the tension between the 'consequentialist' interpretation of bourgeois revolutions and the 'revisionist' critiques, notably from the 'historicist' wing of Political Marxism (PM). This article contends that the tension arises from an inadequate conceptualization of the agent-structure relationship. Drawing on Roy Bhaskar's transformational model of social activity (TMSA) and critical realist philosophy of science, the article proposes a conceptual framework reconciling PM's focus on class struggle to understand the historical specificity of capitalism with the role bourgeois revolutions historically and structurally played for the development of capitalism. Integrating Bhaskar's framework with historical materialism-inspired debates on bourgeois revolutions, the paper suggests that agents' unconscious actions can transform social structures amid social disintegration ('classic bourgeois revolutions'). Conversely, agents consciously seek to preserve and reproduce social structures, as seen in 'passive revolutions'. This occurs when social structures, marked by inequality and hierarchies, are viewed as historical constructs rather than natural phenomena, particularly in the context of uneven and combined development of capitalism. This analysis contributes to ongoing IHS debates, enriches our comprehension of modern revolutions, and extends TMSA by empirically delineating circumstances wherein agents consciously uphold or unwittingly trigger the transformation of social structures. Keywords: international historical sociology, transitions to capitalism, revolutionary transformation, historicism, transformational model of social activity, Introduction Although revolutions have played a formative role in shaping modem societies, political systems, and global politics, the study of revolutions has not been a central focus within the discipline [...]

The debate on normative power has mainly been focused on the European Union. This is partly owing to the fact that its conception is very Euro /Western centric. Yet, it is assumed that the concept is applicable to other actors. The aim of this paper therefore is to examine Turkey and whether its actions embody normative power in Syria and Egypt during the Arab Spring. It applies de Zutter's four-step methodology of identifying normative power. The result is mixed. In the case of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey tried to be a normative power but failed, due to a lack of recognition. In the case of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey was perceived as a normative power due to the combination of its Islamic identity, adherence to democracy, and the role of religion in its society. The implications of this are significant, since this paper demonstrates that normative power can travel outside of its Euro/Western centric context. At the same time, it also demonstrates that the norms are different and context specific. Keywords: Norms, Normative Power, Arab Spring, Islamic Identity, Turkish Model Normatif giic tarticmasi genel olarak Avrupa Birligi uzerinde odaklanmaktadir. Bu, kismen kavramin Avrupa/Bati merkezli olmasindan kaynaklanmaktadir. Fakat kavramin diger aktorler icin de gecerli oldugu one surulebilir. Bu cercevede, makalenin amaci Turkiye'nin ve Arap Bahari sirasinda Suriye ve Misir'daki eylemlerinin normatif giic ozellikleri icerip icermedigini incelemektir. Calicmada normatif gucu belirlemeye yonelik de Zutter'in dort acamali metodolojisi uygulanmaktadir. Sonuc karmaciktir. Misir'daki Musluman Kardesjer orneginde, Turkiye normatif bir guc olmaya calicsa da taninmamasi nedeniyle bacarisiz olmuctur. Suriye'deki Musluman Kardecleri orneginde ise Turkiye, Islami kimligi, demokrasiye bagliligi ve toplumundaki dinin rolunun birlesimi nedeniyle normatif bir guc olarak algilanmictir. Makalenin etkileri onemlidir nitekim normatif gucun Avrupa/Bati merkezi baglaminin divina cikabilecegini gostermektedir. Aym zamanda, normlann farkli ve baglama ozgu oldugunu da gostermektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Normlar, Normatif Guc, Arap Bahari, Islami Kimlik, TurkModeli, Introduction Since the 19 (th) century, there have been multiple forms of regionalism to challenge great power interventions. (1) Having said that, the study of regionalism has been quite limited [...]

This paper proposes a discussion of its core theoretical argument that the international order is more complex than the theories generated by traditionalist state-centric approaches and critical approaches, including the regional security complex approach. The complexity approach highlights the sensitive dependency of complex systems on the nonlinear feedbackloops and dynamic interactions by which the longer term reactions to the behavior of actors could set off actions-reaction spirals. This path dependency is evident in the erosion of U.S.-Turkey relations which is a cause and a consequence of the realignment in the international system and the Middle East regional system. Keywords: Copenhagen School, path dependence, feedbackloops, balance of power system, YPG Bu makale uluslararasi duzenin, bolgesel guvenlik kompleksi yaklasimi da dahil olmak uzere, gelenekselci devlet merkezli yaklasimlar ve electirel yaklasimlar tarafindan uretilen teorilerden daha karmasik olduguna dair temei teorik argumaninin bir tartismasini sunmaktadir. Karmasiklik yaklasimi karmasik sistemlerin, aktorlerin davranisi sonucu uzun vadede ortaya cikan reaksiyonlarin etki-tepki sarmallari baslatabilecegi, dogrusal olmayan geribildirim dongulerinine ve dinamik etkilesimlere olan hassas bagimliligim vurgulamaktadir. Bu patika bagimliligi, uluslararasi sistemdeki ve Orta Dogu bolgesel sistemindeki taban kaymasinin bir nedeni ve sonucu olan ABD-Turkiye iliskilerinin erozyonunda acikca gorulmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kopenhag Okulu, patika bagimliligi, geribildirim donguleri, guc dengesi sistemi, YPG, Introduction This paper analyses how specific aspects of United States (U.S.)-Turkey relations reveal the need to use complexity in International Relations (IR). In applying the complexity theory to this question, [...]

In recent years, Russia and Turkey have been among non-Western powers that have been more assertive in their foreign policies in the Western Balkans. Naturally, this creates the need to identify the key similarities and differences between these two geopolitical players. By using the case of Serbia, the pivotal country of the Western Balkans and a country whose foreign policy was largely influenced by the idea of hedging and engaging non-Western players, one can determine key similarities and differences between these two powers. This paper states two major similarities between these two powers and one major difference. The first similarity is that both Russia and Turkey are acting based on the same permissive environment of a regional power vacuum, the environment in which the EU's leverage has decreased and in which countries like Serbia feel emboldened to hedge their bets and diversify partnerships. The second similarity is that although the popular explanation is to stress to powers' ethnic and religious ties with the Balkans, Slavic and Orthodox ties in case of Russia and Islam in case of Turkey, or even as the continuation of old imperial traditions, the two countries are guided by strategic pragmatism. The difference between the two powers is that Russia can be defined as a status quo power as it aims to act as a spoiler perpetuating the current state of political dysfunctions; Turkey is not a status quo player as it does not oppose the region's membership in Western institutions as long as its interests are respected. Keywords: power vacuum, hedging, strategic interest, revisionist power, status quo power, Introduction The Western Balkans has become one more region where in recent years, both Russia and Turkey have been more assertive in their foreign policy efforts, adding to the list [...]

State-centric explanations of life in Europe and (or, including) Turkey often do much more than account for differences between the two--they reify them. This paper notices similarities instead. Such an analytical exercise does not simply turn the older narrative upside down. It starts with accepting the pluriverse of relations unfolding within Turkey-EU spaces and chooses to experiment with the idea that what seems marginal can in fact be formative. My argument is situated in discussions about mobility--the latter being a chief destabilizer of the conventional idea of space as a perennial entity. Building on observations of diplomatic process, ethnographic moments and conversations with refugee rights workers and volunteers in the period around adoption of the 2016 Turkey-EU refugee deal, I show the analytical possibilities of studying spatiality through the eyes of islands dissenting from the current border regime. Their very existence, on both sides of Turkey/EU border is an invitation to pay closer attention to splits and similarities that run across inter-national borders, rather than along them. Keywords: Europe, migration/mobility, space, Turkey, refugees, Introduction International Relations (IR) scholarship on Turkey and the European Union (EU) has mostly moved within the framework of difference demarcated by the borders of modern nation states. Narratives about [...]

