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A partir de los años 50, el gobierno español suscribió catorce nuevos convenios de intercambio de películas con distintos países para reducir el elevado coste que suponía la importación de cintas extranjeras y, además, obtener beneficios de la inversión hecha en la producción propia. Estos conciertos facilitaron la distribución del cine español en el mercado internacional. Al abrigo del Acuerdo de Cooperación Económica firmado con Portugal en 1949, y hasta 1974, se exportaron a este último país más de 154 películas de ficción. Como el resto de las películas importadas, fueron sometidas al riguroso dictamen de la censura lusa. En consonancia con el ideario salazarista, 127 de ellas sufrieron cortes de distinta consideración y naturaleza, desde la eliminación de algunos planos o la supresión de ciertas palabras, hasta la definitiva prohibición de proyectar cinco de las propuestas. Las comisiones censoras lusas tenían plenos poderes para rechazar los filmes o aligerar aquellas secuencias y frases que, a su juicio, pudieran socavar los principios morales y políticos del Estado Novo; la propia Constitución incidía en esta misión del Estado de tutelar a la sociedad para alejarla de cualquier influencia considerada nociva. Ya en 1970, durante la denominada «Primavera Marcelista», cuando se esperaba una mayor apertura, se dieron dos fenómenos divergentes que aumentaron el control sobre la producción española. Al tiempo que esta se iba adecuando a los cánones aperturistas occidentales, en Portugal crecía el miedo a las modas e ideas que pudieran cuestionar el régimen. El presente trabajo presenta un análisis de los tres elementos que constituyeron el envío de filmes españoles a Portugal: la estructura censora lusa y su actuación sobre las cintas; el sistema de intercambio de películas establecido entre ambos gobiernos y, por último, el resultado de la aplicación de las normas censoras portuguesas sobre las ya enmascaradas, metafóricas e inhibidas películas españolas, realiza, In the 1950s, the Spanish government signed fourteen new film exchange agreements with different countries to reduce the high cost of importing foreign films and, in addition, obtain benefits from the investment made in its own production. These agreements facilitated the distribution of Spanish cinema in the international market. Under the Economic Cooperation Agreement signed with Portugal in 1949, and until 1974, more than 154 fiction films were exported to that country. Like the rest of the imported films, they were submitted to the rigorous opinion of the Portuguese censorship. In keeping with the Salazarist ideology, 127 of them suffered cuts of different consideration and nature, from the elimination of some shots or the suppression of certain words, to the final ban for five films. The Portuguese Censor Commissions had full powers to reject the films or lighten those sequences and statements that, in their opinion, could undermine the moral and political principles of the New State; The Portuguese Constitution itself considered a mission of the State to protect society in order to keep it away from any considered harmful influence. Already in 1970, during the so-called «Primavera Marcelista», when a greater opening was expected, two divergent phenomena occurred that increased control over Spanish production. While the latter was adapting to the Western opening canons, the fear of fashions and ideas that could question the regime in Portugal increased. This paper presents an analysis of the three elements that made up the distribution of Spanish films to Portugal: the Portuguese censorship structure and its action on the films; the film exchange system established between both governments and, finally, the result of the application of the Portuguese censorship rules on the already masked, metaphorical and inhibited Spanish films, made by directors experienced in circumventing the censorship of their own country.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines cancel culture as «the action or practice of publicly boycotting, ostracizing, or withdrawing support from a person, institution, etc., thought to be promoting culturally unacceptable ideas». Though accurate, this definition is incomplete since cancel culture goes way beyond boycotting or ostracizing. It includes a wide spectrum of sanctions, spanning from public naming and shaming, censorship and job loss to intimidation and outright attacks in the form of verbal and physical abuse. This article discusses the mechanisms and negative impacts of cancel culture in academia by focusing on the case of Laura Favaro, who was ‘cancelled’ after publishing an article on the findings of her research on academia's ‘gender wars’. The concerted attempts to silence certain – particularly feminist – perspectives on sex and gender have severe and wide-ranging implications for researchers and the scholarly endeavour as a whole, contributing to the toxic atmosphere created by the neoliberalisation of university., El Oxford English Dictionary define la cultura de la cancelación como «la acción o práctica de públicamente boicotear, condenar al ostracismo, o retirar el apoyo a una persona, institución, etc., que se considera estar promoviendo ideas culturalmente inaceptables». Aunque precisa, esta definición está incompleta ya que la cultura de la cancelación va mucho más allá del boicot o el ostracismo. Incluye un amplio espectro de sanciones, abarcando desde nombrar y avergonzar públicamente, censura y la pérdida de trabajo hasta intimidación y ataques directos en forma de abuso verbal y físico. Este artículo aborda los mecanismos e impactos negativos de la cultura de la cancelación en el mundo académico centrándose en el caso de Laura Favaro, que fue ‘cancelada’ después de publicar un artículo sobre los resultados de su investigación sobre las ‘guerras del género’ en la academia. Los intentos concertados de silenciar ciertas perspectivas sobre el sexo y el género – particularmente las feministas – tienen implicaciones graves y de amplio alcance para el personal investigador y el cometido de la erudición en su conjunto, contribuyendo a la atmósfera tóxica creada por la neoliberalización de la universidad.

In 2015, Alex Gino published their first novel George and received numerous awards such as the Lambda Literary Award and the American Library Association’s Stonewall Award. Despite its success, Gino’s novel has been subject to controversy as it has been challenged and banned for being “age inappropriate.” When George was on the top challenged list from the years 2016-2020, some of the cited reasons for challenging the work were because: it does not reflect “the values of our community,” because schools and libraries should not “put books in a child’s hand that require discussion,” and the novel conflicted with “traditional family structure” (American Library Association). A common thread that lies between each instance of book banning, or challenging, is the involvement of mothers and their need to protect the community of vulnerable children. While none of these phrases specifically mention the roles that parents play in the challenging of this book, it is indexed by key words such as community, child, and family. With right-wing reactions to mask requirements during the COVID-19 pandemic, racial issues following the Black Lives Matter protests, the hyper fixation on assumptions regarding Critical Race Theory, and an increase in anti-queer legislation on both a state and federal level it is not a coincidence that the censorship of books have risen alongside these moments of panic. I want to shift the conversation away from the government to a place that has been seen as much more private – the home. To look within the home, I will examine Gino’s novel that predates the existence of Moms for Liberty as a place of potential overlap between liberal and the conservative mother. A place of commonality is the reliance on a single answer on how to parent a transgender child. I will explore what role secrets play in the anxiety surrounding a trans child, and how secrecy is a privilege that a child does not have within the home. By looking at both the secrets Gino’s protago

The media is fundamental to socio-political life. It delivers facts to allow us to be well informed about the matters that are essential to every individual. The Constitution of The Islamic Republic of Pakistan legally protects the freedom of press and through the freedom of information ordinance 2002 and code of conduct rules 2010. However, Media has never been independent of Politics and society. Pakistan has remained under military rule and many media outlets supported and acted on its orders. Democracy is the basic necessity for an independent media. As politics became increasingly mediatized, the influence of media on the society is far reaching than individual politicians. Various media outlets and channels in Pakistan have been seen either advocating or criticizing various governments in power or in opposition. Media outlets are often associated with politicians and bureaucrats, which are privately owned. Unlike the Associated Press of Pakistan and the state owned National Broadcaster the Pakistan Television Network. This research article covers the mediatization of politics in Pakistan and various stages through which it has passed on. The study also analyses the future of media and its technology in addition the media should also train people and educate them on media responsibilities. The role of Media in any society plays a pivotal role in building a sense of decision making and portraying the image of politicians and bureaucracy. Media has been aiding as a cautious watch dog of Pakistan.

