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Today, there exist more than 150 specialised anti-corruption agencies (ACAs). Although being praised as key contributors to suppressing high-level corruption, sometimes, they fail to produce tangible results. This is often contributed to weak mandate, which raises the question of responsibility of legislature. The nexus between parliaments and ACAs has been largely overlooked by the existing literature. This chapter develops a conceptual framework on the interaction between ACAs and parliaments, to help assessing the way parliaments exercise their legislative and oversight role in support of the effectiveness of ACAs. The authors use a variety of cases to illustrate how these criteria play out in the practice. This enables the authors to draw conclusions aimed at building a more constructive interaction between parliaments and ACAs which respects the independence of ACAs, enhances their accountability, and strengthens parliamentary follow-up to the work of ACAs.

Over the past decade, there has been an increase in the reported cases of betting-motivated corruption (e.g., match-fixing, spot-fixing, and the misuse of inside information) within Australian sport. The increasing visibility of this type of corruption has raised commentary relating to the integrity of sport, both within Australia and internationally. Despite the growing threat to sport's integrity, research around betting-motivated corruption in Australian sport is still in its infancy. Currently, there is a need for research to investigate the application of regulation and anti-corruption concepts from other sectors to the sport context to further understand betting-motivated corruption prevention in Australian sport. To do this, a quantitative survey approach involving athletes and support staff (e.g. coaches, trainers, administrators) from sub-elite Australian rugby league and basketball was conducted over three interconnected studies: Study One explored the knowledge and beliefs of athletes and support staff in relation to the prevalence of betting-motivated corruption within their sport, their reasons for engaging in corruption, what would deter them, and what they believe would best prevent athletes and support staff from engaging in betting-motivated corruption; Study Two applied the Klockars integrity scale and explored attitudes of athletes and support staff towards four different betting-motivated corruption scenarios that could occur within their sport, and their perception of the culture around these unethical behaviours; and Study Three explored the 'code of silence' notion within the betting-motivated corruption context and identified key correlates of athletes' and support staff's reluctance to report, including perceptions of procedural justice and compliance, and the influence of organisational culture. Overall, the research contributes theoretical and practical considerations to inform academia, policymakers, and sport administrators concerned wit, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy, School of Crim & Crim Justice, Arts, Education and Law Group

Today, there exist more than 150 specialised anti-corruption agencies (ACAs). Although being praised as key contributors to suppressing high-level corruption, sometimes, they fail to produce tangible results. This is often contributed to weak mandate, which raises the question of responsibility of legislature. The nexus between parliaments and ACAs has been largely overlooked by the existing literature. This chapter develops a conceptual framework on the interaction between ACAs and parliaments, to help assessing the way parliaments exercise their legislative and oversight role in support of the effectiveness of ACAs. The authors use a variety of cases to illustrate how these criteria play out in the practice. This enables the authors to draw conclusions aimed at building a more constructive interaction between parliaments and ACAs which respects the independence of ACAs, enhances their accountability, and strengthens parliamentary follow-up to the work of ACAs.

This thesis examines the media strategies employed by leading figures and organizations in the Russian political opposition landscape, namely Alexei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF), Dmitry Gudkov's Secretariat of European Russians, Mikhail Khodorkovsky's Russian Action Committee, Feminist Anti-War Resistance, and Ilya Ponomarev. Using critical discourse analysis as its core methodology, the study aims to unravel the complex dynamics between stated values and media strategies. The strategies analyzed include 'Investigative Outreach,' 'Diaspora Engagement,' 'Media Magnate Mobilisation,' 'Grassroots Guerrilla Artivism,' and 'Dual Role Diplomacy.' The study is framed within the theoretical constructs of social constructivism and media frame theory. These frameworks allow for a critical examination of how the media strategies of these entities are socially constructed and framed, thereby shaping public perception and narrative. Key findings reveal that although these strategies amplify political reach and influence, they also pose challenges such as dilution of core messages and ethical quandaries.

Re-emergence of conflict instigated by post-conflict police corruption is a real global concern. Contemplating this risk, most peace deals incorporate anti-corruption police reforms. Police reforms were adopted in Kenya following the 2007/8 post-election violence, in which high levels of police corruption were featured as one of the grievances that triggered the violence. However, despite more than a decade of reforms, positive peace is still elusive. International and national actors have voiced concerns over the fear of a repeat of the 2007/08 violence due to police impunity. This study, therefore, aimed to examine the effect of police reforms on post-conflict police corruption management in Migori County. The study was informed by the organizational theory of police corruption. A sequential exploratory design was used. The study area was Suna East Subcounty of Migori County. The total study population was 427 participants, comprising 398 household heads, 6 Focus Group Discussions (FGD) participants representing common victims of police corruption, and 23 key informants drawn from Boda Boda and Matatu operators, business owners, MYWO, youth, media, Maendeleo Ya Wanawake (MYWO), youth, media, Faith-Based Organizations (FBO), Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), magistrates, prosecutors, Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), Internal Affairs Unit (IAU), Officer Commanding Station (OCS), Deputy County Commissioner (DCC), and police, Critical Infrastructure Protection Unit (CIPU), and Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) commanders. Results show that police reforms (IAU, salary increment strategy, recruitment, training, IPOA, and vehicle leasing program) have had no effect at all on the management of police corruption in Migori County. The study concludes that citizens perceive that the influence of police reforms on post-conflict police corruption management has been insignificant in Migori County. The study recommends the government shoul

This thesis examines the media strategies employed by leading figures and organizations in the Russian political opposition landscape, namely Alexei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF), Dmitry Gudkov's Secretariat of European Russians, Mikhail Khodorkovsky's Russian Action Committee, Feminist Anti-War Resistance, and Ilya Ponomarev. Using critical discourse analysis as its core methodology, the study aims to unravel the complex dynamics between stated values and media strategies. The strategies analyzed include 'Investigative Outreach,' 'Diaspora Engagement,' 'Media Magnate Mobilisation,' 'Grassroots Guerrilla Artivism,' and 'Dual Role Diplomacy.' The study is framed within the theoretical constructs of social constructivism and media frame theory. These frameworks allow for a critical examination of how the media strategies of these entities are socially constructed and framed, thereby shaping public perception and narrative. Key findings reveal that although these strategies amplify political reach and influence, they also pose challenges such as dilution of core messages and ethical quandaries.