Geographies and borders have become often-debated concepts, especially in the view of the increasing impact of globalization and regional integration processes. In such cases, borders are attributed certain imagined meanings and more so, they are associated with feelings. Considering such dynamics, EU-Turkey relations can be considered a good example of how borders, emotions and spatial dimensions interact. However, not much attention has been given to the emotional facets of spatial relations. By utilizing the concept of 'hot places', this study tries to fill this void. We separate EU-Turkey relations into three phases: the Cold War, post-Cold War, and the peak of migration politics, driven by the Syrian Civil War. We argue that there is a specific hot place for each of these periods: Kreuzberg, Berlin for the period between 1959 and 1989, Cyprus for the post-Cold War period, and the Syrian conflict for the last period. Thus, this paper aims at suggesting a novel approach to the study of emotions, spatiality, and EU-Turkey relations. Keywords: Emotions, Kreuzberg, Cyprus, Spatiality, Hot Places, Introduction Boundaries are spatial imaginations to which communities attribute sentimental meaning and which they regulate through mechanisms of border control. Since 2010, with the increase in interstate and intrastate conflicts [...]

Given Iraqi Kurds' special place in Turkey's 'biographical narrative', Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) relations are not simply strategic or economic but also highly affectively charged. These relations involve emotional encounters filled with anxiety, pride, anger, and disappointment that generate concerns for not only Turkey's physical security but also its ontological security. This paper traces the emotional context of Turkey-KRG relationship. It suggests that a combination of Turkey's deep-rooted 'anxiety' and 'hubris' toward the Iraqi Kurds prevented the emergence of a close partnership between these two actors and fostered merely a 'fragile rapprochement' since 2008. Keywords: Ontological security, emotions, identity, foreign policy change, Turkish foreign policy Irakli Kurtlerin Turkiye'nin 'biyografik anlatilari' icindeki ozel yeri nedeniyle Turkiye-Irak Kurt Bolgesel Yonetimi (IKBY) iliskileri yalnizca stratejik ve ekonomik degil, ayni zamanda kaygi, gurur, ofke ve hayal kirikliklariyla dolu temaslar da iceren duygu yuklu bir iliski olagelmistir. Bu cercevede, IKBY Turkiye'nin yalnizca fiziksel guvenligi icin degil, ontolojik guvenligi icin de endise kaynagi olmustur. Bu makale, Turkiye-IKBY iliskilerindeki duygularin izini surerek Turkiye'nin Irakli Kurtlere karsi gelistirdigi koklesmis 'kaygi' ve 'kibir' duygularinin bu iki aktor arasinda 2008'den itibaren yakin bir ortakligin ortaya cikmasini engelledigini ve iliskilerin yalnizca kirilgan bir yakinlasma ile sinirli kalmasina sebep oldugunu ileri surmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Ontolojik guvenlik, duygular, kimlik, dis politika degisimi, Turk dis politikasi, Introduction 'Our interlocutor is not the Kurdish leaders, but Iraq's central government. Other than that, I cannot meet with a tribal leader, [Masoud] Barzani or anyone else.' (1) Such is [...]

The main aim of this paper is to contribute to the literature on ontological security by empirically investigating how the European Union (EU), which is perceived as one of the most important actors that provides means and/or grounds for overcoming antagonisms through transformation of the 'Self-Other' dialectics, fails to become an agent of peace. Drawing on the case of Republika Srpska (RS), a political entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), we aim to understand how the EU's post-conflict stabilization efforts, which, among others, presuppose the de-intensification of the antagonistic identity narratives, become entrapped in ethnopolitical narratives, and even 'ethnicized' by the ethnopolitical elite in RS. To answer these questions, we analyzed news articles at two critical junctures, namely the negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (2005-2007) and the Butmir Process (2009), two of the most important EU-driven initiatives in post-conflict BiH. We find that those initiatives, which promised to make BiH more functional and stable, challenged the existing ethnopolitical narratives in BiH, particularly on the side of the ethnopolitical elite in RS. Keywords: Ontological security, Republika Srpska, ethnicization, Butmir process, European Union. Bu makalenin temel amaci, Biz-Oteki' diyalektiginin donusturulmesi yoluyla dusmanliklarin ustesinden gelmek icin arac ve/veya zemin saglayan en onemli aktorlerden biri olarak algilananvAvrupa Birligi'nin (AB) nasil bir baris aracisi haline gelemedigini ampirik olarak arastirarak ontolojik guvenlik literaturune katkida bulunmaktir. Bosna-Hersek'teki (BH) siyasi bir olusum olan Sirp Cumhuriyeti (SC) davasindan yola cikarak, AB'nin catisma sonrasi istikrar cabalarinin, digerlerinin yani sira, dusman kimlik anlatilarinin yogunlasmamasini ongoren, etnopolitik anlatilara nasil suruklendigini ve hatta SC'deki etnopolitik seckinler tarafindan nasil 'etnik hale getirildigini' anlamayi amacliyoruz. Bu sorulari yanitlamak icin, catisma sonrasi BH'de AB gudumlu girisimlerden en onemli ikisi olan Istikrar ve Ortaklik Anlasmasi muzakereleri (2005-2007) ve Butmir Sureci (2009) olmak uzere, iki kritik kavsakta yer alan haber makalelerini analiz ettik. BH'yi daha islevsel ve istikrarli hale getirme sozu veren bu girisimlerin, ozellikle SC'deki etnopolitik seckinler tarafinda BH'deki mevcut etnopolitik anlatilara meydan okudugunu goruyoruz. Anahtar Kelimeler: ontolojik guvenlik, Sirp Cumhuriyeti, etniklestirme, Butmir sureci, Avrupa Birligi., Introduction (*) Ethnic conflicts, which cause multiple forms of violence, often perpetuate security concerns long after large-scale armed violence ceases. An important part of such security concerns in post-conflict societies [...]

The number of academic papers criticizing the discipline of international relations (IR) for neglecting states and societies outside the core Western countries in the establishment, consolidation, and maintenance of international [...]

How do centralized governments mitigate the political cost of severe financial crises? The economic voting scholarship has established that the clarity of responsibility, i.e., government accountability for economic conditions to the mass public, is a necessity for electoral reward or punishment for economic performance. On the one hand, political centralization, which reduces the number of veto players, may increase the visibility of the role of the executive in policy success or failure. On the other hand, it allows an uncontested blame avoidance discourse, especially when accompanied with democratic backsliding. Furthermore, the recent backlash against globalization has enabled blame shifting to international actors in many countries. Against this theoretical framework, we comparatively analyze the responsibility attribution discourses for the 1994, 2001, and 2018-2022 financial crises in the statements of incumbent presidents, ministers, and parliament members of Turkey. We find that while blame avoidance discursive strategies have been attempted in all three cases, the responsibility attribution for the 1994 and 2001 crises mostly targeted the executive. In contrast, for the ongoing crisis, the responsibility discourse is dominated with blaming international political economy factors, creating ambiguity, and targeting domestic non-governmental actors. Keywords: blame politics, economic voting, backlash against globalization, responsibility attribution, democratic backsliding, Introduction Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) came to power in 2002, only a year after its establishment as a right-wing party promising to fix the Turkish [...]

The discovery of new natural gas resources in the Eastern Mediterranean fueled the tension in the region and led to a highly complicated crisis involving multiple actors. This study adopts a constructivist approach in analyzing the political economy of the Eastern Mediterranean energy crisis by relying on the role of identities and ideas in shaping economic decisions. The historical enmity between Turkey and Greece over Cyprus is at the heart of the crisis. Thus, the study focuses on the Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus triangle to reveal the impact of Turkey's image constructed by Greece and the Republic of Cyprus, on the political-economic aspect of the decisions of Greece and Greek Cypriots. To accomplish this objective, a two-stage content analysis was conducted by filtering the official statements of Greece and the RoC from their respective foreign ministries, utilizing the keyword 'Eastern Mediterranean.' By scrutinizing the official discourses and documents, the analysis aims to delve into the image of Turkey held by these actors. Keywords: Energy, Historical Enmity, Conflict, Constructivism, Cyprus, Identity, Introduction Rationalists assume that actors seek to maximize their interests and determine their actions following a cost-benefit analysis based on material factors. This research adopts the constructivist premise that interests [...]

