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The aim of this exploratory and descriptive article is to be a starting point for future research lines related with extractivism in Benito Juárez (Argentina). In this case, we focus on the role of the progressive governments, the opposition, and the social movements of resistance to the phenomenon of fracking. The analyzed elements are the residents’ movement Benito Juárez SIN Fracking (BJSF), the company Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF), the government and the opposition. The primary sources used are mainly media articles, chronicles and an interview with an activist of BJSF, Este artículo exploratorio y descriptivo pretende ser un punto de partida para abrir nuevas líneas de investigación en relación con el poco estudiado partido de Benito Juárez (Argentina) y, en particular, el extractivismo. En este caso, se aborda el rol de los gobiernos progresistas, la oposición y los movimientos sociales de resistencia en cuanto al fenómeno del fracking, así como las dinámicas y relaciones producidas entre los actores a partir de sus posiciones y acciones frente al mismo. Los elementos abordados serán el movimiento vecinal Benito Juárez SIN Fracking (BJSF), la empresa Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF), el oficialismo y la oposición. Las fuentes primarias son artículos periodísticos, crónicas y una entrevista a una activista de BJSF.

The work reconstructs a virtually unknown, hitherto unheard-of episode in which 19th-century San Sebastian once again became the scenario of international political issues of considerable importance and which had repercussions worldwide. In this case it deals with the Mexican adventure of the always close Second French Empire (1852-1870), the consequences of which ended up reaching San Sebastian, which in 1864 had been turned into a hub for Mexican prisoners who supported the cause of the Juárez government and, therefore, opposed the emperor Maximilian enthroned in Mexico by France. A situation that was to give rise to interesting connections between the city and the convulsive national and international politics at the height of this Victorian era, El trabajo reconstruye un episodio prácticamente desconocido, inédito, en el que el San Sebastián decimonónico, una vez más, se convierte en escenario de cuestiones políticas internacionales de notable envergadura y repercusión a nivel mundial. En este caso se trata de la aventura mexicana del siempre próximo Segundo Imperio napoleónico (1852-1870), cuyas consecuencias acabaron alcanzando a San Sebastián, convertida en el año 1864 en depósito de prisioneros mexicanos favorables a la causa del gobierno Juárez y, por tanto, opuestos al emperador Maximiliano entronizado en México por Francia. Una situación de la que se derivarán interesantes conexiones de la ciudad con la convulsa política nacional e internacional de esa plena época victoriana, Lan honek ia ezezaguna, argitaratu gabea, den episodio bat aztertzen du, non XIX. mendeko Donostia berriro ere garrantzi nabarmeneko eta mundu-mailan ondorioak dituen nazioarteko gai politikoen eszenatoki bihurtzen den. Kasu honetan beti hurbil dagoen Bigarren Inperio Napoleonikoaren (1852-1870) mexikar abenturari buruzkoa da, ondorioak Donostiaraino iritsi zirelarik, 1864. urtean Juarez gobernuaren kausaren aldekoak eta, beraz, Frantziak Mexikon tronuratutako Maximiliano enperadorearen aurkakoak ziren mexikar pre- soen gordetegi bihurtu baitzen. Egoera horretatik hiriaren konexio interesgarriak ondorioztatu- ko dira viktoriar garai hartako nazio eta nazioarteko politika asaldatuarekin