Since 2004, regional autonomy in Indonesia has not contributed to corruption control in the expected way. In contrast, the shifting of power from central to local government has created decentralized corruption practices at the local level, with local legislators, executives, law enforcement authorities and new oligarchs involved in various corruption events at one time or another in most regions. My research consists of a comparative analysis of various anti-corruption responses of three Indonesian city governments (Jakarta, Surabaya, and Medan) and completes previous findings on the effectiveness of anti-corruption programs. Some factors (transparency, accountability, leadership, law enforcement, and bureaucratic reform) have been chosen in this study to diagnose their role in both success and failure of anti-corruption programs in these cities. The relationship between factors is then utilized to create the city's strategic anti-corruption programs. It appears that leadership is the most influential element in the city image and is the dominant factor in changing a city's performance, either in a positive or a negative manner. A leader who can serve as a role model, has a vision, and implements his commitment to anti-corruption programs can transform a city more effectively and affect other contributing factors, as it happened in North Jakarta and Surabaya. By contrast, with a weak leader a city will drift to the bottom line of corruption and its performance will be greatly affected as it was found in Medan City. Although this study finds that leadership is the dominant influence in either encouraging or discouraging the transformation of a city, it is not the only factor that determines a city's performance in the fight against corruption. Other balancing factors such as intervention by the KPK and public engagement are also necessary to achieve success in an anti-corruption program. Although intervention by the KPK just appeared in a small area of Medan City, i, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), School of Govt & Int Relations, Griffith Business School, Full Text

Re-emergence of conflict instigated by post-conflict police corruption is a real global concern. Contemplating this risk, most peace deals incorporate anti-corruption police reforms. Police reforms were adopted in Kenya following the 2007/8 post-election violence, in which high levels of police corruption were featured as one of the grievances that triggered the violence. However, despite more than a decade of reforms, positive peace is still elusive. International and national actors have voiced concerns over the fear of a repeat of the 2007/08 violence due to police impunity. This study, therefore, aimed to examine the effect of police reforms on post-conflict police corruption management in Migori County. The study was informed by the organizational theory of police corruption. A sequential exploratory design was used. The study area was Suna East Subcounty of Migori County. The total study population was 427 participants, comprising 398 household heads, 6 Focus Group Discussions (FGD) participants representing common victims of police corruption, and 23 key informants drawn from Boda Boda and Matatu operators, business owners, MYWO, youth, media, Maendeleo Ya Wanawake (MYWO), youth, media, Faith-Based Organizations (FBO), Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), magistrates, prosecutors, Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), Internal Affairs Unit (IAU), Officer Commanding Station (OCS), Deputy County Commissioner (DCC), and police, Critical Infrastructure Protection Unit (CIPU), and Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) commanders. Results show that police reforms (IAU, salary increment strategy, recruitment, training, IPOA, and vehicle leasing program) have had no effect at all on the management of police corruption in Migori County. The study concludes that citizens perceive that the influence of police reforms on post-conflict police corruption management has been insignificant in Migori County. The study recommends the government shoul

Integrity in public institutions is an important thing that needs attention in achieving bureaucratic reform. Indonesia has established a policy of developing integrity zones (ZI) in government agencies to improve the implementation of excellent public services, free of corruption, collusion, and nepotism. This study aims to evaluate the implementation of ZI development in Indonesian Central Government Agencies. The evaluation is carried out to see changes and the impact of policy implementation comprehensively. This study used qualitative methods through in-dept interviews and study documents. The study results concluded that the implementation of ZI Development policies in Indonesian Central Government Agencies had been quite good to regard ZI development as a series of implementations of Indonesian bureaucratic reform. New values have been formed in work units with ZI predicate WBK/WBBM. The Public Service Index for Central Government Agencies increases yearly, above the national index value. However, several obstacles are encountered, including awareness and understanding of the meaning/essence still needs to be optimized, and the number of PANRB Ministry human resources as supervisors and evaluators considering a large number of work units of the Indonesian government agencies., Integritas dalam lembaga publik merupakan hal penting yang perlu diperhatikan untuk mencapai reformasi birokrasi. Indonesia telah menetapkan kebijakan pembangunan zona integritas (ZI) di instansi pemerintah untuk meningkatkan penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik yang prima, bebas korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi implementasi kebijakan pembangunan ZI di Instansi Pemerintah Pusat Indonesia. Evaluasi tersebut dilakukan untuk melihat perubahan dan dampak pelaksanaan kebijakan secara menyeluruh. Studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen. Hasil studi disimpulkan bahwa implementasi kebijakan pembangunan ZI di Instansi Pemerintah Pusat Indonesia telah cukup bagus untuk memandang pembangunan ZI sebagai rangkaian implementasi reformasi birokrasi Indonesia. Nilai baru dari pembangunan ZI telah terbentuk di unit kerja berpredikat ZI WBK/WBBM. Adapun Indeks Pelayanan Publik Instansi Pemerintah Pusat meningkat tiap tahun dan di atas nilai indeks nasional. Namun terdapat beberapa kendala yang dihadapi, antara lain kesadaran dan pemahaman tentang makna/esensi pembangunan ZI yang masih perlu dioptimalkan dan jumlah SDM Kementerian PANRB sebagai pengawas dan evaluator mengingat banyaknya unit kerja instansi pemerintah Indonesia.