Building upon empirical research, this study examines the socio-economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Syrian refugees in Turkey by analyzing its implications on employment, livelihood opportunities, and social cohesion. More specifically, it focuses on the experiences of Syrian refugees to examine the ways in which they exert their agency to cope with the structural constraints when faced with 'multiple crises' in host countries, intersecting with the dynamics of a 'normalized refugee crisis'. Our findings from fieldwork conducted in the top six refugee-hosting cities reveal that loss of jobs, limited access to decent work, increased dependency on external financial assistance, and social exclusion have been some of the most acute effects of the pandemic on refugees. Meanwhile, the perceived effects that refugees have on the host community's welfare trigger problems that impede social cohesion. All in all, the study intends to highlight the far-reaching effects of the pandemic beyond its direct health implications by addressing the structural vulnerability of refugees and the importance of providing an enabling environment for socio-economic self-reliance. Keywords: Syrian refugees, Turkey, Covid-19, migration management, refugee politics, Introduction In recent years, the substantial increase in Turkey's refugee population has affected the country's political economy in multiple ways by exerting significant pressure on public resources, labor force dynamics, [...]

The recent African scramble has resulted in uneven and combined development (UCD) in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) throughout the 21st century due to unequal exchange. South Africa plays a sub-imperial role in this scramble in SSA. It both exploits and is exploited. The mining industry in South Africa has attracted interest from colonial powers, English-speaking businesses, and foreign investors, making it a highly lucrative sector. Furthermore, most black South Africans have been employed in the mining industry since the late 19th century. Over the past 25 years, the African National Congress government has utilised the mining industry to achieve economic transformation through black economic empowerment policies. This study proposes that the mining sector in South Africa is responsible for the ongoing UCD, despite receiving new investments and empowerment policies. South Africa's inclusion in BRICS has broadened its range of international partners beyond its traditional Western or African counterparts. However, South Africa's decision to join the BRICS group in 2011 has not yet yielded the expected transformation in the country's economy and growth. As a result, it is uncertain whether South Africa's BRICS membership has addressed the country's persistent problem of UCD. This study argues that South Africa's BRICS membership has exacerbated UCD in the country. This study proposes that Trotsky's UCD analytical framework is useful for analysing South Africa's policy choice to join BRICS, which strengthens its sub-imperial role. Keywords: Unequal Exchange, Sub-imperialism, Mining Industry, Economic Transformation, Transnational Capital, Introduction The expansion of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) bloc to include four more countries (1) in 2024 proves the tendency toward South-South Cooperation within the Third [...]

Can Marxists, especially in the Third World, use international law for progressive social change? Responding to the Soviet Union's context and its jurisprudential challenges in constructing socialism, Pashukanis's seminal work on commodity form theory is nihilistic, assuming the very nature of form of international law as bourgeois with limited possibilities of radical change as its new content. European Marxism, on the other hand, in its context of revolutionary defeat and consequent postmodernist pessimism of cultural Marxism, either relies on Pashukanis's nihilistic position or a pragmatist and realist posture, insisting on staying within the law's bourgeois form and being content with social democracy. As opposed to this, Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholars, while exploring the imperialist nature of international law and representing one variant of Third World Marxism, have been more optimistic, wanting to use international law to restrain and shield against powerful Western states, i.e., they believe that the content of Third World resistance can change the form of international law. This article deconstructs this class 'content' of international law in the understanding of TWAIL and shows the postcolonial Third World states, and even in the yet to be independent states, were dominated by their dependent local elite, which had compromised by the ex-colonizers and had started blocking radical structural changes in Third World. Soon, the target of imperialism and the Third World elite became radical movements in the Third World, and this struggle of the marginalized shaped international law. Therefore, relying on the radical tradition of Third World Marxism and taking the right of self-determination as an example, this article argues that both the content and form of international law were simultaneously used, subverted, and changed in a dialectical and dynamic way by the resistance of the people of the Third World. Keywords: Resistance, right of self-determination, Third World Marxism, Western Marxism, Soviet Official Marxism., Introduction Mainstream scholars, from the era of colonialism to the postcolonial phase and the current era of neoliberal globalization, argue for the potential of international law in establishing a global [...]

This article devises an analytical framework that synthesizes neo-Gramscian and social constructivist perspectives to dissect international regimes amid global hegemonic shifts. It portrays regimes as intersubjective constructs with unique social purposes within the broader hegemonic fabric, shaped by dominant ideologies and power distributions. The study examines the transition of the trade regime from General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to World Trade Organization (WTO) through the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) and the Doha Round's deadlock since 2001. The article posits that the Uruguay Round marked a pivotal hegemonic transformation, transitioning the regime from embedded liberalism to neoliberalism by transforming its social purpose, norms, and generative grammar. Yet, this shift, which precipitated a legitimacy crisis within the WTO and was exacerbated by the Doha Round's failure to regenerate neoliberal hegemony with a fresh synthesis of free trade and sustainable development, arguably rendered the WTO directionless and contributed to the fragmentation of global trade governance amidst emerging regional pacts and varied ideological visions of economic liberalism. Keywords: International Regimes, Social Constructivism, Critical Theory, World Trade Organization, Liberal International Order, Introduction 'the 1929 depression was so wide, so deep and so long because the international economic system was rendered unstable by British inability and United States unwillingness to assure responsibility [...]

While some degree of competition is present in many authoritarian regimes, the implications of such controlled competition on international issues have not received much consideration, including towards international environmental accords. We attempt to rectify this through a framework where we focus on internal political competition in a hybrid, nondemocratic system where national elections are held regularly. Specifically, we argue that the presence of multiple actors competing in elections in nondemocratic settings results in them assuming positions on various issues, justifying their positions, and attempting to mobilize their supporters with considerable implications for international environmental policies. We display our argument in the context of Iranian debates on the ratification of the Paris Climate Accords. Our findings demonstrate that the competing Iranian sides rely on different justifications for their environmental positions, resulting in extensive (negative) competitions of rhetoric where the international dimension emerges as an important feature in the internal competition. Overall, we show that political competition within non-democracies is likely to add to the complexity of international (environmental) negotiations and cooperation. Keywords: internatonal negotatons on climate change; competng narratves and electons in authoritarian regimes; politcal factons; environment and sanctons; regime survival, Introduction The Paris Climate Change Agreement, a legally binding international treaty that sets goals for temperature increases, was adopted by 196 parties at the United Nations (UN) Climate Change Conference [...]

State fragility has received increasing attention in recent decades as a result of the nexus between development and international stability. This study investigates the empirical drivers of state fragility in sub-Saharan Africa from 2007 to 2019. We shed light on the explanatory variables of government effectiveness, political stability, per-capita GDP, grow GDP%, International Monetary Fund loans, and official development assistance. Using panel data analysis and a 39-country sample, our study finds that government efficiency and political stability, in contrast to foreign aid, has a significant effect on reducing fragility in sub-Saharan Africa. In light of these findings, the article proposes delivering foreign aid in ways that strengthen state capacity. Keywords: Fragility, Foreign Aid, Internatonal Insttutons, Panel Data Econometrics, Robust Standard Errors, Introduction Fragile state is an increasingly attractive category in international politics, and it is also a contested concept. The decolonization process after World War II brought many newly independent states [...]

One significant impact on the international system of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War has been Finland's NATO membership. This article suggests that Baldur Thorhallsson's shelter theory is the most suitable explanation for Finland's decision. According to the theory, an alliance relationship with NATO will remedy the lack of hard security shelter of a state categorized as a small state in the literature. Many experts believe that this is a pragmatic choice by Finland against the Russian threat. On the other hand, Finland has a long history with Russia and is known for its neutral and peaceful policies, trying to establish a balance between East and West. For the above-mentioned reasons, membership in NATO is a much more difficult decision than it seems on the surface. In this framework, this article will first explain the place of Thorhallsson's theory in International Relations. Then, Finland's general foreign policy choices will be examined in light of current shelter relationships. Finally, in presenting the country's history with NATO, it will focus on the potential consequences of the membership. Keywords: small states, foreign policy behavior, hard security, Ukraine-Russia war, shelter theory, Introduction Small states theories and studies have gained importance in the International Relations (IR) literature since the 2000s. A considerably high number of states, considered small according to various qualitative [...]