Mexican graphic artist Constantino Escalante published over five hundred lithographs in the satirical journal La Orquesta from 1861-1868. He caricatured Mexico City’s political figures, intellectuals, and the elite during a period in which the country traversed a series of complex political developments including the French occupation and the Liberal struggle to build an independent modernized nation. This dissertation situates Escalante’s works within the larger history of visual satire and caricature exploring the disruptive nature of Escalante’s lithographs. The prints of Honoré Daumier and Francisco Goya are considered alongside Escalante’s works as all three artists were invested in exposing the duplicity of the ruling class but also saw the promise of Enlightenment ideals and an emerging bourgeoisie in moments of national transformation. Chapter One is a brief assessment of the evolving definitions of graphic satire and caricature. Particular theoretical approaches are introduced with the goal of establishing a working definition of caricature and visual satire. By honing in on historically specific facets of Escalante’s caricature, his interaction with art historical conventions, and the tensions and ambiguities constructed within his prints, I define his visual language as disruptive caricature. Caricature and visual satire within the political arena are often categorized as either criticism or propaganda. By contrast, I assert that Escalante deployed the power of criticism to contest the legitimacy of political factions and individuals and that he also wielded the coercive power of caricature to assert the agency of La Orquesta and Radical Liberals. The dual function of dismantling and promoting particular political and artistic ideals allowed Escalante and La Orquesta effectively to disrupt nineteenth-century Mexican politics and visual culture.Chapter Two charts the heated battle for a free press that played out in Escalante’s prints published in La Orque

Mexican graphic artist Constantino Escalante published over five hundred lithographs in the satirical journal La Orquesta from 1861-1868. He caricatured Mexico City’s political figures, intellectuals, and the elite during a period in which the country traversed a series of complex political developments including the French occupation and the Liberal struggle to build an independent modernized nation. This dissertation situates Escalante’s works within the larger history of visual satire and caricature exploring the disruptive nature of Escalante’s lithographs. The prints of Honoré Daumier and Francisco Goya are considered alongside Escalante’s works as all three artists were invested in exposing the duplicity of the ruling class but also saw the promise of Enlightenment ideals and an emerging bourgeoisie in moments of national transformation. Chapter One is a brief assessment of the evolving definitions of graphic satire and caricature. Particular theoretical approaches are introduced with the goal of establishing a working definition of caricature and visual satire. By honing in on historically specific facets of Escalante’s caricature, his interaction with art historical conventions, and the tensions and ambiguities constructed within his prints, I define his visual language as disruptive caricature. Caricature and visual satire within the political arena are often categorized as either criticism or propaganda. By contrast, I assert that Escalante deployed the power of criticism to contest the legitimacy of political factions and individuals and that he also wielded the coercive power of caricature to assert the agency of La Orquesta and Radical Liberals. The dual function of dismantling and promoting particular political and artistic ideals allowed Escalante and La Orquesta effectively to disrupt nineteenth-century Mexican politics and visual culture.Chapter Two charts the heated battle for a free press that played out in Escalante’s prints published in La Orque

This article analyzes the reasons that drove a group of soldiers led by General FranciscoAntonio Aguirre to oppose the process to elect a governor in 1869, as the members of the local legislature did not declare an elected constitutional governor. Faced with these uncertain circumstances, the soldiers disobeyed their orders and launched an uprising to express their dis-agreement. The general government intervened in the internal political life of the inhabitants ofSan Luis Potosí, by ordering a faction of the regular federal army to suppress the soldiers involved in the uprising. The political movement acquired another dimension, and the rebel soldiers drafted a political plan against the incumbent President Benito Juárez and his ministers. The movement continued into early1870, in response to which the general government sent General Mariano Escobedo to SanLuis Potosí to restore the legitimate authorities. After achieving his objective, Escobedo stood as a candidate for governor and won that year’s elections. The primary documentary sources used are found in archives in Mexico and abroad., En este artículo, se analizan las razones que motivaron a un grupo de militares encabezados por el general Francisco Antonio Aguirre a inconformarse ante el desarrollo de las elecciones para gobernador en el año de 1869 ya que los miembros de la legislatura local, no declararon gobernador constitucional electo. Ante este escenario indefinido, los militares transgredieron el orden al iniciar un pronunciamiento para externar su inconformidad. El gobierno general intervino en la vida política interna de los potosinos al ordenar a una facción del ejército regular de la federación que sofocara a los pronunciados. El movimiento político tomó otra dimensión y los sublevados redactaron un Plan político en contra del presidente Benito Juárez y sus ministros. El movimiento se mantuvo vigente al iniciar 1870 así el gobierno general envió a San Luis Potosí al general Mariano Escobedo con el propósito de restablecer a las autoridades legítimas. Luego de conseguir su objetivo, Escobedo se postuló como gobernador y ganó las elecciones en ese año. Las fuentes documentales primarias que utilicé se localizan en archivos locales y del extranjero.