The media is fundamental to socio-political life. It delivers facts to allow us to be well informed about the matters that are essential to every individual. The Constitution of The Islamic Republic of Pakistan legally protects the freedom of press and through the freedom of information ordinance 2002 and code of conduct rules 2010. However, Media has never been independent of Politics and society. Pakistan has remained under military rule and many media outlets supported and acted on its orders. Democracy is the basic necessity for an independent media. As politics became increasingly mediatized, the influence of media on the society is far reaching than individual politicians. Various media outlets and channels in Pakistan have been seen either advocating or criticizing various governments in power or in opposition. Media outlets are often associated with politicians and bureaucrats, which are privately owned. Unlike the Associated Press of Pakistan and the state owned National Broadcaster the Pakistan Television Network. This research article covers the mediatization of politics in Pakistan and various stages through which it has passed on. The study also analyses the future of media and its technology in addition the media should also train people and educate them on media responsibilities. The role of Media in any society plays a pivotal role in building a sense of decision making and portraying the image of politicians and bureaucracy. Media has been aiding as a cautious watch dog of Pakistan.

Introduction: In 2022 the conflict between Russia and Ukraine led Facebook to encourage a rise of hate speech and use of violence against Russian people. This led the Russian government to take measures and ban the use of western social media such as Facebook and Instagram in Russia and proclaim the Meta organization as an extremist organization. The ban caused various reactions which consequently led to a divergence in responses and opinions. Furthermore, the situation raises the question if the ban of western social media platforms is affecting Russian ICTs users' perception and political opinion. Aim: The aim of the study is to examine how the ban of western social media giants in Russia (Facebook, Instagram) affect Russian ICTs users’ attitude in the context of “critical citizen” or regime supporter. Also, the reasons why some Russians avoid western ICTs ban by using VPN and how some Russians experience ICTs censorship. A theoretical framework has been developed for the purpose to identify the different factors which might possibly lead to the emergence of “critical citizen” or pro-government citizen. Methodology: Semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect empirical data and fulfill the purpose of the thesis. Conclusion and contribution: The empirical data shows that the ban of Western ICTs (Facebook, Instagram) in Russia did not negatively affect ICTs users’ attitude toward Russian government nor encouraged an emergence of “critical citizen” rather in most cases raise an understanding and support of the ban even among those who still using Facebook and Instagram. Findings show that VPN usage in most cases correlated with habits of preferences rather than a seeking of western political information. Furthermore, the user's perception on Facebook and Instagram censorship is more neutral/negative in context of general restriction and neutral/positive in context of Western influence resistance.

In this essay I examine the ethics of offensive humor through the lens of the Benign Violation Theory, which posits that humor arises when something seems wrong (a violation) but also okay (benign). I argue that while offensive humor can cause harm by promoting stereotypes and disengaging compassion, ultimately the arguments for free speech justify allowing it, as restricting such speech could lead to a slippery slope of unjustified censorship. Instead of restriction, the better response is more speech and efforts to address the root causes inspiring offensive humor.

The evolution and diversification of Young Adult literature (YA) in the last two decades have brought about significant changes, particularly in the representation of LGBT characters. Tropes have always been a staple in literature, but their use in YA has taken on a unique significance when it comes to LGBT representation. These tropes have developed in parallel with the political landscape of the USA and the rise of LGBT rights. In this context, the analysis of three popular YA series, Percy Jackson and The Olympians, The Mortal Instruments, and The Raven Cycle, and their respective sequels and spin-offs, becomes crucial. By examining the use of tropes and the treatment of LGBT characters in these series, we can better understand the changes that have occurred over time and the commonalities and differences among them. Moreover, this analysis will also shed light on aspects outside the novels that have contributed to these developments. While similar patterns emerge in all three series, each one handles LGBT topics differently, depending on the time of publication. Finally, we will also explore the current state of publishing and the role that communities play in shaping these popular series. By examining these issues, we can gain a better understanding of the role that literature plays in shaping our perceptions of LGBT individuals and the broader social context in which these works are produced.

In democratic societies, cultural organizations function based on principles of freedom of expression. In non-democratic countries, promoting this fundamental value can be more challenging for such organizations and their actors. This paper explores potential interactions between structure and agency that can leverage freedom of expression, creating an environment conducive to development and creativity. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with human rights experts and employees of Dawit Isaak Library in Malmo, Sweden. The paper finds that capitalizing on freedom of expression is interdependent with other resources, and that financial autonomy is an essential aspect. This can be achieved through various means, including strategic partnerships, careful sponsorships, collaborations with like-minded cultural entities, and the establishment of independent financial foundations through endowment funds and crowdfunding initiatives. We argue that it is crucial to strengthen the efforts of institutions active in this domain while supporting individuals' and groups' agency to create change in non-democratic societies. The paper also emphasizes the role of cultural and symbolic capital, highlighting the significance of exercising caution and striking a balance between freedom of expression and other human rights principles to prevent conflicts and safeguard vulnerable groups' rights.

The EU views malign information influence (MII) as a threat, and this has been enhanced with the Russian invasion of Ukraine resulting in a ban on several Russian media. This article adds to research on the dilemmas of democracies in combatting MII, by consulting the public on whether the ban was a proportionate and effective measure and if it stained the EU’s moral authority. Combining focus groups with a survey of the Swedish population, we found robust support for the ban–slightly stronger among women and increasing with age–and little backlash towards the EU. Respondents supported active countermeasures yet recognised problems with curtailing the free flow of information. The results indicate a need for refinement of an ideal-type model of countermeasures to MII (Hellman and Wagnsson 2017). We suggest a new category–“fortifying”–that highlights shared state/individual responsibility and the strengthening of citizens, authorities and the media. We conclude by suggesting a need for additional research on how to balance values of freedom and security and whether public support of bans relies on the precarious geopolitical situation resulting from the Russian invasion of Ukraine or if securitisation of information is an enduring trend.

In democratic societies, cultural organizations function based on principles of freedom of expression. In non-democratic countries, promoting this fundamental value can be more challenging for such organizations and their actors. This paper explores potential interactions between structure and agency that can leverage freedom of expression, creating an environment conducive to development and creativity. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with human rights experts and employees of Dawit Isaak Library in Malmo, Sweden. The paper finds that capitalizing on freedom of expression is interdependent with other resources, and that financial autonomy is an essential aspect. This can be achieved through various means, including strategic partnerships, careful sponsorships, collaborations with like-minded cultural entities, and the establishment of independent financial foundations through endowment funds and crowdfunding initiatives. We argue that it is crucial to strengthen the efforts of institutions active in this domain while supporting individuals' and groups' agency to create change in non-democratic societies. The paper also emphasizes the role of cultural and symbolic capital, highlighting the significance of exercising caution and striking a balance between freedom of expression and other human rights principles to prevent conflicts and safeguard vulnerable groups' rights.