Corruption has become, without a doubt, a buzzword in both academic and policy debates over the last three decades. The initial view that “corruption greases the wheels of economic growth” in the newly independent states of Africa and Asia has lost its validity in light of the current and ever-growing global coalition against corruption, spearheaded by Transparency International (TI) and the World Bank. However, despite the unrelenting global anti-corruption efforts, one thing seems clear: There is no remedy to this “cancer.” In light of the obvious failure of global anti-corruption initiatives, there has been a growing call to rethink the existing approaches. Responding to this call, this educational and research material aims to contribute to global anti-corruption efforts by examining (anti-) corruption from an interdisciplinary perspective, looking at mainstream theoretical, empirical, and methodological issues and debates in economics, political science, business, organizational sciences, criminology, social anthropology, and socio-legal studies. It will also explore corruption from a multi-level perspective, exploring the mutually transforming interactions between (a) global and transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (b) national/central-level institutions, initiatives, policies, and laws, and (c) local, meso- and micro-level actors, social norms, and practices.

Corruption is a global phenomenon and its severity varies in Country to another Country. Corruption is symptom of weakness in political, social, legal and economic systems. Even where corruption is wide spread, its practitioners strive to keep it hidden from public life. Corruption is not a new nor is it confined to any particular part of the world. It has serious implications and consequences for the growth of democracy, promotion and protection of fundamental rights. There is a wide spread perception that the level and pervasiveness of corruption gains significance Corruption has become a major challenge to governance and society. It is undesirable in any society, its effect on the developing economy is more debilitating as it hampers socio-economic development of the nation. Corruption has been considered one of greatest challenges impeding the growth of contemporary India. Though India's economy stands tall and firm, it has not realized its true potential as corruption has, in the present scenario, inhibits and undermines not only the economic growth, but also the effective functioning of democracy. Corruption, a social menace, has made our country susceptible to and defenceless against the oncoming forces of anti-social elements. Corruption in India is a consequence of the nexus between bureaucracy, politics and criminals. India is now no longer considered a soft State. It has now become consideration State where everything can be had for a consideration. Corruption has a corrosive impact on economy. It worsens our image in the international market and leads to loss of overseas opportunities.

Corruption is a global phenomenon and its severity varies in Country to another Country. Corruption is symptom of weakness in political, social, legal and economic systems. Even where corruption is wide spread, its practitioners strive to keep it hidden from public life. Corruption is not a new nor is it confined to any particular part of the world. It has serious implications and consequences for the growth of democracy, promotion and protection of fundamental rights. There is a wide spread perception that the level and pervasiveness of corruption gains significance Corruption has become a major challenge to governance and society. It is undesirable in any society, its effect on the developing economy is more debilitating as it hampers socio-economic development of the nation. Corruption has been considered one of greatest challenges impeding the growth of contemporary India. Though India's economy stands tall and firm, it has not realized its true potential as corruption has, in the present scenario, inhibits and undermines not only the economic growth, but also the effective functioning of democracy. Corruption, a social menace, has made our country susceptible to and defenceless against the oncoming forces of anti-social elements. Corruption in India is a consequence of the nexus between bureaucracy, politics and criminals. India is now no longer considered a soft State. It has now become consideration State where everything can be had for a consideration. Corruption has a corrosive impact on economy. It worsens our image in the international market and leads to loss of overseas opportunities.

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

Corruption has long plagued the construction industry, more so in the developing world. Given its impact, empirical evidence is needed to gain a deeper insight into the phenomenon. This paper examines the influence of corruption on project outcomes, explores the causes of corruption, and evaluates anti-corruption measures. Drawing on an empirical survey in Malaysia, the significance of the causes and preventive measures are prioritized. The findings suggest that negative encouragement is more likely to induce corruption, followed by the nature of the construction industry, and flawed regulatory systems. As for the preventive measures, enforcement of law, regulations, and sanctions, high integrity and honest construction culture, and effective reporting channel rank the highest. Finally, correlational analysis reveals audit mechanism and code of conduct as the most significant cause-driven preventive measures. The paper sheds new light on the salient issues of construction corruption and recommends feasible measures for its reduction.

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

The recent global proliferation of domestic anti-corruption laws intended to have extraterritorial application has led to circumstances where multiple states seek to enforce their anti-corruption laws against the same entities based on the same set of facts. This work examines the development of these transnational enforcement circumstances, as well as the attendant policy complications, and poses the following research question: when approaching multi-jurisdictional anti-corruption enforcement efforts, have enforcement agencies developed a set of principles beyond general “equity” to inform their decisions about when and how to cooperate in investigations and coordinate and structure appropriate transnational anti-corruption settlement penalties? To attempt to answer this question, this work evaluates the context of these enforcement developments, recent transnational anti-corruption resolutions and interviews with former and current anti-corruption prosecutors from various states. The work concludes that the following guiding principles are emerging: (1) enforcement agencies seek to coordinate and cooperate during the investigatory stage if the benefits of cooperation outweigh the costs; (2) enforcement agencies seek to coordinate resolutions with enforcement agencies from other appropriate states recognition of jurisdictional nexuses and development of global anti-corruption efforts; (3) enforcement agencies utilize crediting of penalties and profit disgorgements paid to other states to both maintain domestic statutory enforcement and consistency and to encourage anti-corruption capacity building and future voluntary self-reporting by offending entities; (4) enforcement agencies consider “side-stepping” to encourage anti-corruption capacity building and future voluntary self-reporting by offending entities; and (5) enforcement agencies consider deference to other states for monitoring purposes to encourage anti-corruption capacity building. The identification of

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

The aim of this essay is to emphasise the importance of immunising the implementation of the NRRP against risks of corrupt practices, fraud, money laundering, infiltration of organised crime and other malpractices, while ensuring a virtuous and efficient management of European funds. For this purpose, some of the most significant measures to safeguard the transparency and integrity of the public administration are reviewed, and the adoption of monitoring systems for the projects and reforms envisaged in the Plan is encouraged. Some concluding remarks are devoted to the close link between transparency and citizens’ participation in promoting the ‘common good’, achieved primarily by exercising widespread control over the work of administrations with a view to strengthening the relationship of trust between civil society and institutions, which is essential to preventing criminal phenomena and fulfilling commitments undertaken at European level.