Why was the United States, despite its overwhelming superiority in power, unable to prevent North Korea from developing nuclear weapons? Why did North Korea persist in its nuclear pursuit in the face of U.S. opposition? In this article, we represent nuclear proliferation and counter-proliferation as situations of subjective strategic interaction between states. We measure preferences over strategies and outcomes using operational codes of the leaders of each country, derived via linguistic analysis. Our results indicate that neither the U.S. nor North Korea accurately understood the other side's preference ordering, and that their operational codes interacted in such a way as to produce an outcome favorable to North Korea - the weaker party - and unfavorable to the U.S. - the stronger. The wider contribution is to show that (mis)perceptions of the goals and resolve of the opponent play a crucial role in the success or failure of strong states to compel weak states and vice versa. Keywords: perceptions, political beliefs, nuclear proliferation, foreign policy analysis, leaders, Introduction Why was the United States (U.S.), the world's most powerful state, unable to prevent North Korea (or the Democratic People's Republic of Korea - DPRK) from developing nuclear weapons? [...]

This study aims to analyse historical continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within the framework of Critical Theory as elucidated by Robert Cox. It suggests asking how TFP has been affected by the historical changes in relations of production and world orders. Within this framework, it aims to explain the changes in TFP within the relation between the production, the world order and the form of state. It analyses TFP in three historical periods such as the Interwar Years, Cold War and post-Cold War. It exposes that Turkish state (re)formation and foreign policy making has succumbed to the global capitalist relations of production and corresponding world orders. These two have been the major framework(s) of change and continuity in Turkiye's 100 years-old foreign policy. Its main argument is that the continuity and change in TFP has shown an interplay of relations between production and world order. It concludes that TFP has been in line with the global relations of production so there has been a clear and substantial continuity; and that the arguable changes have been the repercussions of global relations of production and world orders. Keywords: Turkish foreign policy, relations of production, Critical Theory, Cox, world order, Introduction This study discusses the historical change and continuity in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within a political economic framework. It aims at historical contextualisation of TFP within global relations of [...]

This article investigates whether campaign speeches during the US presidential elections can help predict foreign policy behavior. We use speeches made by Donald J. Trump during his bid for president in 2016. We compare the analysis from 2016 with his actual foreign policy decisions during his tenure, 2017-2020. Operational code analysis and leadership traits analysis approaches are used to analyze candidate Trump's foreign policy beliefs and strategies associated with them. We use Profiler Plus software to conduct content analysis which produces OCA and LTA results. We use three separate datasets to analyze Trump's beliefs and traits focusing on his general foreign policy speeches, the MENA region, and a third one only about Islamic State and Syria. Our results show that Trump's profile indicates a foreign policy orientation that avoids involvement in affairs that are perceived as beyond immediate interests. The consistency between his beliefs and traits during the 2016 campaign and his actual foreign policy behavior leads us to conclude that individual level analysis, and specifically OCA and LTA approaches, are useful tools to analyze, explain and predict foreign policy. Keywords: Political Beliefs, Leadership Typologies, Contextualized Sampling, Campaign Speeches, Foreign Policy Analysis, Introduction Donald Trump's election as the 45th United States (US) President took many observers by surprise. Many foreign policy decisions during his presidency also surprised academics and followers of US [...]

The blockade imposed on Qatar changed the power dynamics in the Persian Gulf, increasing tension and insecurity in the area. Qatar's ability to overcome the blockade was largely due to its cooperation with Iran, and the two countries' ties grew as a result. This study investigates whether Qatar's long-standing hedging toward Iran has changed into an alignment in the wake of the 2017 blockade. The key conclusion of the article is that, despite Qatar's faint signals of alignment with Iran during the blockade, it did not entirely stray from its hedging strategy. Qatar-Iran relations has been selected as a case study to illustrate the effects of regional developments and security crises on the hedging strategy within the context of the Blockade Crisis. Keywords: Small States, Gulf Cooperation Council, Emerging Partner, Regional Security, Economic Cooperation, Introduction Qatar, which has achieved a more independent, high-profile diplomatic standing since the change of power in 1995, attracts attention with its strong economy and controversial foreign policy moves. Despite [...]

In this study, we aim to explore the ideational and contextual sources of perceptions about refugees. Contrary to many studies focusing on the interaction with and integration of refugees in developed countries, we examine the effect of social identity and refugee exposure on the perception of refugees in Turkey, which pose a substantive case with a background of ethnic conflict and scarce resources. We contend that social identities provide individuals with cues; however, we argue that identity type and its salience are key to understanding in-group vs. out-group formation processes, hence the perceptions about refugees. Moreover, we argue that socioeconomic status affects an individual's support for refugee integration, as it challenges the existing status quo of access to scarce resources. Our findings challenge the conventional wisdom in migration studies by employing an original face-to-face survey among over 1,100 respondents in three cities (Istanbul, Diyarbakir, and Gaziantep) in Turkey. We find that those prioritizing national vs. religious identities reveal different levels of perceived threat. Additionally, we show that those belonging to lower-income socioeconomic groups are less supportive of refugee integration when the presence of refugees sets the ground for competition for economic and social resources where they reside. Keywords: refugees, perceived threat, identity, socioeconomic change, Turkey Research Article | Received: 21 October 2022, Last Revision: 1 May 2023, Accepted: 15 May 2023, Introduction Millions of people have migrated in recent decades, predominantly from scarcity of material resources, civil conflict, and human rights violations, to regions such as Western Europe and North America [...]

'Understanding EU-NATO Cooperation: How Member States Matter' by Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters conducts a distinctly member-state based theoretical examination of interorganizational cooperation between the EU and NATO. Ewers-Peters mainly intends to [...]

The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration project that aims to encompass the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With this broad spectrum, it embodies various forms of regionalism, arranges a flexible institutional structure for non-/governmental actors without denting their other regional affiliations and provides commercial, developmental, and security opportunities. Such features could also facilitate the GEP's ability to enhance Turkey's recent efforts to deepen its relations with Asia. In return, Turkey could play several key roles for the GEP with its 'dialogue partner' status in the SCO, 'Middle Corridor' initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP's amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey's political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West. Keywords: Russia, China, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, foreign policy, geopolitics, Introduction In December 2015, Russian President Vladimir Putin brought up the first proposal for a Eurasia-oriented extensive regional integration partnership aiming to link the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) with the [...]

The Crimea crisis marked one of the latest critical points in the European Union (EU)-Turkey-Russia triangle. This article analyzes Turkey's position between the EU and Russia, after the events that unfolded in February 2014, by adopting Holsti's role theory. Developing a research map through official documents, this article assesses Turkey's two-sided strategic position, by asking the following question: How did Turkey's intertwined relationships with the EU and Russia affect its foreign policy formulation in the Crimea crisis? Turkey's role formulation during the Crimea crisis is defined by empirical data acquired through the official documents of EU institutions and the Turkish and Russian foreign policy ministries. MAXQDA software was utilized to provide a systematic qualitative analysis of the 123 official declarations. This article argues that Turkey's response to the Crimea crisis was affected by several factors stemming from its asymmetric relationship with Russia, its EU candidate status, and kinship with the Crimean Tatars. Keywords: Crimea crisis, Turkey-EU relations, Turkey-Russia relations, Turkish foreign policy, role theory., Introduction The Crimea crisis has been described as one of the latest confrontations between the West and Russia after the Cold War. (1) The crisis revealed existing cleavages and challenged [...]

How does the rise of China challenge the existing international order? What are the possible outcomes of the interplay between China's rise and the current trajectory of the Russian and Turkish regimes? Based on a qualitative analysis, I find two major dilemmas for the current power dynamics have resulted from China's challenging behavior in the international system. First, while China promotes steady relationships based on mutual interests facilitated by the rule-based international order, it also carries out actions which feed its aspirations for exploiting the current international institutions. Second, while China underlines the importance of a Westphalian style of sovereignty and non-interference, it also takes interventionist actions in both cyberspace and territorial space. Based on identification of China-Russia and China-Turkey interactions through the variations in the most 'central' domestic issues of the current governments in Russia and Turkey, I predict four possible outcomes, shedding light on the future policy directions in Russia and Turkey: 1) a prolongation of Putin's campaign in Ukraine, 2) an acceleration in the process of de-dollarization, 3) lasting Chinese influence on Turkey's Kurdish issue, and 4) an increase in Turkey's tendency toward a Chinese-style 'growth' model. Keywords: China's rising influence, international order, domestic politics, China-Russia interactions, China-Turkey interactions, Introduction Many scholars acknowledge that China is an ascending power, yet there is not much consensus on the repercussions of its ascension. How China's rising power will shape the United [...]