Introduction: In 2022 the conflict between Russia and Ukraine led Facebook to encourage a rise of hate speech and use of violence against Russian people. This led the Russian government to take measures and ban the use of western social media such as Facebook and Instagram in Russia and proclaim the Meta organization as an extremist organization. The ban caused various reactions which consequently led to a divergence in responses and opinions. Furthermore, the situation raises the question if the ban of western social media platforms is affecting Russian ICTs users' perception and political opinion. Aim: The aim of the study is to examine how the ban of western social media giants in Russia (Facebook, Instagram) affect Russian ICTs users’ attitude in the context of “critical citizen” or regime supporter. Also, the reasons why some Russians avoid western ICTs ban by using VPN and how some Russians experience ICTs censorship. A theoretical framework has been developed for the purpose to identify the different factors which might possibly lead to the emergence of “critical citizen” or pro-government citizen. Methodology: Semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect empirical data and fulfill the purpose of the thesis. Conclusion and contribution: The empirical data shows that the ban of Western ICTs (Facebook, Instagram) in Russia did not negatively affect ICTs users’ attitude toward Russian government nor encouraged an emergence of “critical citizen” rather in most cases raise an understanding and support of the ban even among those who still using Facebook and Instagram. Findings show that VPN usage in most cases correlated with habits of preferences rather than a seeking of western political information. Furthermore, the user's perception on Facebook and Instagram censorship is more neutral/negative in context of general restriction and neutral/positive in context of Western influence resistance.

Sex tech entrepreneurship navigates shifting societal norms, rapid technological innovation, and complex regulatory frameworks, presenting unique ethical and outsidership challenges. Despite valuable insights from the broader sex and tech industries on overcoming these barriers to mainstream markets, research specific to sex tech remains scarce. The initial aim is to qualitatively explore the experiences of sex tech entrepreneurs and their stakeholders, focusing on the ethical challenges and mainstream outsidership. The second aim is to discover the strategies used by sex tech startups and their stakeholders to overcome ethical and outsidership barriers to access mainstream markets. Drawing upon recorded video data from the Sx Tech Eu Conference 2023 of 15 sex tech entrepreneurs and their stakeholders, this qualitative phenomenological research explored and analysed the raw data with an inductive thematic analysis using NVivo. Three core themes emerged, including being pushed to the margins by misguided policies that censor broad swathes, overcoming barriers to the mainstream with common ground and startup common sense, and cultivating a safe haven that fortifies the sex tech ecosystem. While further research is needed on sex tech startups facing stigma and censorship, effective strategies for mainstream success are already in play.

In this essay I examine the ethics of offensive humor through the lens of the Benign Violation Theory, which posits that humor arises when something seems wrong (a violation) but also okay (benign). I argue that while offensive humor can cause harm by promoting stereotypes and disengaging compassion, ultimately the arguments for free speech justify allowing it, as restricting such speech could lead to a slippery slope of unjustified censorship. Instead of restriction, the better response is more speech and efforts to address the root causes inspiring offensive humor.

The evolution and diversification of Young Adult literature (YA) in the last two decades have brought about significant changes, particularly in the representation of LGBT characters. Tropes have always been a staple in literature, but their use in YA has taken on a unique significance when it comes to LGBT representation. These tropes have developed in parallel with the political landscape of the USA and the rise of LGBT rights. In this context, the analysis of three popular YA series, Percy Jackson and The Olympians, The Mortal Instruments, and The Raven Cycle, and their respective sequels and spin-offs, becomes crucial. By examining the use of tropes and the treatment of LGBT characters in these series, we can better understand the changes that have occurred over time and the commonalities and differences among them. Moreover, this analysis will also shed light on aspects outside the novels that have contributed to these developments. While similar patterns emerge in all three series, each one handles LGBT topics differently, depending on the time of publication. Finally, we will also explore the current state of publishing and the role that communities play in shaping these popular series. By examining these issues, we can gain a better understanding of the role that literature plays in shaping our perceptions of LGBT individuals and the broader social context in which these works are produced.

In his article “Translation as Creative Writing: Rewriting The Chinese Maze Murders in Contemporary China,” Xiaoquan Raphael Zhang examines four groups of selected writings centered on one of Robert van Gulik’s more well-known Judge Dee novels, The Chinese Maze Murders (written first in English but not published until 1956). Different from most publications on van Gulik and his novels, Zhang examines the impact of censorship and self-censorship on the writing, rewriting, and (re)adapting, “literal” and “liberal/free” translation of the Judge Dee stories traveling between Chinese and English, between China and the West, for Chinese and non-Chinese audiences. Focus is given to contextualizing the two Chinese versions and in particular Chen’s rendition. Zhang argues that the Chinese translator’s (self-)censorship plays a role in generating more creativity and agency, sometimes coerced, in literary translation across different cultures and languages and renders literary translation more a creative mission than merely retelling stories in a different language. Viewed in this light, translators are more like creative writers. What deserves more scholarly investigation is their agency and strategies in (re)creating the texts for their target audience in the target language.

José Francisco Fernández, editor. -- (Literatura; 97), Direcciones de correo electrónico de las autoras: Olaia Andaluz-Pinedo (olaia.andaluz@ehu.eus); Raquel Merino-Álvarez (raquel.merino@ehu.eus), [ES] Desde 1955, año en que se estrena Esperando a Godot en Madrid, las obras teatrales de Samuel Beckett se han representado de forma constante en España. Esta contribución tratará de reconstruir la entrada e integración de las producciones de este autor durante el franquismo. Para ello, hemos recurrido al Archivo General de la Administración (AGA), una valiosa fuente documental para entender la historia del teatro traducido durante un periodo en que existía la censura obligatoria para las representaciones. Entre 1955 y 1978, fecha del fin de la censura oficial, se han localizado 41 expedientes de censura para piezas dramáticas de Beckett. Los títulos a los que se refieren dichos expedientes, siguiendo el orden cronológico de las solicitudes de representación, son Esperando a Godot (1955), Final de partida (1958), Acto sin palabras (1959), La última cinta (1959), Días Felices (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come & Go, Words) (1966), Comedia (1969) y Poemas de Samuel Beckett (1969). Por otra parte, algunos expedientes están relacionados con producciones basadas en fragmentos de obras de Beckett: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). La consulta en profundidad de las abundantes evidencias documentales archivadas en los expedientes arrojará luz sobre la llegada de las obras (traducidas) de Beckett a los escenarios españoles durante más de veinte años., [EN] Since 1955, the year of Waiting for Godot’s premier in Madrid, Samuel Beckett’s plays have had a constant presence on Spanish stages. This chapter attempts to reconstruct the entrance and integration of theatre productions of this author during Francoism. For that purpose, we have consulted the AGA (Spanish censorship archives), a valuable documentary resource to understand history of translated theatre during a period when there was compulsory censorship for theatre performances. Between 1955 and 1978, when official censorship ended, 41 censorship records related to Beckett’s dramatic works were found. The titles that those records refer to are, in chronological order of applications to stage them, Waiting for Godot (1955), Endgame (1958), Act Without Words (1959), Krapp’s Last Tape (1959), Happy Days (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come and Go, Words) (1966), Play (1969) and Poemas de Samuel Beckett (poems) (1969). Other records are associated to productions based on fragments of Beckett’s works: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). An in-depth study of the rich documentation filed in the censorship records will shed light on the introduction of Beckett’s (translated) plays to Spanish audiences for over twenty years.