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

To make public policy recommendations, the deductive method with a qualitative approach was used to identify the empirical correlations between trade, competition, and anti-corruption regulations between Mexico and the United States, within the framework of USMCA. In the light of the findings, it is recommended to limit to a minimum the exceptions available in trade agreements that aim to restrict the application of domestic laws on economic competition and anticorruption, as well as to standardize the use of the “rule of reason” in competition between administrative and judicial authorities in both countries to harmonize and provide certainty to international transactions and binational production chains. The limitations of this research are those inherent to the subjectivity of the deductive method, but it provides unpublished results as a ground for further investigations., Con el objetivo de hacer recomendaciones de política pública, se utilizó el método deductivo con enfoque cualitativo para identificar las correlaciones empíricas entre las regulaciones de competencia, comercial y anticorrupción entre México y Estados Unidos, en el marco del T-MEC. A la luz de los hallazgos, se recomienda limitar al mínimo las excepciones invocables en los tratados comerciales que tengan por objeto restringir la aplicación de la legislación doméstica de competencia económica y combate a la corrupción; así como homologar la utilización de la “regla de la razón” en materia de competencia entre las autoridades administrativas y judiciales de ambos países para armonizar y darle certidumbre a las transacciones internacionales y cadenas de producción binacionales. Las limitantes de esta investigación son las inherentes a la subjetividad del método deductivo, pero se aportan resultados inéditos para continuar con el estudio en estos temas.

The Draft Law regulating the protection of persons who report regulatory infractions and the fight against corruption was published on September 23, 2022, in the Boletín de las Cortes Generales. This law is essential to reinforce the control of public activity and the start of its processing rises many questions, such as whether the guarantee of anonymity is the best way to protect those who report reprehensible behaviors., El 23 de septiembre de 2022 se publicaba en el Boletín de las Cortes Generales el Proyecto de Ley reguladora de la protección de las personas que informen sobre infracciones normativas y de lucha contra la corrupción. El comienzo de la tramitación parlamentaria de esta norma, imprescindible para reforzar el control de la actividad pública, implica responder a múltiples preguntas, como si es cierto que no hay mejor forma de proteger al que informa sobre actuaciones irregulares que garantizando su anonimato.

The adequacy of the Right to Information (RTI) Act as an apparatus for battling defilement in India has been concentrated broadly. The RTI Act was declared in October 2005 to guarantee straightforwardness and excellent administration. In light of content examination and profundity interviews with a couple of civil servants and activists, the paper shows that the RTI Act has prevailed regarding decreasing data deviations and uncovering debasement. Local officials have become generally responsive and responsible to support since the declaration of the RTI Act. It has helped the citizens of India in fighting corruption and other such social evils to a great extent. People can now get information from any department they want without hassle or worries. Transparency and accountability are essential, especially in government departments, and RTI helps achieve just that. It has brought out many social issues causing trouble to the people.

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

The adequacy of the Right to Information (RTI) Act as an apparatus for battling defilement in India has been concentrated broadly. The RTI Act was declared in October 2005 to guarantee straightforwardness and excellent administration. In light of content examination and profundity interviews with a couple of civil servants and activists, the paper shows that the RTI Act has prevailed regarding decreasing data deviations and uncovering debasement. Local officials have become generally responsive and responsible to support since the declaration of the RTI Act. It has helped the citizens of India in fighting corruption and other such social evils to a great extent. People can now get information from any department they want without hassle or worries. Transparency and accountability are essential, especially in government departments, and RTI helps achieve just that. It has brought out many social issues causing trouble to the people.

Uno de los principales mecanismos de control de los oficiales públicos durante el desempeño de sus oficios en la Monarquía Hispánica del Antiguo Régimen fueron las visitas. En este texto reflexionamos sobre la historiografía que ha analizado las visitas y su aplicación en las coronas de Castilla y Aragón, dejando al margen la visita italiana e indiana. El objetivo principal del artículo es ofrecer algunas reflexiones generales acerca de este mecanismo de control para contribuir a señalar algunas ideas sobre por dónde podrían discurrir los análisis sobre las visitas en la Edad Moderna., One of the primary systems of officers’ accountability used by the Hispanic monarchy to supervise government action and justice of public servants was the visitations. This article focuses on the historiography that has analyzed visitations and their application in the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon without taking into accounts both the Italian and American visitas. The main objective of this study is to offer some general reflections on these systems of officers’ accountability, thus contributing to identifying some ideas about where future analyzes on visitations in the Early Modern Era might go.