This study focuses on the spatial imaginations of the European Commission's response to the Turkish-Greek border crisis in March 2020. The goal is to unpack the discursive dynamics of space using a critical geopolitical perspective that treats space as a constructed social category. To that end, the Commission's official statements and policies on the crisis are deconstructed in terms of territoriality, securitization, and identity. The article advances the argument that increased political pressure and the influx of refugees from Turkey triggered a reflex reserved for nation-states, resulting in the European Union flexing its geopolitical muscles. In these practices, Turkey has served as the constitutive other of European space by representing the outside, insecure, and distant. Keywords: Migration, Critical Geopolitics, Pazarkule, Space, Identity, This study focuses on the spatal imaginatons of the European Commission's response to the Turkish-Greek border crisis in March 2020. The goal is to unpack the discursive dynamics of space [...]

This article asks the extent to which the EU Green Deal influences the EU periphery today and builds on the spatial conditions of multiple, co-existing decarbonization pathways within the EU Green Deal while problematizing the 'green imagination' of Turkey as an immediate neighbour and a candidate country for membership in the EU. As such, it uncovers that the current low-carbon transition process in Turkey is prone to be shaped by the highly politicized energy market in an authoritarian neoliberal structure on the one hand, and Turkey's priorities in energy issues and hard security on the other. The findings further reveal that Turkey's efforts to use more domestic energy resources to meet its consumption needs might also interfere with its efforts and obligations to decarbonize its energy sector. The scrutiny into the low-carbon energy transition in Turkey accordingl contributes further insight into the consequences of the spatiality of such transitions in an authoritarian neoliberal context, and what other alternative policies can be imagined and put in practice. Thus, more empirical research is warranted to reveal the spatiality of the low-carbon energy transition across various geographical settings. At the same time, the article argues that both the EU and its partners such as Turkey should be weary of creating green utopias when redesigning their green-energy space since utopias tout court may not always stimulate large-scale change in a revolutionary way in terms of sustainability, feasibility, good practice, and inclusiveness in decision-making processes. Keywords: Green Energy Transition, AKP government, spatiality of decarbonization, neoliberalism, authoritarianism, Introduction Analysing energy from a spatial perspective has attracted a great deal of attention in recent decades. Numerous studies have shown the importance of examining the variability of spatial configurations [...]

The way we interact with individuals, companies, and communities has been altered by our usage of online social media sites and services. Simultaneously, the use of social media as a data source for social scientific inquiries has increased substantially in recent years. This study uses Twitter data analysis to investigate the views of United States (US) Members of Congress on Turkey, and to see if these perceptions reflect some of the trends in US-Turkey relations. Our initial view is that the Twitter conversations among Members of Congress appropriately reveal changes in the course of perceptions vis-a-vis relations between the two countries. With that assumption in mind, we evaluated Twitter data from 2009 to 2021, and analyzed it using statistical methodologies, network analysis, computational text analysis, and topic modeling tools. The findings indicate that Twitter data is a useful proxy for evaluating the perception of Turkey among US Members of Congress. Keywords: Social Media Analysis, Twitter, US-Turkey Relations, US Senate, Foreign Policy Analysis Bireyler, sirketler ve topluluklarla etkilesim seklimiz, cevrimici sosyal medya sitelerini ve hizmetlerini kullanmamizla degisti. Eszamanli olarak, sosyal bilim arastirmalari icin bir veri kaynagi olarak sosyal medyanin kullanimi son yillarda onemli olcude artmis durumda. Bu calisma, Amerika Birlesik Devletleri (ABD) Kongre uyelerinin Turkiye hakkindaki goruslerini arastirmak ve bu algilarin ABD-Turkiye iliskilerindeki bazi egilimleri yansitip yansitmadigini gormek icin Twitter veri analizini kullanmaktadir. Makalede temel hareket noktamiz, Kongre uyeleri arasindaki Twitter konusmalarinin, iki ulke arasindaki iliskilere yonelik algilarin seyrindeki degisiklikleri uygun bir sekilde ortaya koydugu yonundedir. Bu varsayimi goz onunde bulundurarak bu calisma, 2009'dan 2021'e kadar Twitter verilerini ag analizi, hesaplamali metin analizi ve konu modelleme araclari gibi uygun istatistiksel yontemler kullanarak analiz etmektedir. Calismanin bulgulari, Twitter verilerinin ABD Kongre uyeleri nezdinde Turkiye algisini degerlendirmek icin yararli bir arac oldugunu gostermektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Sosyal Medya Analizi, Twitter, ABD-Turkiye Iliskileri, ABD Senatosu, Dis Politika Analizi, Introduction The importance of individuals, social movements, and international networks has grown dramatically, as a result of the information revolution and the rise of social media. Similarly, the use of [...]

The relationship between academics and policymakers has a complex and multi-layered structure, and there are different views on how this relationship should be. While discussing the political processes in the context of Turkey's membership, the interactions between academics and policymakers in the relations between Turkey and the EU have the potential to provide solutions in the steps that need to be taken. However, the academic tendency of EU studies in Turkey will be revealed by answering questions such as what subjects are preferred by academics working on the EU in Turkey to study in the knowledge-production process, which subjects they prioritize in EU studies, what the effects of the ups and downs in Turkey-EU relations are on the academy, and how the academy positions itself in the field of EU studies. It is considered that such a study will contribute to further studies on how the academy's relations with policymakers are and how they should be in studying Turkey-EU relations. Keywords: Turkey, EU, Academics, Policymakers, Knowledge-Production Akademisyenler ve politika yapicilar arasindaki iliski karmasik ve cok katmanli bir yapiya sahiptir ve bu iliskinin nasil olmasi gerektigine dair farkli gorusler bulunmaktadir. Turkiye'nin AB uyeligi baglamindaki politik surecler ele alinirken Turkiye ile AB arasindaki iliskilerde akademi ile politikacilar arasindaki etkilesimler, atilmasi gereken adimlarda cozum saglama potansiyeline sahiptir. Bununla birlikte Turkiye'de AB konusunda calisan akademisyenlerin bilgi uretim surecinde hangi konulari calismayi tercih ettikleri, AB calismalarinda hangi konulari onceliklendirdikleri, Turkiye-AB iliskilerindeki inis ve cikislarin akademi uzerindeki etkilerinin ne oldugu ve AB calismalari alaninda akademinin kendisini nasil konumlandirdigi gibi sorularin cevaplanmasi, Turkiye'de AB calismalarinin akademik egilimini ortaya koyacaktir. Bu yonde bir calismanin Turkiye-AB iliskileri konusunda akademinin politika yapicilar ile iliskilerinin nasil oldugu ve olmasi gerektigine iliskin ilerleyen calismalara katki saglayacagi degerlendirilmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Turkiye, AB, Akademisyenler, Politika Yapicilar, Bilgi Uretimi, Introduction There are discussions on how to establish an efficient and sustainable relationship between academics and policymakers. Although there is literature on the need to develop and maintain a consistent [...]