This article analyzes the reasons that drove a group of soldiers led by General FranciscoAntonio Aguirre to oppose the process to elect a governor in 1869, as the members of the local legislature did not declare an elected constitutional governor. Faced with these uncertain circumstances, the soldiers disobeyed their orders and launched an uprising to express their dis-agreement. The general government intervened in the internal political life of the inhabitants ofSan Luis Potosí, by ordering a faction of the regular federal army to suppress the soldiers involved in the uprising. The political movement acquired another dimension, and the rebel soldiers drafted a political plan against the incumbent President Benito Juárez and his ministers. The movement continued into early1870, in response to which the general government sent General Mariano Escobedo to SanLuis Potosí to restore the legitimate authorities. After achieving his objective, Escobedo stood as a candidate for governor and won that year’s elections. The primary documentary sources used are found in archives in Mexico and abroad., En este artículo, se analizan las razones que motivaron a un grupo de militares encabezados por el general Francisco Antonio Aguirre a inconformarse ante el desarrollo de las elecciones para gobernador en el año de 1869 ya que los miembros de la legislatura local, no declararon gobernador constitucional electo. Ante este escenario indefinido, los militares transgredieron el orden al iniciar un pronunciamiento para externar su inconformidad. El gobierno general intervino en la vida política interna de los potosinos al ordenar a una facción del ejército regular de la federación que sofocara a los pronunciados. El movimiento político tomó otra dimensión y los sublevados redactaron un Plan político en contra del presidente Benito Juárez y sus ministros. El movimiento se mantuvo vigente al iniciar 1870 así el gobierno general envió a San Luis Potosí al general Mariano Escobedo con el propósito de restablecer a las autoridades legítimas. Luego de conseguir su objetivo, Escobedo se postuló como gobernador y ganó las elecciones en ese año. Las fuentes documentales primarias que utilicé se localizan en archivos locales y del extranjero.

This article analyzes the reasons that drove a group of soldiers led by General FranciscoAntonio Aguirre to oppose the process to elect a governor in 1869, as the members of the local legislature did not declare an elected constitutional governor. Faced with these uncertain circumstances, the soldiers disobeyed their orders and launched an uprising to express their dis-agreement. The general government intervened in the internal political life of the inhabitants ofSan Luis Potosí, by ordering a faction of the regular federal army to suppress the soldiers involved in the uprising. The political movement acquired another dimension, and the rebel soldiers drafted a political plan against the incumbent President Benito Juárez and his ministers. The movement continued into early1870, in response to which the general government sent General Mariano Escobedo to SanLuis Potosí to restore the legitimate authorities. After achieving his objective, Escobedo stood as a candidate for governor and won that year’s elections. The primary documentary sources used are found in archives in Mexico and abroad., En este artículo, se analizan las razones que motivaron a un grupo de militares encabezados por el general Francisco Antonio Aguirre a inconformarse ante el desarrollo de las elecciones para gobernador en el año de 1869 ya que los miembros de la legislatura local, no declararon gobernador constitucional electo. Ante este escenario indefinido, los militares transgredieron el orden al iniciar un pronunciamiento para externar su inconformidad. El gobierno general intervino en la vida política interna de los potosinos al ordenar a una facción del ejército regular de la federación que sofocara a los pronunciados. El movimiento político tomó otra dimensión y los sublevados redactaron un Plan político en contra del presidente Benito Juárez y sus ministros. El movimiento se mantuvo vigente al iniciar 1870 así el gobierno general envió a San Luis Potosí al general Mariano Escobedo con el propósito de restablecer a las autoridades legítimas. Luego de conseguir su objetivo, Escobedo se postuló como gobernador y ganó las elecciones en ese año. Las fuentes documentales primarias que utilicé se localizan en archivos locales y del extranjero.