José Francisco Fernández, editor. -- (Literatura; 97), Direcciones de correo electrónico de las autoras: Olaia Andaluz-Pinedo (olaia.andaluz@ehu.eus); Raquel Merino-Álvarez (raquel.merino@ehu.eus), [ES] Desde 1955, año en que se estrena Esperando a Godot en Madrid, las obras teatrales de Samuel Beckett se han representado de forma constante en España. Esta contribución tratará de reconstruir la entrada e integración de las producciones de este autor durante el franquismo. Para ello, hemos recurrido al Archivo General de la Administración (AGA), una valiosa fuente documental para entender la historia del teatro traducido durante un periodo en que existía la censura obligatoria para las representaciones. Entre 1955 y 1978, fecha del fin de la censura oficial, se han localizado 41 expedientes de censura para piezas dramáticas de Beckett. Los títulos a los que se refieren dichos expedientes, siguiendo el orden cronológico de las solicitudes de representación, son Esperando a Godot (1955), Final de partida (1958), Acto sin palabras (1959), La última cinta (1959), Días Felices (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come & Go, Words) (1966), Comedia (1969) y Poemas de Samuel Beckett (1969). Por otra parte, algunos expedientes están relacionados con producciones basadas en fragmentos de obras de Beckett: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). La consulta en profundidad de las abundantes evidencias documentales archivadas en los expedientes arrojará luz sobre la llegada de las obras (traducidas) de Beckett a los escenarios españoles durante más de veinte años., [EN] Since 1955, the year of Waiting for Godot’s premier in Madrid, Samuel Beckett’s plays have had a constant presence on Spanish stages. This chapter attempts to reconstruct the entrance and integration of theatre productions of this author during Francoism. For that purpose, we have consulted the AGA (Spanish censorship archives), a valuable documentary resource to understand history of translated theatre during a period when there was compulsory censorship for theatre performances. Between 1955 and 1978, when official censorship ended, 41 censorship records related to Beckett’s dramatic works were found. The titles that those records refer to are, in chronological order of applications to stage them, Waiting for Godot (1955), Endgame (1958), Act Without Words (1959), Krapp’s Last Tape (1959), Happy Days (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come and Go, Words) (1966), Play (1969) and Poemas de Samuel Beckett (poems) (1969). Other records are associated to productions based on fragments of Beckett’s works: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). An in-depth study of the rich documentation filed in the censorship records will shed light on the introduction of Beckett’s (translated) plays to Spanish audiences for over twenty years.

The EU views malign information influence (MII) as a threat, and this has been enhanced with the Russian invasion of Ukraine resulting in a ban on several Russian media. This article adds to research on the dilemmas of democracies in combatting MII, by consulting the public on whether the ban was a proportionate and effective measure and if it stained the EU’s moral authority. Combining focus groups with a survey of the Swedish population, we found robust support for the ban – slightly stronger among women and increasing with age – and little backlash towards the EU. Respondents supported active countermeasures yet recognised problems with curtailing the free flow of information. The results indicate a need for refinement of an ideal-type model of countermeasures to MII (Hellman and Wagnsson Citation2017). We suggest a new category – “fortifying” – that highlights shared state/individual responsibility and the strengthening of citizens, authorities and the media. We conclude by suggesting a need for additional research on how to balance values of freedom and security and whether public support of bans relies on the precarious geopolitical situation resulting from the Russian invasion of Ukraine or if securitisation of information is an enduring trend.

José Francisco Fernández, editor. -- (Literatura; 97), Direcciones de correo electrónico de las autoras: Olaia Andaluz-Pinedo (olaia.andaluz@ehu.eus); Raquel Merino-Álvarez (raquel.merino@ehu.eus), [ES] Desde 1955, año en que se estrena Esperando a Godot en Madrid, las obras teatrales de Samuel Beckett se han representado de forma constante en España. Esta contribución tratará de reconstruir la entrada e integración de las producciones de este autor durante el franquismo. Para ello, hemos recurrido al Archivo General de la Administración (AGA), una valiosa fuente documental para entender la historia del teatro traducido durante un periodo en que existía la censura obligatoria para las representaciones. Entre 1955 y 1978, fecha del fin de la censura oficial, se han localizado 41 expedientes de censura para piezas dramáticas de Beckett. Los títulos a los que se refieren dichos expedientes, siguiendo el orden cronológico de las solicitudes de representación, son Esperando a Godot (1955), Final de partida (1958), Acto sin palabras (1959), La última cinta (1959), Días Felices (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come & Go, Words) (1966), Comedia (1969) y Poemas de Samuel Beckett (1969). Por otra parte, algunos expedientes están relacionados con producciones basadas en fragmentos de obras de Beckett: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). La consulta en profundidad de las abundantes evidencias documentales archivadas en los expedientes arrojará luz sobre la llegada de las obras (traducidas) de Beckett a los escenarios españoles durante más de veinte años., [EN] Since 1955, the year of Waiting for Godot’s premier in Madrid, Samuel Beckett’s plays have had a constant presence on Spanish stages. This chapter attempts to reconstruct the entrance and integration of theatre productions of this author during Francoism. For that purpose, we have consulted the AGA (Spanish censorship archives), a valuable documentary resource to understand history of translated theatre during a period when there was compulsory censorship for theatre performances. Between 1955 and 1978, when official censorship ended, 41 censorship records related to Beckett’s dramatic works were found. The titles that those records refer to are, in chronological order of applications to stage them, Waiting for Godot (1955), Endgame (1958), Act Without Words (1959), Krapp’s Last Tape (1959), Happy Days (1963), Beckett 66 (Eh Joe, Come and Go, Words) (1966), Play (1969) and Poemas de Samuel Beckett (poems) (1969). Other records are associated to productions based on fragments of Beckett’s works: Qué prefiere usted pasión o desolación (1970), Requiebros oníricos o históricos sobre la metafísica Beckettiana (1971) y Obra inacabada (1973). An in-depth study of the rich documentation filed in the censorship records will shed light on the introduction of Beckett’s (translated) plays to Spanish audiences for over twenty years.