International anti-corruption missions are a novel tool for those countries affected by corruption and the infiltration of illicit networks in the public sector. These missions are established upon an agreement between a State and an international organization for the identification and dismantling of illicit networks, as well as to receive international technical support in the fight against corruption. This research examines the failures of institutionalization of anti-corruption public policies that were diffused by international missions and, therefore, tests the causal relationship through the design of public policies and process tracing. The theoretical causal mechanism consists, first, in the analysis of the configuration of the anti-corruption agenda; second, the formulation of the anti-corruption public policy; third, the failure of institutional change to disarticulate networks; fourth, the dilemmas in political interactions in transparency and therefore, the result is the failure of policy institutionalization and the deficit of accountability. In particular, the case of the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) established by the government of Guatemala and the United Nations from 2007 until its dissolution in 2019 will be discussed in this work. This case is significant for analyzing the role and impact of international missions as an anti-corruption tool for States. This research shows that these missions have a dilemma of institutionalization of policies in the beneficiary country due to problems of continuity with respect to the design and context of policies, mutation of corruption networks in the public system and their limits of intervention in restructuring the State., Las misiones internacionales contra la corrupción son una herramienta novedosa para países afectados por graves casos de corrupción y por la infiltración de redes ilícitas en el sector público. Estas misiones se establecen tras un acuerdo entre un Estado y una organización internacional para la identificación y la desarticulación de las redes ilícitas, así como para recibir apoyo técnico internacional en la lucha contra la corrupción. En esta investigación se examinan las fallas de institucionalización de las políticas públicas anticorrupción difundidas por las misiones internacionales y se comprueba la relación causal a través del diseño de políticas públicas y process tracing. El mecanismo causal teórico consiste, primero, en el análisis desde la configuración de la agenda contra la corrupción; segundo, la formulación de la política pública anticorrupción; tercero, el fallo en el cambio institucional para desarticular redes; cuarto, los dilemas en interacciones políticas en transparencia; lo anterior da como resultado la falla en la institucionalización de políticas y el déficit de controles democráticos. En particular, se trata el caso de la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) establecida por el gobierno de Guatemala y las Naciones Unidas desde el año 2007 hasta su disolución en 2019. Este caso es significativo para analizar el rol e impacto de misiones internacionales como una herramienta anticorrupción para los Estados. En esta investigación se demuestra que estas misiones poseen un dilema de institucionalización de políticas en el país beneficiario por problemas de continuidad respecto al diseño y el contexto de políticas, mutación de las redes de corrupción en el sistema público y por sus límites de intervención en la reestructuración institucional del Estado.

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this mi

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, nat

The objective of this article is to contribute to the discussion on the formation of an open digital State, promoted in Mexico during the last decades, through the regulation of transparency, the right of access to public information and anti-corruption controls. This qualitative, descriptive and documentary analysis allows us to understand: the scope of the main legislative changes carried out and the National Anticorruption Policy; the importance of the integration of an open State that includes the open government, parliament and justice as a new paradigm for the fight against corruption, as well as the role those digital technological systems play in this process. It is argued with well-founded information that this institutional and technological framework developed is still insufficient to guarantee the existence of an open State that comprehensively addresses the phenomenon of corruption, since irregular acts in the three powers continue to manifest themselves., El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a la discusión sobre la conformación de un Estado abierto digital, promovido en México durante las últimas décadas, a través de la regulación de la transparencia, el derecho de acceso a la información pública y los controles anticorrupción. Este análisis cualitativo, descriptivo y documental permite comprender los alcances de los principales cambios legislativos realizados y la Política Nacional Anticorrupción; la importancia de la integración de un Estado Abierto que comprende al gobierno, el parlamento y la justicia abiertos como nuevo paradigma para la lucha contra la corrupción, así como el papel que juegan los sistemas tecnológicos digitales en este proceso. Se argumenta, con información fundamentada, que este entramado institucional y tecnológico desarrollado, es aún insuficiente para avalar la existencia de un Estado Abierto que atienda de forma integral el fenómeno de la corrupción, ya que los actos irregulares continúan manifestándose en los tres poderes.

The trajectory of the anti-corruption operations in Brazil in the 2000s opens ways of recomposition in the space of law practice in the direction of the international movements of consulting in compliance. In this framework, the export-import flows of law models take center stage, indicating the mobilization in the national space of models and norms that point to new patterns of economic regulation. From the exploration of this space, we intend to provide elements for the study of this process and its implications for recompositions in the space of advocacy., A trajetória das operações anticorrupção no Brasil nos anos 2000 abre vias de recomposição no espaço da advocacia na direção dos movimentos internacionais da consultoria em compliance. Nesse quadro osfluxos de exportação-importação de modelos de direito assumem centralidade indicando a mobilização no espaço nacional . de modelos e normativas que apontam para novos padrões de regulação econômica. A partir da exploração desse espaço pretendemos fornecer elementos para o estudo desse processo e de suas implicações para recomposições no espaço da advocacia.

This contribution provides a very brief summary of the evolution of strategies for preventing and combating certain forms of corruption witnessed in our country over the last decade. The numerous legislative measures that followed one another under the influence of supranational covenants and the gradual metamorphosis of crimes against the public administration show an alternation between the enhancement of the administrative apparatus, inaugurated by the Severino law, and a return to criminal law, which reached its peak with the Spazzacorrotti law. This analysis emphasises the importance of an “integrated” approach to corruption, whereby, abandoning the populist logic underlying the “emergency criminal law” and in deference to the principle of extrema ratio, administrative controls and technological tools capable of preventing and promptly detecting corrupt dealings are increased and strengthened, while at the same time a profound cultural transformation is launched - destined to permeate the business world as well as civil society - based on transparency, legality and trust in institutions.

В стране много экологических проблем, молодёжь активно включается в их обсуждение. Используя современные цифровые технологии; необходимо формировать демократическую гражданственность, вовлекаться в отстаивание экологических прав, влияя на органы власти на разных уровнях, объединяя разные поколения россиян, повышая уровень правовой культуры., There are many environmental problems in the country, and young people are actively involved in their discussion. Using modern digital technologies; it is necessary to form democratic citizenship, to be involved in upholding environmental rights, influencing the authorities at different levels, uniting different generations of Russians, raising the level of legal culture.