The majority of studies that examine political liberalization and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region concentrate on internal factors such as Islamic or patriarchal culture, oil rents, socio-economic structures and patrimonialism. This article argues instead that external factors under the cloak of aid represent one of the main dynamics impeding democratic transformation in the region, and precisely supports authoritarian regime consolidation. In this regard, Egypt can be described as a case of authoritarian stability in the post-2011 Arab Uprisings era in which politics and stability rather than democratization and/ or development agenda have become the main motive behind donor decisions hitherto. In this article, Egypt has been selected as a case study to illuminate how the increased hopes and dividends of democratic transition from the Arab Uprisings can swifly turn into upholding authoritarian rule. Keywords: MENA region, Arab Uprisings, Egypt, US Foreign Aid, Authoritarianism Orta Dogu ve Kuzey Afrika (MENA)'daki ulkelerin demokratiklesme sureclerine neden olan zorluklari bazi yazarlar, Islami veya ataerkil kultur, petrol rantlari, sosyo-ekonomik yapilar ve patrimonyalizm gibi ic faktorlerle iliskilendirme egilimindedirler. Bu makale, bu gorusun yani sira, yardim amacli dis faktorlerin bolgedeki demokratik donusumu sinirlayan dinamiklerden birini temsil ettigini ve otoriter rejimlerin konsolidasyonunu destekledigini ortaya koymaya calismaktadir. Bu baglamda makale, Misir'a saglanan dis yardimin bugune dek demokratiklesme ve/ veya kalkinmayi hedeflenmekten cok siyaset ve istikrar etrafinda sekillenmekte oldugunu one surmekte ve 2011 Arap Ayaklanmalari sonrasinda ulkenin daha ziyade otoriter istikrarla tanimlanabilecegini ortaya koymaktadir. Bu noktadan hareketle, bu calisma Arap Ayaklanmalarindan sonra demokratik gecisle artan umutlarin nasil hizla otoriterlesen bir duruma donusebilecegini Misir ornegi uzerinden incelemektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: MENA bolgesi, Arap Ayaklanmalari, Misir, ABD dis yardimi, Otoriterlik, Introduction Representing the second-largest recipient of US foreign assistance in the world, Egypt has been supplied with 80 billion USD in economic and military aid in the last four decades. [...]

This study contributes to the human rights protection literature by using Fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) in the analysis of 76 cases composed of European Union and African Union countries. Results indicate that the ratification of treaties, establishment of human rights institutions, and high GDP per capita in the absence of rule of law, play crucial roles in the high rate of protection of human rights in Europe. In Africa, however, the low GDP per capita and absence of rule of law significantly weaken human rights protection. The analysis reveals that the establishment of human rights institutions is essential to protect human rights in Europe, while high GDP per capita and rule of law are paramount to improving human rights protection in Africa in relation to any institutional configuration, approach, or policy. Keywords: Human Rights Treaties, Rule of Law, National Human Rights Institutions, GDP, Multivariate Analysis Bu calisma, Avrupa Birligi ve Afrika Birligi ulkelerinden olusan 76 vakayi Bulanik Kume Nitel Karsilastirmali Analiz (fsQCA) yontemiyle inceleyerek insan haklarinin korunmasina iliskin literature katkida bulunmaktadir. Sonuclar, hukukun ustunlugunun olmadigi durumlarda antlasmalarin onaylanmasinin, insan haklari kurumlarinin kurulmasinin ve kisi basina dusen yuksek GSYIH'nin, Avrupa'da insan haklarinin yuksek duzeyde korunmasinda onemli roller oynadigini gostermektedir. Ancak Afrika'da kisi basina dusen GSYIH'nin dusuk olmasi ve hukukun ustunlugunun olmamasi insan haklarinin korunmasini onemli olcude zayiflatmaktadir. Analiz, Avrupa'da insan haklarini korumak icin insan haklari kurumlarinin olusturulmasinin gerekli oldugunu, Afrika'da ise yuksek kisi basi GSYIH'nin ve hukukun ustunlugunun herhangi bir kurumsal duzenleme, yaklasim veya politika ile insan haklarinin korunmasini gelistirmek icin cok onemli oldugunu ortaya koymaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Insan Haklari Antlasmalari, Hukukun Ustunlugu, Ulusal Insan Haklari Kurumlari, GSYIH, Cok Degiskenli Analiz, Introduction The protection of human rights around the world varies across continents despite the overall increase in the ratification of treaties and the establishment of national human rights institutions. Specifically, [...]

Bu calismanin amaci, hem Web of Science (WoS) hem de Scopus veri tabanlarinda yer alan Uluslararasi Iliskiler ana temali Turkiye adresli dergilerde yayimlanan makalelerin konu dagilimlarini siklik/yuzde temelinde belirlemek ve genel bilim felsefesi baglaminda yapilan calismalarin iceriklerini incelemektir. Arastirma nitel yontem yaklasimi icinde icsel durum calismasina gore tasarlanmistir. Ilgili veri tabanlarinda taranan dergilerde yayimlanan toplam 587 makalenin tamami incelenmistir. Ilk asamada veriler nicel betimsel analize tabi tutulmus ve konu dagilimlarinin frekanslari belirlenmistir; ikinci asamada ise veriler nitel betimsel analize tabi tutulmus ve genel bilim felsefesiyle ilgili calismalarin icerikleri betimlenmistir. 587 makalenin %33,4'unun bolgesel calismalar konusuna odaklandigi ve bolgesel calismalarin basat konu oldugu; bununla birlikte genel bilim felsefesi eksenindeki calismalarin %3.6 oraninda kalarak toplam icinde cok az agirliga sahip oldugu tespit edilmistir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararasi Iliskiler Disiplini, Bolgesel Calismalar, Bilim Felsefesi Teorileri, Metodoloji, Nicel ve Nitel Analiz This study aims to determine the topic distribution based on the percentage frequency of the articles that were published in Turkey-addressed journals with the main theme in International Relations listed in both Web of Science (WoS) and Scopus databases, and examine the contents of the articles related general philosophy of science. The research was designed with the case study that is in the qualitative method approach. In total, 587 articles that were published in the journals were analyzed. Firstly, the data were subjected to quantitative descriptive analysis and determined frequencies of the topic distribution. Secondly, the data were subjected to qualitative descriptive analysis and described the contents of the articles about the general philosophy of science. It has been observed that 33,4% of the 587 articles focused on the regional studies and in the total, the regional studies were the main topic. In addition, the rate of the articles about general philosophy of science is 3.6% and they weighed very litle in the total. Keywords: The Discipline of International Relations, Regional Studies, Philosophy of Science Theories, Methodology, Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis, Giris Devlet ve devlet disi aktorlerin birbirleriyle kurdugu iliskiler sonucu ortaya cikan olay ve olgulari aciklamak, anlamak ve bu aktorler arasinda meydana gelecek davranislari tahmin etmek/on gormek icin Uluslararasi Iliskiler [...]