This article analyses, from a comparative point of view, the film adaptation of La ciudad perdida (1951), an original literary work by Mercedes Formica. Like the novel, the film directed by Margarita Alexandre and Rafael María Torrecilla suffered the consequences of censorship, giving rise to two versions: a Spanish one (La ciudad perdida) and an Italian one (Terroristi a Madrid). This research has made it possible to identify substantial changes between the two films that affect such important aspects as the script and editing, and which are linked to the construction of the image of the two main protagonists, Rafa and María. This leads to two different views: that imposed by censorship and that of the authors., Este artículo analiza, desde el punto de vista comparativo, la adaptación cinematográfica de La ciudad perdida (1951), obra literaria original de Mercedes Formica. Al igual que la novela, la película dirigida por Margarita Alexandre y Rafael María Torrecilla sufrió las consecuencias de la censura dando lugar a dos versiones en 1955: una española (La ciudad perdida) y una italiana (Terroristi a Madrid). Esta investigación ha permitido identificar cambios sustanciales entre las dos películas que afectan a aspectos tan importantes como el guion y el montaje, y que están ligados a la construcción de la imagen de los dos protagonistas principales, Rafa y María. Esto conduce a dos miradas diferentes: la impuesta por la censura y la de los autores.

Sex tech entrepreneurship navigates shifting societal norms, rapid technological innovation, and complex regulatory frameworks, presenting unique ethical and outsidership challenges. Despite valuable insights from the broader sex and tech industries on overcoming these barriers to mainstream markets, research specific to sex tech remains scarce. The initial aim is to qualitatively explore the experiences of sex tech entrepreneurs and their stakeholders, focusing on the ethical challenges and mainstream outsidership. The second aim is to discover the strategies used by sex tech startups and their stakeholders to overcome ethical and outsidership barriers to access mainstream markets. Drawing upon recorded video data from the Sx Tech Eu Conference 2023 of 15 sex tech entrepreneurs and their stakeholders, this qualitative phenomenological research explored and analysed the raw data with an inductive thematic analysis using NVivo. Three core themes emerged, including being pushed to the margins by misguided policies that censor broad swathes, overcoming barriers to the mainstream with common ground and startup common sense, and cultivating a safe haven that fortifies the sex tech ecosystem. While further research is needed on sex tech startups facing stigma and censorship, effective strategies for mainstream success are already in play.

K-pop, a musical genre originating from South Korea, has transcended linguistic and cultural barriers, expanding into a transcultural world. The popularization of Korean culture, driven by the growth of the entertainment industry, has led to the adoption of Western values by South Korean pop groups. In the last two decades, this genre has given rise to phenomena such as “stan culture” and new cultural identities in fandoms, which are the subject of investigation. These phenomena converge in political events related to social upheavals and censorship on Twitter, where K-Pop fandoms have created spaces of visibility during periods of political and social instability worldwide. This work seeks to understand the influence of K-Pop in regions distant from Asian culture, diversifying knowledge about groups present in mass protests in Latin America in the last decade, exploring the reasons behind their participation in different social upheavals., OK-Pop, um gênero musical originário da Coreia do Sul, transcendeu barreiras linguísticas e culturais, expandindo-se para um mundo transcultural. A popularização da cultura coreana, impulsionada pelo crescimento da indústria do entretenimento, levou à adoção de valores ocidentais por grupos de pop sul-coreanos. Nas últimas duas décadas, esse gênero deu origem a fenômenos como a “stan culture” e novas identidades culturais nos fandoms, que são objeto de pesquisa. Esses fenômenos convergem em eventos políticos relacionados a protestos sociais e censura no Twitter, onde os fandoms de K-Pop criaram espaços de visibilidade em momentos de instabilidade política e social global. Este trabalho busca compreender a influência do K-Pop em regiões distantes da cultura asiática, diversificando o conhecimento sobre grupos presentes em protestos massivos na América Latina na última década, explorando as razões por trás de sua participação em diferentes protestos sociais., El K-Pop es un género musical originario de Corea del Sur, que, sin importar las aparentes barreras idiomáticas y culturales, se ha abierto paso en un mundo transcultural. La popularización de la cultura coreana en docenas de países alrededor del mundo a raíz del crecimiento de su industria del entretenimiento permitió la imitación de valores occidentales por partes de los grupos musicales de pop oriundos del país asiático. En las últimas dos décadas hemos identificado cómo, gracias a este género, se les han dado paso a fenómenos como la stan culture y las nuevas identidades culturales de los fandoms que hacen parte de nuestro objeto de investigación. Todos estos fenómenos convergen y se logran identificar en diferentes acontecimientos políticos relacionados con estallidos sociales y censura en la red social Twitter, en los que fandoms pertenecientes al K-Pop crearon un espacio de visibilidad y difusión masiva de lo que estaba ocurriendo en periodos de inestabilidad política y social de diferentes países alrededor del mundo. Este trabajo busca relacionar y entender la influencia del K-Pop en países alejados de la cultura asiática y diversificar el conocimiento existente sobre las agrupaciones que estuvieron presentes dentro de distintas protestas masivas que han ocurrido en Latinoamérica en la última década, buscando comprender los porques de su integración en los distintos estallidos sociales.

This chapter looks at the status of the freedom of the press, and the legal possibilities and obstacles that affect media’s ability to hold power to account and safeguard the principles of democracy. The legal environment in countries as diverse as the United States, Egypt, and Sweden differs greatly, and affects the ability of journalists to report news to citizens that enables them to take part in the public discourse, based on theories on the public sphere. And according to theories on democracy, informed citizens can be seen as a requirement for democracy. Thus, certain conditions are necessary for journalism to be considered the fourth estate, and arguments for this are based on comparing the working conditions for independent professional journalists by semi-structured interviews with local journalists. Aspects discussed are access to official documents, media’s right to protect anonymous sources and the increase in intimidatory tactics against reporters, as the three countries are in different ways applying laws in order to regulate the media and their ability to hold power to account.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines cancel culture as «the action or practice of publicly boycotting, ostracizing, or withdrawing support from a person, institution, etc., thought to be promoting culturally unacceptable ideas». Though accurate, this definition is incomplete since cancel culture goes way beyond boycotting or ostracizing. It includes a wide spectrum of sanctions, spanning from public naming and shaming, censorship and job loss to intimidation and outright attacks in the form of verbal and physical abuse. This article discusses the mechanisms and negative impacts of cancel culture in academia by focusing on the case of Laura Favaro, who was ‘cancelled’ after publishing an article on the findings of her research on academia's ‘gender wars’. The concerted attempts to silence certain – particularly feminist – perspectives on sex and gender have severe and wide-ranging implications for researchers and the scholarly endeavour as a whole, contributing to the toxic atmosphere created by the neoliberalisation of university., El Oxford English Dictionary define la cultura de la cancelación como «la acción o práctica de públicamente boicotear, condenar al ostracismo, o retirar el apoyo a una persona, institución, etc., que se considera estar promoviendo ideas culturalmente inaceptables». Aunque precisa, esta definición está incompleta ya que la cultura de la cancelación va mucho más allá del boicot o el ostracismo. Incluye un amplio espectro de sanciones, abarcando desde nombrar y avergonzar públicamente, censura y la pérdida de trabajo hasta intimidación y ataques directos en forma de abuso verbal y físico. Este artículo aborda los mecanismos e impactos negativos de la cultura de la cancelación en el mundo académico centrándose en el caso de Laura Favaro, que fue ‘cancelada’ después de publicar un artículo sobre los resultados de su investigación sobre las ‘guerras del género’ en la academia. Los intentos concertados de silenciar ciertas perspectivas sobre el sexo y el género – particularmente las feministas – tienen implicaciones graves y de amplio alcance para el personal investigador y el cometido de la erudición en su conjunto, contribuyendo a la atmósfera tóxica creada por la neoliberalización de la universidad.