Многие страны имеют свой уникальный опыт в вопросах реализации стратегии противодействия коррупции. Цель данной статьи заключается в анализе антикоррупционных мер, действующих в некоторых зарубежных странах, практически свободных от коррупционных проявлений. Положительный опыт формирования и целенаправленной реализации зарубежных стратегий противодействия коррупции необходимо изучать всем странам, которые ставят перед собой одной из ключевых задач ведения политики – снижение уровня коррупции. Уникальный опыт других стран полезен не только в целях преемственности успешных механизмов реализации стратегии, но и также для недопущения основных ошибок в ее адаптации. Для достижения поставленной цели необходимо изучить наиболее эффективные меры противодействия коррупции и выделить способы, применимые к российской действительности. В статье представлен рейтинг стран, наиболее свободных от коррупции, который был проведен международной организацией Transparency International. В заключении обобщается исследованный материал, приводятся ключевые способы борьбы с коррупцией для их дальнейшего применения в Российской Федерации. Many countries have their own unique experience in implementing anti-corruption strategies. The purpose of this article is to analyze anti-corruption measures in force in some foreign countries, which are practically free from corruption. The positive experience of the formation and purposeful implementation of foreign anti-corruption strategies should be studied by all coun-tries that set themselves one of the key policy objectives of reducing the level of corruption. The unique experience of other countries is useful not only for the continuity of successful mechanisms for implementing the strategy, but also for avoiding major mistakes in its adaptation. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to study the most effective anti-corruption measures and highlight the methods applicable to Russian reality. The article presents the rating of the countries most fr

The objective of the article is to analyze the main international regulations on overcoming corruption in the police, as well as the laws of Ukraine aimed at combating this phenomenon in the National Police. The theme of the study is the analysis of the legal framework for combating corruption in the police. The research methodology includes the following general and special legal methods: dialectical, logical, system-legal, normative-dogmatic, comparative-legal, and legal modeling method. The results of the investigation indicate the most effective means of combating corruption in the police of the most developed countries. By way of conclusion and with practical significance, Ukrainian anti-corruption legislation against police officers has been shown to be repressive, so it cannot be effective without measures to encourage law-abiding behaviour and the sense of anti-corruption of law enforcement officers. Emphasis is placed on the need to take measures to encourage the anti-corruption behaviour of police officers and to enshrine these provisions in relevant regulations., El objetivo del artículo es analizar las principales regulaciones internacionales sobre la superación de la corrupción en la policía, así como las leyes de Ucrania destinadas a combatir este fenómeno en la Policía Nacional. El tema del estudio es el análisis del marco legal para combatir la corrupción en la policía. La metodología de investigación incluye los siguientes métodos legales generales y especiales: dialéctico, lógico, sistema-legal, normativo-dogmático, comparativo-legal y método de modelado legal. Los Resultados de la investigación indican cuales son los medios más efectivos para combatir la corrupción en la policía de los países más desarrollados. A modo de conclusión y con significado práctico, se ha demostrado que la legislación ucraniana de lucha contra la corrupción contra los agentes de policía es represiva, por lo que no puede ser eficaz sin medidas para fomentar el comportamiento respetuoso de la ley y el sentido de anticorrupción de los agentes del orden. Se hace hincapié en la necesidad de tomar medidas para fomentar el comportamiento anticorrupción de los agentes de policía y consagrar estas disposiciones en las regulaciones pertinentes.

Criminal policy is part of state policy, defining the main objectives and means to influence crime through legislative activities related to change, first, criminal, criminal-procedural, criminal-executive legislation. Through a scientific methodology of a documentary nature, the objective of the research is to analyze the criminal and legal policy of the State in the fight against crimes related to bribery and other illegal remuneration. It should be noted that the criminal policy of crimes related to bribery and other illegal remuneration is currently in crisis. It is concluded that there is a tendency to increase the range of criminal acts related to illegal remuneration, to broaden the scope of the criminal regulation of liability for illegal remuneration by making changes and additions to the composition of offences related to illegal remuneration, and to criminalize new types of acts related to unlawful remuneration, which is associated with the assessment of the role of illegal remuneration as a particularly dangerous criminal phenomenon, which has a significant negative impact on protected public relations., La política criminal es parte de la política del estado, definiendo los principales objetivos y medios para influir en el crimen a través de actividades legislativas relacionadas con el cambio, en primer lugar, la legislación penal, penal-procesal, penal-ejecutiva. Mediante una metodología científica de carácter documental el objetivo de la investigación consiste en analizar la política penal y legal del Estado en la lucha contra los delitos relacionados con el soborno y otras remuneraciones ilegales. Cabe señalar que la política criminal de los delitos relacionados con el soborno y otras remuneraciones ilegales se encuentra actualmente en crisis. Se concluye que existe una tendencia a aumentar la gama de actos delictivos relacionados con la remuneración ilegal, a ampliar el alcance de la regulación penal de la responsabilidad por remuneración ilegal mediante la realización de cambios y adiciones a la composición de los delitos relacionados con la misma, y a tipificar como delito nuevos tipos de actos relacionados con la remuneración ilegal, que está asociada con la evaluación del papel de la remuneración ilegal como un fenómeno delictivo particularmente peligroso, que tiene un impacto negativo significativo en las relaciones públicas protegidas.

The article addresses the issue of establishing a practice of preparing and making decisions through the electronic system "E-Qaror" by digitizing the activities of local government.

The article addresses the issue of establishing a practice of preparing and making decisions through the electronic system "E-Qaror" by digitizing the activities of local government.