This article analyzes the reasons that drove a group of soldiers led by General FranciscoAntonio Aguirre to oppose the process to elect a governor in 1869, as the members of the local legislature did not declare an elected constitutional governor. Faced with these uncertain circumstances, the soldiers disobeyed their orders and launched an uprising to express their dis-agreement. The general government intervened in the internal political life of the inhabitants ofSan Luis Potosí, by ordering a faction of the regular federal army to suppress the soldiers involved in the uprising. The political movement acquired another dimension, and the rebel soldiers drafted a political plan against the incumbent President Benito Juárez and his ministers. The movement continued into early1870, in response to which the general government sent General Mariano Escobedo to SanLuis Potosí to restore the legitimate authorities. After achieving his objective, Escobedo stood as a candidate for governor and won that year’s elections. The primary documentary sources used are found in archives in Mexico and abroad., En este artículo, se analizan las razones que motivaron a un grupo de militares encabezados por el general Francisco Antonio Aguirre a inconformarse ante el desarrollo de las elecciones para gobernador en el año de 1869 ya que los miembros de la legislatura local, no declararon gobernador constitucional electo. Ante este escenario indefinido, los militares transgredieron el orden al iniciar un pronunciamiento para externar su inconformidad. El gobierno general intervino en la vida política interna de los potosinos al ordenar a una facción del ejército regular de la federación que sofocara a los pronunciados. El movimiento político tomó otra dimensión y los sublevados redactaron un Plan político en contra del presidente Benito Juárez y sus ministros. El movimiento se mantuvo vigente al iniciar 1870 así el gobierno general envió a San Luis Potosí al general Mariano Escobedo con el propósito de restablecer a las autoridades legítimas. Luego de conseguir su objetivo, Escobedo se postuló como gobernador y ganó las elecciones en ese año. Las fuentes documentales primarias que utilicé se localizan en archivos locales y del extranjero.

Freemasonry adopts the myth of Solomon's Temple with Hiram Abif as a hero. His metaphors revolve around the idea of the Temple, the center and the man; but are not always the same. The myth depends on who tells it and how it is told, even in the Masonic Liturgies. In Mexico, there is an idea that Freemasonry in its principles and its tradition is an anti-Religious association, completely opposed to the Catholic Church. However, Freemasonry has in its tradition a strong presence of Judeo-Christian myths. This is the hypothesis: Freemasonry is an institution that performs an apocryphal reading of Judeo-Christian traditions, but it is not an institution that bases its myth against these traditions, the only distance between the Catholic Church and Freemasonry is the institutional factor, not the mythical. The hypothesis will be demonstrated by a Myth criticism and Hermeneutic analyses., La masonería adopta el mito del Templo de Salomón, tomando a Hiram Abif como héroe constructor. Sus metáforas giran alrededor de la idea del Templo, del centro y del hombre; pero no siempre son lo mismo. El mito depende de quiénes y cómo lo cuentan, incluso en las liturgias masónicas. En México, se tiene la idea de que la masonería, en sus postulados y en su tradición, es una asociación antirreligiosa, opuesta totalmente a la Iglesia católica. No obstante, la masonería tiene en su tradición un gran soporte mítico de la tradición judeocristiana. Ésta es la hipótesis: la masonería es una institución que realiza una lectura apócrifa de las tradiciones judeocristianas, pero no es una institución que base su mito en contra de dichas tradiciones, la única distancia que existe entre la Iglesia católica y la masonería es el factor institucional, no mítico. La hipótesis será demostrada a partir de un análisis mitocrítico y hermenéutico.