This qualitative study explored social media users’ perceived experience of censorship on social media communication platforms to better understand the effects of censorship on users. The study relied on a qualitative questionnaire with open-ended questions to collect initial data from 115 participants in the United States. Of the questionnaire respondents, 12 participated in an in-depth interview. The questionnaires and interview answers gathered information about users’ perceived experiences of censorship on social media platforms to determine whether there is a need for changes in current social media practices and policies. The study found that Black males between the ages of 25 and 34 years believe that they are unjustly targeted by social media platforms with censorship and advocate for reform. The phenomenological and sociocultural communication traditions and the muted group and spiral of silence theories were used to evaluate the information gathered and answer the research questions.

A pesar del interés académico despertado por la Guerra Civil española, son escasos los estudios referentes a la publicidad comercial producida durante este periodo. Además, ninguno profundiza en la censura a la que se veía sometida la profesión a la hora de representar figuras femeninas. Así, en este artículo se pretende demostrar la existencia de esta censura por medio de un exhaustivo análisis documental. A su vez, a través de un análisis de contenido, se ha estudiado su evolución en el diario de mayor cobertura en el bando nacional: el ABC de Sevilla. Por último, se han conjugado ambos análisis para apuntar las posibles causas de las fluctuaciones observadas en los desnudos femeninos a lo largo del conflicto., In spite of the academic interest awakened by the Spanish Civil War, studies concerning the advertising produced in this period are scarce. Furthermore, none of them have delved into the censorship to which the sector was subjected to when representing female figures. Thus, with this paper we intend to prove the existence of such censorship by means of a thorough documentary analysis. At the same time, through a content analysis, we have studied its evolution on the ABC of Seville –the newspaper with the most coverage of the nationalist faction. Finally, both analyses have been combined to indicate the possible causes of the fluctuations observed in female nudes throughout the conflict., Depto. de Teorías y Análisis de la Comunicación, Fac. de Ciencias de la Información, TRUE, pub

En el trabajo se analizan las arbitrariedades de la censura durante el franquismo y se señala cómo las obras de José Jiménez Lozano constituyen un desafío a los mismos presupuestos censores: sus historias muestran las consecuencias de usar la autoridad como freno a la libertad, así como la irreductibilidad de una conciencia libre. Se hace a partir de una colección de cartas inéditas sobre la escritura del autor de 1960. En ellas se des- cubre la confusión de las advertencias que, a instancias de la autoridad eclesial, realiza la autoridad política sobre sus artículos. En segundo lugar, se analizan los expedientes de la censura sobre las tres primeras novelas del escritor: Historia de un otoño (1971), El sambenito (1972) y La salamandra (1973), los tres conservados en el Archivo General de la Administración. La censura conmina a mantener una imagen de España con fe y pensamiento únicos., The present study analyses the arbitrariness of censorship during Franco's regime. It is pointed out how the works of José Jiménez Lozano are a challenge to the censorship principles: the stories show the consequences of using authority as a deterrent of freedom, as well as, the irreducibility of a free conscience. It is based on the unpublished letters regarding José Jiménez Lozano's writings on 1960. In them appears the muddled warnings issued by the political authority, following the advice of the ecclesial authority, against his articles. Secondly, the present work studies the censorship files regarding the three first novels of the writer: Historia de un otoño (1971), El sambenito (1972) y La salamandra (1973), which are kept at Archivo General de la Administración. The censorship authority urges to maintain Spain's image of a country of one faith and one thought., Depto. de Literaturas Hispánicas y Bibliografía, Fac. de Ciencias de la Información, TRUE, pub

The aim for this essay is, along with the four included case studies, is to examine the social media platform, Instagram's strict guidelines when it comes to showing nudity. On the platform there is a certain double standard, artists as well as art institutions are censored, that is, they get pictures removed or their accounts blocked when they try to show works that have nudity depicted, but at the same time nudity exists on the platform, this essay wants to highlight the double standard by setting the example that images from accounts of celebrities, which show as much nudity as a work of art, if not more, are allowed to be available on the social platform. This essay then also wants to emphasize that why it is this way is because fundamentally it is a social problem, it is the structures and norms that exist around us that are the contributing factors. How we see the ideal body and beauty and how the male gaze is the gaze that is precisely the dominant gaze. Another factor that this essay will analyse is the difference between art and pornography, and how it affects censorship among a number of artists. With the support of interviews and the theoretical frameworks, this essay will examine Instagram as a modern place to display art, while the platform is mostly double standards and bias. In addition, this essay will highlight that in the game of nudity celebrities have different and easier rules of the game, compared to artists, they are instead dealt with the strict rules of the game., Målet med denna uppsats är tillsammans med de fyra inkluderade fall studierna, undersöka den sociala media plattformen, Instagrams strikta riktlinjer när det kommer till att visa nakenhet. På plattformen förekommer det en viss dubbelmoral, konstnärer samt konstinstitutioner blir censurerade, det vill säga, de får bilder borttagna eller deras konton blockerade när de försöker visa verk som har nakenhet avbildat, men samtidigt existerar det nakenhet på plattformen, denna uppsats vill framhäva den dubbelmoral genom att ge exempel på att bilder från kända personers konton, som visar lika mycket nakenhet som ett konstverk, om inte mer, får vara tillgängligt på den sociala plattformen. Denna uppsats vill då även framhäva att varför det är på detta sätt är för i grunden är det ett samhällsproblem, det är strukturer och normer som existerar runt omkring oss som är de bidragande faktorerna. Hur vi ser den ideala kroppen samt skönhet och hur den manliga blicken är den blicken som är just den dominanta blicken. En annan faktor som denna uppsats kommer analysera är skillnaden på konst och pornografi, och hur det påverkar censuren bland ett antal konstnärer. Med stöd av intervjuer och de teoretiska ramverken kommer denna uppsats undersöka Instagram som en modern plats för att visa konst, samtidigt som plattformen är till mesta del dubbelmoralisk och bias. Dessutom kommer denna uppsats att framhäva att i spelet om nakenhet har kända personer andra och enklare spelregler, jämfört med konstnärer, de blir i stället utdelade de stränga spelreglerna.