The Indoamérica University, as part of its integration process to research projects, proposed to the student university community, specifically to the Law faculty, it carry out the project of implementation of strategies for transparency and anti – corruption, for which it proceeded with the creation of the Anticorruption Transparency Observatory, to monitor Public Institutions in the field of the Public Administration. A proposal that was carried out by a group of students of the last levels of Law faculty of Indoamérica University, that within the Project of Connection with the society called “Project of implementation of strategies for transparency and anti-corruption in Pichincha province GAD; Quito GAD and its rural parish GADs 2020–2021”, with emphasis of the legal regulations regarding citizen participation and transparency as a principle of public administration, the investigation of the Administration of Ph.D. Jorge Yunda Machado of the Municipal Decentralized Autonomous Government of the Metropolitan District of Quito, on the current situation that the city of Quito is experiencing as a result of the health emergency that the world is experiencing within the COVID 19 pandemic through the collection of information on what the website contains institutional, it is in this sense that this investigative article has been worked on that summarizes the work of analysis and contrasting data carried out by the students of the Law Faculty of the Indoamérica University and that will be of great importance around what happens in some way at the present time with this local administration., La universidad Indoamérica como parte de su proceso de integración a los proyectos investigativos, con la comunidad universitaria estudiantil, específicamente a la Facultad de Derecho, realizó el proyecto de implementación de estrategias para la transparencia y anticorrupción para lo cual se procedió con la creación del Observatorio de Transparencia de Anticorrupción, con el fin de vigilar a las instituciones públicas en el ámbito de la administración pública. Una propuesta que se llevó a cabo por un grupo de estudiantes de los últimos niveles de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Indoamérica, que dentro del Proyecto de Vinculación con la Sociedad denominado “Proyecto de implementación de estrategias para la transparencia y anticorrupción en el GAD Provincial de Pichincha; GAD Metropolitano de Quito y sus GADS parroquiales rurales 2020–2021”, haciendo énfasis de la normativa jurídica con respecto a la participación ciudadana y la transparencia como principio de la administración pública se propuso la investigación de la presente Administración del Alcalde Dr. Jorge Yunda Machado en el Gobierno Autónomo Descentralizado Municipal del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito, sobre la situación actual que vive la ciudad de Quito a raíz de la emergencia sanitaria que atraviesa el mundo dentro de la pandemia del COVID 19 a través recopilación de la información de lo que contiene la página web institucional; es en este sentido, se ha trabajado en el presente artículo investigativo que resume el trabajo de análisis y contrastación de datos realizado por los estudiantes de la Facultad de Derecho, de la Universidad Indoamérica y que será de gran importancia alrededor de lo que pasa de alguna manera en los actuales momentos con dicha administración local.

The objective of this study is to analyze whether specific corporate governance mechanisms and political connections influence the voluntary disclosure of anti-corruption practices in the companies listed in the Brazilian stock exchange [B]3. The disclosure index was obtained from the relationship between the number of citations of the keywords and the number of pages in the sustainability reports. The analysis was performed using multiple linear regression, considering 740 observations from financial years 2016 and 2017. The results indicate that the size and percentage of external members on the board of directors, Big Four audits, size of the audit committee, and participation of government shareholding positively influence the levels of disclosure of anti-corruption practices. In turn, the presence of politicians on the board of directors leads to an increase in information asymmetry due to a lower level of disclosure, which, by extension, represents less commitment to anti-corruption practices., O objetivo do estudo é analisar se mecanismos específicos de governança corporativa e as conexões políticas influenciam a evidenciação voluntária de práticas anticorrupção em empresas listadas na [B]3. O índice de evidenciação foi obtido a partir da relação do número de citações das palavras-chave com o número de páginas dos relatórios de sustentabilidade. A análise foi realizada por meio de regressão linear múltipla e considerou 740 observações dos exercícios de 2016 e 2017. Os resultados indicaram que o tamanho e o percentual de membros externos no Conselho de Administração (CA), auditoria big four, tamanho do comitê de auditoria e a participação acionária do governo influenciaram positivamente os níveis de evidenciação de práticas anticorrupção. Por sua vez, a presença de políticos no CA conduz para aumento da assimetria informacional ao revelar menor nível de divulgação, que, na sua extensão, representa menor compromisso com as práticas anticorrupção., El objetivo del estudio es analizar si los mecanismos específicos de gobierno corporativo y las conexionespolíticas influyen en la divulgación voluntaria de las prácticas anticorrupción en las empresas que cotizan en la [B]3. El índice de divulgación se obtuvo de la relación entre el número de citas de las palabrasclave y el número de páginas de los informes de sostenibilidad. El análisis se realizó mediante regresiónlineal múltiple y consideró 740 observaciones de los ejercicios 2016 y 2017. Los resultados indicaron queel tamaño y el porcentaje de miembros externos en el consejo de administración, la auditoría bif four, eltamaño del comité de auditoría y la participación accionaria del gobierno influyeron positivamente enlos niveles de divulgación de las prácticas anticorrupción. A su vez, la presencia de políticos en el consejo de administración conduce a un aumento de la asimetría de la información al revelar un menor nivelde divulgación, que, en su extensión, representa un menor compromiso con las prácticas anticorrupción.

The article addresses the issue of establishing a practice of preparing and making decisions through the electronic system "E-Qaror" by digitizing the activities of local government.