This article demonstrates that the authoritarian populist strategy is most appealing when leaders create a sense of crisis and present themselves as having the only solution. The article underlines three performative methods of how Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil offered simple answers for a crisis and portrayed other political actors as the responsible ones to be removed. Firstly nativism presents a conservative view on how politics should be structured by perceiving all 'non-natives' as threatening. Secondly messianism, the fetishism of Bolsonaro as a 'messiah' who leads the way in the battle between 'good' and 'evil' serves to reinforce the support of the Evangelist base against 'PT members.' Finally conspiracism provides an easy way to eradicate ambiguities and helps to fuel an antagonism against the 'enemy.' Keywords: Bolsonaro, performance of crisis, nativism, messianism, conspiracism. Bu makale, liderlerin bir kriz hissi yaratmayi bacardiklari ve kendilerini krizi cozebilecek tek kisi olarak ortaya koyabildikleri durumlarda otoriter populist stratejilerin daha etkin oldugunu gostermeyi amaclamaktadir. Makale, Brezilya'da Jair Bolsonaro'nun krizleri cozmek icin basit cozumler sunmasini ve diger politik aktorleri ortadan kaldirilmasi gereken suclular olarak gostermesini saglayan tic temei stratejiye icaret etmektedir. Oncelikle, yerelcilik, 'yerel olmayan' herkesi ve her Seyi tehdit olarak algilayarak siyasetin nasil yapilandirilmasi gerektigine dair muhafazakar bir gorus, sunmaktadir. ikinci olarak, Bolsonaro'nun 'iyi' ve 'kotu' arasindaki savacta yol gosterici bir 'Mesih' olarak one cikmasiyla gelicen, lider-feticizmine dayanan Mesih inanci, Icci Partisi destekcilerine karci Evanjelist tabanin destegini guclendirmeye yaramaktadir. Son olarak, komploculuk, belirsizlikleri ortadan kaldirmakicinkolay bir yol gostermekte ve antagonizmi koruklemeye yardimci olmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Bolsonaro, krizperformansi, yerelcilik, Mesih inanci, komploculuk., Introduction During the past decade, authoritarian populism has gained momentum in world politics with the rise of rightist/far-rightist leaders, including Viktor Mihaly Orban (2010) in Hungary, Narendra Modi (2014) in [...]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the largest regional development project in the history of global development. It is estimated that Chinese companies will invest up to $1.2 trillion in infrastructure development in Asia and elsewhere in the coming years. However, there are many obstacles to the successful implementation of this initiative in the host countries, including geographical factors, local culture, geopolitical contestation, public attitudes, institutional capacity and governance quality. These challenges can substantially diminish the coherence of the BRI and prevent its effective implementation. This study aims to develop an analytical framework for exploring the risks associated with and challenges of executing BRI projects in Iran. To this end, all risks are categorized into three broad groups: operational, financial, and geopolitical. The results show that Iran generally faces many internal and external challenges in attracting foreign investment. The critical question is: Why is Iran receiving substantial investment from Chinese companies despite its unfavorable business environment? Ageoeconomic approach is used to develop a theoretical framework to explain Iran-China BRI relations. In this context, Iran's geoeconomic significance is the main factor encouraging the flow of Chinese investment into the country. The BRI comprises mostly functional cooperation between China and countries along the Silk Road based on a specific geospatial environment. Iran's geospatial environment encourages Chinese investments in infrastructure, which is the main content of functional cooperation. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative, geospatial environment, risk assessment, geoeconomic Kusak ve Yol Giricimi (BRI), kuresel kalkinma tarihindeki en buyuk bolgesel kalkinma projesidir. Cinli sirketlerin gelecek yillarda Asya'da ve baska yerlerde altyapi gelistirmeye 1,2 trilyon dolara kadar yatirim yapacagi tahmin edilmektedir. Ancak, bu girisimin ev sahibi ulkelerde bacarili bir sekilde uygulanmasinin onunde cografi faktorler, yerel kultur, jeopolitik cekicme, kamu tutumlan, kurumsal kapasite ve yonetisim kalitesi gibi bircok zorluk bulunmaktadir. Bu zorluklar, BRI'nin tutarliligini onemli olcude azaltabilir ve etkili bir sekilde uygulanmasini engelleyebilir. Bu calisma, Iran'da BRI projelerinin yurutulmesiyle ilgili riskleri ve zorluklan tespit etmek icin analitik bir cerceve gelictirmeyi amaclamaktadir. Bu dogrultuda, tum riskier operasyonel, finansal ve jeopolitik olmak uzere uc genis, gruba aynlir. Sonuclar, iran'in genel olarak yabanci yatinmlari cekmede bircok ic ve dis zorlukla karsi karcrya oldugunu gostermektedir. 'Iran, olumsuz is ortamina ragmen neden Cinli sirketlerden onemli miktarda yatirim aliyor?' sorusu kritiktir. Iran-Cin BRI ilickilerini aciklamada teorik bir cerceve gelistirmek icin jeoekonomik yaklasim kullanilmaktadir. Bu baglamda, Iran'in jeoekonomik onemi, Cin yatirimlarinin ulkeye akisini tesvik eden ana faktordur. BRI, Cin ile Ipek Yolu uzerindeki ulkeler arasinda belirli bir jeo-uzamsal ortama dayali olarak islevsel is birligini icermektedir. Iran'in jeo-uzamsal ortami, iclevsel is birliginin ana icerigi oian Cin'in altyapi yatinmlarini tecvik etmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kusak ve Yol Girisimi, jeo-uzamsal ortam, risk degerlendirmesi, jeoekonomi, Introduction In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the revival of the ancient Silk Road in Kazakhstan. In October of the same year in Indonesia, he proposed the Maritime [...]

The political scene of the European Union (EU) presents a discursive field where identity construction becomes a vital tool for political parties to claim political credit and legitimize themselves. While pro-European parties utilize the narratives of an in-group of European identity, Eurosceptic parties problematize the gap between 'us' and 'them' by employing narratives of intergroup differentiation as an instrument to re/shape the political reality. The scholarly literature mostly focuses on Eurosceptic populist discourse and right-wing rhetoric relying on discursive socio-political exclusion to form in-group identification of national identities. By adopting a different stance, this article seeks to address the discursive strategies of the pro-European parties employed and mobilized during the 2019 European Parliament election campaigns through the discourse historical approach. It argues that it is of critical importance to reveal the pro-European discourse to reflect the pro-European stance over the debates on the existing identity cleavage within the turbulent European political scene. Keywords: 2019 European Parliament elections, Discourse Historical Approach (DHA), European identity, European crises, identity construction Avrupa Birligi (AB) siyasi sahnesi, kimlik incasinin siyasi partiler icin siyasi bir mecrutiyet kazanma araci haline geldigi soylemsel bir alan sunmaktadir. Avrupa yanlisi partiler, Avrupa kimliginin grup ici anlatilanni kullamrken Avrupa supheci partiler, siyasi gercekligi yeniden cekillendirmek icin gruplar arasi farklilacma anlatilanni kullanarak 'biz' ve 'onlar' arasindaki grup ayrrmini sorunsallactinr. Literatur cogunlukla, soylemsel sosyo-politik disfama yoluyla grup ici ulus kimligi insa eden Avrupa cupheci populist soylem ve saga retorige odaklanir. Bu makale, farkli bir durus, benimseyerek 2019 Avrupa Parlamentosu secim kampanyalari suresince Avrupa yanlisi siyasi partilerin bacvurdugu soylemsel stratejileri soylem-tarihsel yaklacim yontemiyle ele almayi amaclamaktadir. Calkantih Avrupa siyaset sahnesindeki Avrupa yanlisi soylemi aractirmakbu partilerin grup ici kimlik bolunmesine ilifkin durucunu ortayakoymaktakritikbir oneme sahiptir. Anahtar Kelimeler: 2019 Avrupa Parlamentosu secimleri, Soylem-Tarihsel Yaklacim, Avrupa kimligi, Avrupa krizleri, kimlik insasi, Introduction The 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections took place within political turbulence that challenged the European Unions (EU) cohesion and solidarity as the core elements of European integration. (1) Repercussions [...]

Identity change is an important phenomenon in international politics. It can radically alter how states orient themself and act internationally. But how does identity change occur? For some, it is merely an epiphenomenal result of changes in the international distribution of power. Others highlight domestic factors, while still others see it as occurring through a social process of interaction with other states. There are also explanations that combine these and other factors. While existing accounts have pushed the debate on identity change forward, this article suggests that incorporating anxiety into our understanding of identity change would help us better understand two important aspects of it: how an existing identity comes to be doubted and how a new one becomes thinkable and eventually accepted. Drawing on the work of psychologist Rollo May, this article explores the link between identity change, anxiety and creativity. The argument is illustrated through reference to 19th century Japan. For much of its history, Japan was part of the Sino-centric order and looked up to China as a 'teacher in the ways of civilization'. However, in the 19th century, Japan radically redefined its identity in relation to China, and Asia more broadly, and rejected the Sino-centric world view as it sought to become a 'civilized' state similar to the Western countries. Keywords: East Asia, existentialism, Fukuzawa Yukichi, ontological security, Rollo May Kimlik degisimi uluslararasi siyasette onemli bir olgudur. Devletlerin kendilerini nasil yonlendirdiklerini ve uluslararasi alanda nasil hareket ettiklerini kokten degistirebilir. Fakat kimlik degisimi nasil gerceklesmektedir? Bazilari icin, kimlik degisimi sadece uluslararasi guc dagilimindaki degisikliklerin ikincil bir sonucudur. Digerleri yerel faktorleri vurgularken; bazilari ise kimlik degisiminin diger devletlerle sosyal bir etkilesim sureci yoluyla gerceklestigini dusunmektedir. Tum bunlari ve diger faktorleri birlestiren aciklamalar da vardir. Mevcut tartismalar kimlik degisimi konusundaki tartismayi ileriye tasirken; bu makale kaygiyi kimlik degisimi anlayisimiza dahil etmenin, kimlik degisiminin iki onemli yonunu daha iyi anlamamiza yardimci olacagini one surmektedir: mevcut kimlikten nasil suphe duyuldugu ve yeni bir kimligin nasil dusunulebilir hale geldigi ve sonunda kabul edildigi. Psikolog Rollo May'in calismalarina dayanan bu makale kimlik degisimi, kaygi ve yaraticilik arasindaki baglantiyi arastirmaktadir. Arguman, 19. yuzyil Japonya'sina atifta bulunularak gosterilmektedir. Japonya, tarihinin buyuk bir bolumunde Cin merkezli duzenin bir parcasiydi ve Cin'i 'medeniyet yolunda ogretmen' olarak goruyordu. Fakat Japonya 19. yuzyilda Cin ve daha genis anlamda Asya ile ilgili olarak kimligini radikal bir sekilde yeniden tanimlamis ve Bati ulkelerine benzer 'uygar' bir devlet olmaya calistigi icin Cin merkezli dunya gorusunu reddetmistir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Dogu Asya, varolusculuk, Fukuzawa Yukichi, ontolojik guvenlik, Rollo May., Introduction Identity change is an important phenomenon in international politics. It can radically alter a state's entire outlook on the world and how it orients itself and acts internationally. But [...]