Freemasonry adopts the myth of Solomon's Temple with Hiram Abif as a hero. His metaphors revolve around the idea of the Temple, the center and the man; but are not always the same. The myth depends on who tells it and how it is told, even in the Masonic Liturgies. In Mexico, there is an idea that Freemasonry in its principles and its tradition is an anti-Religious association, completely opposed to the Catholic Church. However, Freemasonry has in its tradition a strong presence of Judeo-Christian myths. This is the hypothesis: Freemasonry is an institution that performs an apocryphal reading of Judeo-Christian traditions, but it is not an institution that bases its myth against these traditions, the only distance between the Catholic Church and Freemasonry is the institutional factor, not the mythical. The hypothesis will be demonstrated by a Myth criticism and Hermeneutic analyses., La masonería adopta el mito del Templo de Salomón, tomando a Hiram Abif como héroe constructor. Sus metáforas giran alrededor de la idea del Templo, del centro y del hombre; pero no siempre son lo mismo. El mito depende de quiénes y cómo lo cuentan, incluso en las liturgias masónicas. En México, se tiene la idea de que la masonería, en sus postulados y en su tradición, es una asociación antirreligiosa, opuesta totalmente a la Iglesia católica. No obstante, la masonería tiene en su tradición un gran soporte mítico de la tradición judeocristiana. Ésta es la hipótesis: la masonería es una institución que realiza una lectura apócrifa de las tradiciones judeocristianas, pero no es una institución que base su mito en contra de dichas tradiciones, la única distancia que existe entre la Iglesia católica y la masonería es el factor institucional, no mítico. La hipótesis será demostrada a partir de un análisis mitocrítico y hermenéutico.

On 11 January 1878, following the resolution of a U.S.-Mexico border incident in San Elizario, Texas, a small town on the R o Grande about 30 miles southeast of El Paso, Colonel Edward Hatch, the 9th Cavalry Regiment Commander, submitted a report to the Secretary of War. His concluding statement suggested that the existence of Fort Bliss as a permanent installation with from 200 to 400 soldiers would have prevented the riot in San Elizario, which housed the post. From 1862 to 1882 the Army built, manned, and maintained an average of 33 outposts in the U.S.-Mexico border region to stop the raids of Mexicans and American Indians. Exploring these posts and when, where, how, and why they were established and closed, in addition to exploring the measures that led to a moderately secure and stable border may provide some insight into how the U.S. can better secure borders as part of the Global War on Terrorism. This paper will explore the impact, or affect, these posts had on the security and stability of the U.S.-Mexico border, primarily focusing on Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas from 1865 to 1916. In other words, was Colonel Hatch correct? Would "a garrison of even 100 men" have significantly contributed to a safer border in 1877? This thesis explored that question and identified factors counter to Colonel Hatch's statement. According to the author, while a strong military presence helped remove revolutionaries from the Lower Rio Grande Valley, other factors were more responsible for the security and stabilization of the frontier border. These factors were the deliberate use of the frontier forces available, the installation of experienced negotiators as commanders in out posts near border towns, the reduction in military presence in border towns, and an emphasis on local government control of domestic troubles., The original document contains color images.

On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of Mexico. This event was much anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, belonged to a different party than the PRI, the established official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in governing. Since the beginning of his administration, one of Fox's main goals was for Mexico to pursue a more dynamic participation in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by the nation enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, hosting world summits, and improving human rights. One of the administration's actions that attracted special attention was when Mexico asked for a seat as a nonpermanent member on the United Nations (UN) Security Council for the period 2002-2003, the third time in history that Mexico held that seat. There were divided opinions on this request, because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning the internal affairs of other countries, something that goes against Mexico's foreign policy principles. This event prompted discussion of other controversial topics, one of which was the possibility of Mexico participating in peacekeeping operations overseas, which started a bitter political debate. This study analyzes Mexican foreign policy during Fox's administration against a backdrop of the foreign principles set forth in Article 89 of the Mexican Constitution. The study discusses the influence and interpretation of these principles in the political-military environment before and during the Fox administration. As Mexico takes its place in the community of nations, it's leadership needs to determine whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current requirements for international security. An analysis of Mexico's military capabilities also is necessary to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations., The original document contains color images.