The aim for this essay is, along with the four included case studies, is to examine the social media platform, Instagram's strict guidelines when it comes to showing nudity. On the platform there is a certain double standard, artists as well as art institutions are censored, that is, they get pictures removed or their accounts blocked when they try to show works that have nudity depicted, but at the same time nudity exists on the platform, this essay wants to highlight the double standard by setting the example that images from accounts of celebrities, which show as much nudity as a work of art, if not more, are allowed to be available on the social platform. This essay then also wants to emphasize that why it is this way is because fundamentally it is a social problem, it is the structures and norms that exist around us that are the contributing factors. How we see the ideal body and beauty and how the male gaze is the gaze that is precisely the dominant gaze. Another factor that this essay will analyse is the difference between art and pornography, and how it affects censorship among a number of artists. With the support of interviews and the theoretical frameworks, this essay will examine Instagram as a modern place to display art, while the platform is mostly double standards and bias. In addition, this essay will highlight that in the game of nudity celebrities have different and easier rules of the game, compared to artists, they are instead dealt with the strict rules of the game., Målet med denna uppsats är tillsammans med de fyra inkluderade fall studierna, undersöka den sociala media plattformen, Instagrams strikta riktlinjer när det kommer till att visa nakenhet. På plattformen förekommer det en viss dubbelmoral, konstnärer samt konstinstitutioner blir censurerade, det vill säga, de får bilder borttagna eller deras konton blockerade när de försöker visa verk som har nakenhet avbildat, men samtidigt existerar det nakenhet på plattformen, denna uppsats vill framhäva den dubbelmoral genom att ge exempel på att bilder från kända personers konton, som visar lika mycket nakenhet som ett konstverk, om inte mer, får vara tillgängligt på den sociala plattformen. Denna uppsats vill då även framhäva att varför det är på detta sätt är för i grunden är det ett samhällsproblem, det är strukturer och normer som existerar runt omkring oss som är de bidragande faktorerna. Hur vi ser den ideala kroppen samt skönhet och hur den manliga blicken är den blicken som är just den dominanta blicken. En annan faktor som denna uppsats kommer analysera är skillnaden på konst och pornografi, och hur det påverkar censuren bland ett antal konstnärer. Med stöd av intervjuer och de teoretiska ramverken kommer denna uppsats undersöka Instagram som en modern plats för att visa konst, samtidigt som plattformen är till mesta del dubbelmoralisk och bias. Dessutom kommer denna uppsats att framhäva att i spelet om nakenhet har kända personer andra och enklare spelregler, jämfört med konstnärer, de blir i stället utdelade de stränga spelreglerna.

The objective of this work is to determine how censorship can influence the design of film posters. To do this, a comparative analysis has been made between Spain and France in the period from 1939 to 1975, a time in which the Franco dictatorship and the censorship that this entailed developed, and at the same time the French had a democracy with freedom of expression. The posters analyzed are those of the films that won Oscars in those years. The methodology is based on quantitative analysis using a sheet that observes the use of color, typography, composition, technique and illustration in addition to the social values present. It is evident that censorship acted by limiting freedom of expression, but in the case at hand and from the results obtained, it can be concluded that at the cinematographic level the Spanish poster is not so far from that produced in France, a regime whose freedom was more present due to democracy, El objetivo de este trabajo es determinar como la censura puede influir en el diseño de los carteles cinematográficos. Para ello se ha hecho un análisis comparativo entre España y Francia en el periodo de 1939 a 1975, tiempo en el que se desarrolló la dictadura franquista y la censura que esto conllevó, y al mismo tiempo los franceses tenían una democracia con libertad de expresión. Los carteles analizados son los de las películas que en esos años ganaron premios Oscars. La metodología se basa en el análisis cuantitativo mediante una ficha que observa el uso del color, la tipografía, la composición, la técnica y la ilustración además de los valores sociales presentes. Es evidente que la censura actuó limitando la libertad de expresión, pero en el caso que nos ocupa y de los resultados obtenidos se puede concluir que a nivel cinematográfico el cartel español no dista tanto del producido en Francia, régimen cuya libertad estaba más presente debido a la democracia.

El presente proyecto propone un estudio sobre el caso de La Biblioteca sin Censura, la biblioteca sin censura de Reporteros sin Fronteras. Para entender el proyecto se ha llevado a cabo un estudio sobre los distintos aspectos relacionados con los videojuegos y el periodismo y posteriormente hemos procedido a analizar los contenidos de ‘La Biblioteca sin censura’ y su funcionamiento. Mediante una observación directa del videojuego y el análisis comparativo de los tratamos de conocer si el este proyecto ha logrado sus objetivos de vencer a la censura., The present project proposes a study on the case of The Uncensored Library, Reporters Without Borders' uncensored library. To understand the project, a study has been conducted on various aspects related to video games and journalism. Subsequently, we proceeded to analyze the contents of 'The Uncensored Library' and its functioning. Through direct observation of the video game and a comparative analysis, we aim to determine if this project has achieved its objectives of overcoming censorship.

The main objective of this article proposal is to introduce the academic community the ideas behind the TVTHEAGEN research project: an innovative and ambitious multidisciplinary research work proposal that aims to address the set of Estudio 1 16th and 17th centuries plays adapted to television as a corpus of work. This was a TV program broadcasted throughout almost three decades (1965-19985). A period of time of enormous significance given that it testifies to a period of profound political and social transformations in Spain, linking together three historical moments of great importance: the Franco regime (1965-1969), the pre-transition, which, according to the proposed term by Charles T. Powell, would cover 1969-1975 (Powell, 1993) and the Democratic Transition (1975-1984). Once the television scripts have been collected, there will be three theoretical frameworks from which the textual analysis will be carried out: the translation framework, the multimedia framework, and the gender framework. Thus, the project will analyze the respective translations and adaptations of the original theatrical text to the television script format to see how the motifs and female characters in the works develop in successive staging, paying special attention to the censorship that many of these scripts were subjected to. In other words, to conceive the Estudio 1 television script as a reflection of a concrete and evolving historical moment regarding the treatment of women on stage., Esta artículo tiene como objetivo principal dar a conocer entre la comunidad académica las ideas y el plan de trabajo -detallado por fases y objetivos- que subyacen detrás de proyecto de investigación TVTHEAGEN: una innovadora y ambiciosa propuesta de trabajo de investigación multidisciplinar que pretende abordar como corpus de trabajo el conjunto de adaptaciones a la televisión de obras teatrales europeas de los siglos XVI y XVII que el programa de RTVE Estudio 1 llevó a cabo a lo largo de sus años casi tres décadas de trayectoria (1965-19985). Un lapso de tiempo de enorme significación dado que da testimonio de un período de profundas transformaciones políticas y sociales en España, encadenando tres momentos históricos de gran trascendencia: el franquismo (1965-1969), la pretransición, que, de acuerdo con el término propuesto por Charles T. Powell, abarcaría de 1969-1975 (Powell, 1993) y la Transición democrática (1975-1984). Una vez hecho el acopio de los guiones televisivos, serán tres los marcos teóricos desde los que se llevará a cabo el análisis textual: el marco de la traducción, el de la multimedialidad y el de género. Así, en el proyecto se analizarán las respectivas traducciones y adaptaciones del texto teatral primigenio al formato de guion televisivo para ver cómo los motivos y personajes femeninos de las obras se desarrollan en las sucesivas puestas en escena, prestando especial atención a la labor censora a la que muchos de estos guiones se vieron sometidas. En otras palabras, concebir el guion televisivo de Estudio 1 como reflejo de un momento histórico concreto y en evolución por lo que respecta al tratamiento de la mujer en escena.