The Indoamérica University, as part of its integration process to research projects, proposed to the student university community, specifically to the Law faculty, it carry out the project of implementation of strategies for transparency and anti – corruption, for which it proceeded with the creation of the Anticorruption Transparency Observatory, to monitor Public Institutions in the field of the Public Administration. A proposal that was carried out by a group of students of the last levels of Law faculty of Indoamérica University, that within the Project of Connection with the society called “Project of implementation of strategies for transparency and anti-corruption in Pichincha province GAD; Quito GAD and its rural parish GADs 2020–2021”, with emphasis of the legal regulations regarding citizen participation and transparency as a principle of public administration, the investigation of the Administration of Ph.D. Jorge Yunda Machado of the Municipal Decentralized Autonomous Government of the Metropolitan District of Quito, on the current situation that the city of Quito is experiencing as a result of the health emergency that the world is experiencing within the COVID 19 pandemic through the collection of information on what the website contains institutional, it is in this sense that this investigative article has been worked on that summarizes the work of analysis and contrasting data carried out by the students of the Law Faculty of the Indoamérica University and that will be of great importance around what happens in some way at the present time with this local administration., La universidad Indoamérica como parte de su proceso de integración a los proyectos investigativos, con la comunidad universitaria estudiantil, específicamente a la Facultad de Derecho, realizó el proyecto de implementación de estrategias para la transparencia y anticorrupción para lo cual se procedió con la creación del Observatorio de Transparencia de Anticorrupción, con el fin de vigilar a las instituciones públicas en el ámbito de la administración pública. Una propuesta que se llevó a cabo por un grupo de estudiantes de los últimos niveles de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad Indoamérica, que dentro del Proyecto de Vinculación con la Sociedad denominado “Proyecto de implementación de estrategias para la transparencia y anticorrupción en el GAD Provincial de Pichincha; GAD Metropolitano de Quito y sus GADS parroquiales rurales 2020–2021”, haciendo énfasis de la normativa jurídica con respecto a la participación ciudadana y la transparencia como principio de la administración pública se propuso la investigación de la presente Administración del Alcalde Dr. Jorge Yunda Machado en el Gobierno Autónomo Descentralizado Municipal del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito, sobre la situación actual que vive la ciudad de Quito a raíz de la emergencia sanitaria que atraviesa el mundo dentro de la pandemia del COVID 19 a través recopilación de la información de lo que contiene la página web institucional; es en este sentido, se ha trabajado en el presente artículo investigativo que resume el trabajo de análisis y contrastación de datos realizado por los estudiantes de la Facultad de Derecho, de la Universidad Indoamérica y que será de gran importancia alrededor de lo que pasa de alguna manera en los actuales momentos con dicha administración local.

The objective of this study is to analyze whether specific corporate governance mechanisms and political connections influence the voluntary disclosure of anti-corruption practices in the companies listed in the Brazilian stock exchange [B]3. The disclosure index was obtained from the relationship between the number of citations of the keywords and the number of pages in the sustainability reports. The analysis was performed using multiple linear regression, considering 740 observations from financial years 2016 and 2017. The results indicate that the size and percentage of external members on the board of directors, Big Four audits, size of the audit committee, and participation of government shareholding positively influence the levels of disclosure of anti-corruption practices. In turn, the presence of politicians on the board of directors leads to an increase in information asymmetry due to a lower level of disclosure, which, by extension, represents less commitment to anti-corruption practices., O objetivo do estudo é analisar se mecanismos específicos de governança corporativa e as conexões políticas influenciam a evidenciação voluntária de práticas anticorrupção em empresas listadas na [B]3. O índice de evidenciação foi obtido a partir da relação do número de citações das palavras-chave com o número de páginas dos relatórios de sustentabilidade. A análise foi realizada por meio de regressão linear múltipla e considerou 740 observações dos exercícios de 2016 e 2017. Os resultados indicaram que o tamanho e o percentual de membros externos no Conselho de Administração (CA), auditoria big four, tamanho do comitê de auditoria e a participação acionária do governo influenciaram positivamente os níveis de evidenciação de práticas anticorrupção. Por sua vez, a presença de políticos no CA conduz para aumento da assimetria informacional ao revelar menor nível de divulgação, que, na sua extensão, representa menor compromisso com as práticas anticorrupção., El objetivo del estudio es analizar si los mecanismos específicos de gobierno corporativo y las conexionespolíticas influyen en la divulgación voluntaria de las prácticas anticorrupción en las empresas que cotizan en la [B]3. El índice de divulgación se obtuvo de la relación entre el número de citas de las palabrasclave y el número de páginas de los informes de sostenibilidad. El análisis se realizó mediante regresiónlineal múltiple y consideró 740 observaciones de los ejercicios 2016 y 2017. Los resultados indicaron queel tamaño y el porcentaje de miembros externos en el consejo de administración, la auditoría bif four, eltamaño del comité de auditoría y la participación accionaria del gobierno influyeron positivamente enlos niveles de divulgación de las prácticas anticorrupción. A su vez, la presencia de políticos en el consejo de administración conduce a un aumento de la asimetría de la información al revelar un menor nivelde divulgación, que, en su extensión, representa un menor compromiso con las prácticas anticorrupción.

This contribution provides a very brief summary of the evolution of strategies for preventing and combating certain forms of corruption witnessed in our country over the last decade. The numerous legislative measures that followed one another under the influence of supranational covenants and the gradual metamorphosis of crimes against the public administration show an alternation between the enhancement of the administrative apparatus, inaugurated by the Severino law, and a return to criminal law, which reached its peak with the Spazzacorrotti law. This analysis emphasises the importance of an “integrated” approach to corruption, whereby, abandoning the populist logic underlying the “emergency criminal law” and in deference to the principle of extrema ratio, administrative controls and technological tools capable of preventing and promptly detecting corrupt dealings are increased and strengthened, while at the same time a profound cultural transformation is launched - destined to permeate the business world as well as civil society - based on transparency, legality and trust in institutions.