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Professionals who evaluate witness testimony must understand the developmental factors that can affect statements credibility. This online vignette study investigated in how far 102 legal professionals (e.g., judges, attorneys, and police officers) were aware of age-related differences in false memory formation (e.g., the developmental reversal effect). Swedish, Norwegian, and Dutch legal professionals received a case vignette about a female who had witnessed her mother's murder. We manipulated witness age (6 versus 22 years old) and disclosure (spontaneous versus suggestion-induced). Legal professionals rated the case and statement on several credibility, metacognition, and belief items. Main effects of both age and disclosure indicated that professionals were statistically more likely to assume that the case referred to a false memory when the witness was 6 (versus 22) years old and when the witness had talked to her grandmother (versus spontaneous statement) before her disclosure to the police. The 6-year-old witness was rated as more reliable than the 22-year-old witness. Professionals were more likely to consider the opinion of a memory expert when the witness was 6 years old rather than 22 years old. This study emphasizes the need for raising awareness among legal professionals about developmental factors related to validity assessment., Competing Interests: Declarations. Competing interests: The authors have no relevant financial or non-financial interests to disclose. This research was supported by a fellowship awarded from the Erasmus Mundus Joint Doctorate Programme The House of Legal Psychology (EMJD-LP) with the Framework Partnership Agreement 2013-0036 and the Specific Grant Agreement 2013-1438. Ethical approval: This study was performed in line with academic departmental policies in effect at the time, and these were in turn in line with the Helsinki convention. The need for ethics approval was deemed unnecessary according to the regulations of the University of Gothenburg. Participation was voluntary. Consent to participate: Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

Many witnesses to violent crimes are alcohol intoxicated, but research is lacking regarding how alcohol affects their perception of aggression and guilt. This study investigated to what extent alcohol intoxicated eyewitnesses differed from sober witnesses regarding how aggressive and guilty they perceived the involved parts in an intimate partner violence (IPV) situation. Eighty-seven healthy men ( n = 44) and women ( n = 43) were randomized to an alcohol group (0.7 g/kg) or a non-alcohol group. In a laboratory setting, alcoholic/non-alcoholic drinks were consumed before viewing a film depicting IPV between a man and a woman. Ten min after viewing, in an interview, the participants rated how aggressive and guilty they perceived the involved parts to be. Alcohol intoxicated participants perceived both parts' physically aggressive behavior as comparatively less severe, but their neutral behavior as more hostile. Sober witnesses perceived the man to be the most guilty part, whereas intoxicated witnesses distributed guilt more evenly. Alcohol had a strong but complex impact on the perception of aggression in IPV (i.e., heightened during the neutral interaction and lowered during physical aggression). These results may be explained by the cognitive consequences of alcohol's anxiety-dampening effects. Regarding the asymmetric difference in perceived guilt, stereotypical expectations of gender-appropriate behavior in an IPV situation may need to be considered.

Intoxicated eyewitnesses are often discredited by investigators and in court, but few studies have examined how alcohol affects witnesses' memory. The primary aim of the present study was to examine how intoxication (alcohol vs. control), retention interval (immediate vs. one week delay), and number of interviews (one vs. two interviews) affect witnesses' memory. The participants (N = 99) were randomly assigned to consume either orange juice or alcohol mixed with orange juice, and they all witnessed a filmed mock crime afterwards. The recall took place either (a) immediately and after a one week delay or (b) after a one week delay only. No main effect of alcohol was found on the quantity or quality of the witnesses' statements. Both intoxicated and sober witnesses recalled more details, and were more accurate, during immediate compared to delayed recall. For witnesses interviewed twice, an average of 30% new details were provided in the second compared to the first interview, and these were highly accurate. In sum, contrary to what one can expect, intoxicated witnesses with a low to moderate blood alcohol concentration (below 0.10%) were reliable witnesses.

Witnesses to violent crimes are often alcohol intoxicated, but few studies have investigated the impact of alcohol on witness reports. This study investigated how alcohol intoxication and time of interview affected reports of intimate partner violence (IPV). One hundred thirty six healthy men (N = 66) and women (N = 70) were randomized to an alcohol group (0.8g/kg for men, 0.75g/kg for women) (N = 70) or control group (N = 66), given juice. Participants consumed drinks in a laboratory setting before they witnessed an IPV scenario. Fifty percent of the intoxicated and sober participants were interviewed ten minutes after viewing the film and all participants were interviewed one week later. For the analyses, participants in the alcohol group were divided into two groups (moderately/highly intoxicated) based on their BAC-level. Ten minutes after viewing the event, highly (BAC = 0.08-0.15) intoxicated witnesses gave shorter, but as accurate, reports as moderately intoxicated/sober witnesses. All witnesses gave shorter and less accurate reports one week later compared to immediately after. However, an immediate interview increased completeness one week later. In general, time and high intoxication made witnesses give less detailed accounts of actions and verbal information, but not of objects. Highly intoxicated witnesses reported less actions and verbal information in all interviews, while information regarding objects was reported to a similar extent. At the present BAC-level, it is beneficial to conduct an immediate free recall interview with intoxicated witnesses to obtain a maximum amount of correct information and minimize the negative effect of time., (© 2017 Scandinavian Psychological Associations and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

The present study examined the effects of fantasy proneness on false "reports" and false "memories", of existent and non-existent footage of a public event. We predicted that highly fantasy prone individuals would be more likely to stand by their initial claim of having seen a film of the event than low fantasy prone participants when prompted for more details about their experiences. Eighty creative arts students and 80 other students were asked whether they had seen CCTV footage preceding the attack on Swedish foreign minister Anna Lindh up to, and including, non-existent footage of the actual moment of the attack. If affirmative, they were probed for extended narratives of what they claimed to have seen. Overall, 64% of participants provided a false "report" by answering yes to the initial question. Of these, 30% provided no explicit details of the attack, and a further 15% retracted their initial answer in their narratives. This left 19% of the sample who appeared to have false "memories" because they provided explicit details of the actual moment of the attack. Women scored higher than men and art students scored higher than other students on fantasy proneness, but there was no effect on levels of false reporting or false "memory". Memories were rated more vivid and clear for existent compared to non-existent aspects of the event. In sum, these data suggest a more complex relationship between memory distortions and fantasy proneness than previously observed.

The present experiment investigated whether increased media exposure could lead to an increase in memory distortions regarding a traumatic public event: the explosion of the No. 30 bus in Tavistock Square, London on 7 July 2005. A total of 150 Swedish and 150 UK participants completed a series of questionnaires about their memory of either (i) the aftermath of the explosion, (ii) a non-existent computerised reconstruction of the moment of the explosion, or (iii) non-existent closed circuit television footage of the moment of the explosion. In line with the availability heuristic, U.K. participants were more likely than Swedish participants to claim to have seen all three types of footage. Furthermore, a subsample of U.K. participants who appeared to have developed false "memories" of seeing the No. 30 bus explode scored significantly higher on measures of dissociation and fantasy proneness than participants who did not develop false "memories". This experiment provides further support for the role of imaginative processes in the development of false memories.