According to the master commemorative narrative of the EU, the European integration project represents a break with the violent European past characterised by fragmentation and nationalism, which culminated in World War Two and the crimes of Nazism and Stalinism. However, recent scholarship has criticised the omission of 19th and 20th-century European colonialism from the memory narratives advanced by the EU. In this article, I use the permanent exhibition in the House of European History (HEH) in Brussels to take this insight one step further and make two arguments. Firstly, I show that it is not only colonialism that is erased from official memory but, more broadly, empires and imperialism, although most European history over the past 2000 years was imperial. Secondly, I understand this 'imperial amnesia' as an anxiety-controlling mechanism aimed at reducing the dissonance between the self-proclaimed image of a normative and civilian power on the one hand and imperial-like tendencies in its behaviour on the other. Keywords: European Union, empire, memories, memory, history Avrupa Birligi'nin hakim hatira anlatisina gore; Avrupa entegrasyon projesi, Ikinci Dunya Savasi, Nazizim ve Stalinizmin suclariyla doruga cikan parcalanma ve milliyetcilikle sekillenen siddetli Avrupa gecmisini geride birakmayi temsil etmektedir. Fakat guncel calismalar; XIX. ve XX. yuzyildaki Avrupa somurgeciliginin, AB tarafindan gelistirilen bellek anlatilarindan cikarilmasini elestirmektedir. Bu makalede, Bruksel'deki Avrupa Tarihi Evi'ndeki daimi sergiyi bu gozlemi bir adim daha ileri goturmek ve iki arguman daha olusturmak icin kullaniyorum. Ilk olarak, son 2000 yildaki Avrupa tarihinin cogu emperyal olmasina ragmen, resmi bellekten silinenin sadece somurgecilik degil, daha genis anlamda imparatorluklar ve emperyalizm oldugunu gosteriyorum. Ikinci olarak ise, 'emperyal unutkanligi'ni, kendi kendini ilan eden normatif ve sivil bir guc imajiyla davranislarindaki emperyal benzeri egilimler arasindaki uyumsuzlugu azaltmayi amaclayan kaygi kontrol mekanizmasi olarak tasavvur ediyorum. Anahtar Kelimeler: Avrupa Birligi, imparatorluk, anilar, hafiza, tarih, Introduction In July 2007, Jose Manuel Barroso, the head of the European Commission (EC), compared 'the EU as a creation to the organization of empires. We have the dimension of [...]

This study focuses on the cultural diplomacy of Crimean Tatar and Lithuanian American diasporas, who both suffered from deportation at the hands of the Soviets and are conducting anti-Russian diplomacy today. Historical films are useful in terms of showing how the diasporic communities seek to reconstruct a collective memory on a traumatic event and tame their anxieties of death, meaninglessness, and condemnation that constitute 'unknown unknowns' by turning them into the fear of a 'known unknown' through securitization. Therefore, this study aims to grasp the multiplicity of anxieties reflected upon the Crimean Tatar and Lithuanian diasporas' recent historical films that demonstrate how diasporas' varying anxieties translate into diverse strategies of political representation and mobilisation against Russia. It thus reconciles the scholarship on diaspora's memory politics with anxiety/fear nexus in securitization theory. Keywords: Trauma, deportation, securitization, anxiety of death, memory politics Bu calisma, Sovyetlerin surgunune ugramis ve bugun Rusya karsiti diplomasi yuruten Kirim Tatari diasporasinin ve ABD'deki Litvanya diasporasinin kulturel diplomasisine odaklanmaktadir. Tarihsel filmler, diasporalarin travmatik bir olayla ilgili kolektif bellegi nasil yeniden insa etmeye calistiklarini ve guvenliklestirme yoluyla 'bilinmez bilinmeyenlere' karsi duyulan olum, anlamsizlik ve itham edilme kaygilarini nasil 'bilinen bilinmeyene' yonelik korkuya donusturerek bastirmaya calistiklarini gostermesi acisindan yararlidir. Dolayisiyla, bu calisma Kirim Tatari ve ABD'deki Litvanya diasporalarinin son donemdeki tarihsel filmlerine yansiyan coklu kaygilari ve diasporalarin bu farkli kaygilarinin nasil cesitli Rusya'ya karsi siyasi temsil ve seferberlik stratejilerine aktarildigini anlamayi amaclamaktadir. Bu sayede, diasporalarda bellek siyaseti literaturuyle guvenliklestirme kuramindaki kaygi/korku baglantisi literaturunu bulusturmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Travma, surgun, guvenliklestirme, olum kaygisi, bellek siyaseti, Introduction This study aims to connect 'memory politics' literature with diaspora studies by applying an alternative perspective derived from the 'political anxieties' scholarship. (1) Accordingly, it follows three critical trends [...]

This article aims to expand the social-theoretical and psychoanalytic range of research on ontological in/security, by exploring parallel concerns addressed by Beck, Kristeva, Butler and Zizek. These include, first, the psychic roots of othering processes and their encoding into cultural repertoires. Second, the difficulties and possibilities of displacing othering processes within national and international politics. Third, the disruptive effects of globalising processes on the symbolic efficiency of cultures and on their encoded defences against ontological insecurity. Fourth, the crucial significance for political and international relations of the qualitative characteristics of those defences against ontological insecurity that gain predominance within cultural repertoires and their variable norms of recognition. Likewise, the significance of those norms of recognition that challenge established norms and successfully reorganise cultural repertoires. Keywords: Psychoanalysis, Cultures ofAnarchy, Symbolic Efficiency, Norms of Recognition, Othering Processes. Bu makale, Beck, Kristeva, Butler ve Zizek tarafindan ele alinan paralel kaygilari arastirarak, ontolojik guven(siz) lige iliskin sosyo-teorik ve psikanalitik arastirma kapsamini genisletmeyi amaclamaktadir. Bunlar, ilk olarak, otekilestirme sureclerinin psisik koklerini ve bunlarin kulturel dagarciklara kodlanmasini icermektedir. Ikincisi, ulusal ve uluslararasi siyasette otekilestirme sureclerinin yerinden edilmesinin zorluklari ve olanaklaridir. Ucuncusu, kuresellesme sureclerinin kulturlerin sembolik yeterliligi ve ontolojik guvensizlige karsi kodlanmis savunmalari uzerindeki yikici etkileridir. Dorduncusu ise, kulturel dagarciklarda agirlik kazanan ontolojik guvensizlige karsi bu savunmalarin niteliksel ozelliklerinin ve degisken taninma normlarinin siyasi ve uluslararasi iliskiler icin hayati onemidir. Benzer sekilde, yerlesik normlara meydan okuyan ve kulturel dagarciklari basarili bir sekilde yeniden organize eden tanima normlarinin onemidir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Psikanaliz, Anarsi Kulturu, Sembolik Yeterlilik, Taninma Normlari, Otekilestirme Surecleri., Introduction Over the past 15 years or so, a focus on ontological security and its disorienting and destabilising other, ontological insecurity, has developed in the broad research field of International [...]