This work has as its object of study the censorship of books during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship (1964-1985), we will analyze, through the pressmaterials, how the government tried to convince the population that prior censorship of this type of material was necessary. In this way, we selected as sources the newspapers O Estado de São Paulo, Jornal do Brasil and other ordinances that systematized the censorship action. Thus, we understand that the government, before the enactment of the legislative apparatus, already raised a supposed concern about the themes of a behavioral nature, however, much more than showing society a fear for the advancement of themes that were distant from the current norm, this initiative was used as a tool to gain public approval and support for the new censorship apparatus., Este artigo aborda a censura a livros e periódicos durante a Ditadura Militar brasileira (1964-1985). Analisamos, por meio da imprensa, como o governo procurou convencer a população de que a censura prévia a esses materiais se fazia necessária. Desta forma, selecionamos como fonte os jornais O Estado de São Paulo, Jornal do Brasil e demais portarias que sistematizaram esta atividade. Assim, compreendemos que o governo, antes da promulgação de todo o aparato legislativo, já lançava uma suposta preocupação sobre as temáticas de cunho comportamental. Contudo, muito mais do que mostrar para a sociedade um temor pelo avanço de temas que se distanciavam da norma vigente, essa iniciativa foi utilizada como uma ferramenta para ganhar a aprovação e o apoio da população para com o novo aparato censório.

El artículo ofrece un minucioso análisis de la prensa oficial española en torno a los terremotos de Mesina y Calabria de los años 1783-1784, cotejada a partir de un ingente volumen de noticias entregadas por siete periódicos coetáneos, documentación oficial y epistolar. Los resultados sugieren la hipótesis de que la secretaría de Estado censuró los datos más alarmantes del seísmo editados por las gacetas europeas, en beneficio de una imagen responsable de la gestión de las autoridades; sobre todo si se compara con la realidad contada por el marqués de la Sambuca a Floridablanca en sus cartas, el tercero en esta discordia periodística. Enterado de los más de 400 lugares arruinados o casi, de las simas abiertas o de los miles de muertos, plasmados en el informe del general Pignatelli; como de la misión real de este en Calabria; de las réplicas constantes o de los brotes epidémicos. Información que arroja luz sobre la censura periodística., The article offers a detailed analysis of the official Spanish press on the earthquakes in Messina and Calabria in 1783-1784, collated from a huge volume of news items from seven contemporary newspapers and epistolary documentation. The results suggest the hypothesis that the secretary of State censored the most alarming data on the earthquake published by the European gazettes, in favour of a responsible image of the authorities’ management. This is especially true if we compare it with the reality recounted by the Marquis della Sambuca in his letters to Floridablanca, the third wheel in this journalistic discord. He was aware of the more than 400 places ruined or almost ruined, of the open chasms or of the thousands of dead, as recorded in general Pignatelli’s report; as well as of the latter’s real mission in Calabria; of the constant aftershocks or of the epidemic outbreaks. They shed light on the processes of journalistic censorship.

El presente Trabajo de Fin de Grado (TFG) se centra en la figura del reconocido periodista y escritor español Miguel Delibes y su valiente papel durante la época de la censura en España (1939-1975). Para ello, se ha elaborado un reportaje multimedia que combina entrevistas y análisis documental. Se explora la trayectoria periodística de Delibes y su compromiso con la libertad de expresión en un contexto marcado por la restricción y la represión del régimen franquista. Este trabajo busca analizar tanto la faceta profesional como personal de Delibes, destacando su importancia en el periodismo comprometido y los límites propios y ajenos a los que se enfrentó. Por último, se ha incidido en el legado que el autor ha dejado a las futuras generaciones de comunicadores, insistiendo en las bases esenciales del buen periodismo., This Final Degree Project (TFG) focuses on the figure of the renowned Spanish journalist and writer Miguel Delibes and his courageous role during the period of censorship in Spain (1939-1975). For this purpose, a multimedia report combining interviews and documentary analysis has been elaborated. It explores Delibes' journalistic career and his commitment to freedom of expression in a context marked by the restriction and repression of the Franco regime. This work seeks to analyze both the professional and personal facets of Delibes, highlighting his importance in committed journalism and the limits he faced. Finally, it has focused on the legacy that the author has left to future generations of communicators, insisting on the essential bases of good journalism., Departamento de Historia Moderna, Contemporánea y de América, Periodismo y Comunicación Audiovisual y Publicidad, Grado en Periodismo

Das Kernstück dieser Arbeit bildet die Untersuchung der Schriften zur Pressefreiheit des jungen Marx aus dem Jahr 1842. Marx unterscheidet dort die äußere Unfreiheit der Presse - die Zensur - von der inneren Unfreiheit, die er in der Unterwerfung der Presse- unter die Gewerbefreiheit erkennt. Von Marx’ Überlegungen ausgehend wird in den darauf folgenden Kapiteln einerseits untersucht, welche Formwechsel die äußere Unfreiheit der Zensur in der zweiten Hälfte des langen 19. Jahrhunderts vollzog und andererseits analysiert, wie sich mit der Durchsetzung der kapitalistischen Geschäftspresse auf Grundlage der industriellen Massenproduktion die innere Unfreiheit manifestierte. Inspiriert von der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie wird Zensur als gesellschaftliches Verhältnis begriffen, dessen Formen sich einhergehend mit dem Formwechsel der Herrschaft und Knechtung transformieren. Die Untersuchung setzt ein beim Formwechsel von der bürokratischen Vorzensur zur administrativ-materiellen Zensur nach der gescheiterten Revolution 1848. Mit ersterer Zensurform versuchte die Feudalherrschaft vergeblich das Bürgertum zu gängeln, mit letzterer wollten die besitzenden Klassen des Bürgertums und des Adels sich vor dem Proletariat schützen. Der letzte Formwechsel, der untersucht wird, resultiert in der immanent-materiellen Zensur, die sich mit der kapitalistischen Geschäftspresse auf der technischen Grundlage der industriellen Massenproduktion und der rechtlichen Grundlage der Pressefreiheit herausgebildet hat. Meine These lautet, dass sich die mit der Herrschaft verschlungene Zensur von einer persönlichen in eine unpersönliche, durch Dinge vermittelte, verwandelt hat. Wurde der erste Formwechsel zur administrativ-materiellen Zensur noch bewusst von den herrschenden Klassen durchgesetzt, vollzog sich der Formwechsel zur immanent-materiellen Zensur bewusstlos. Diese Form wohnt der kapitalistischen Herrschaft als stumme Zensur der Verhältnisse inne. An diesem Punkt vereinigt sie sich mit, The centrepiece of this study is the analysis of Marx's early writings on the freedom of the press in 1842. Marx distinguishes between the external bondage of the press - i.e., censorship -, and the inner bondage defined as the submission of the freedom of the press under the economic freedom. On the basis of Marx's concept, I analyse on the one hand the metamorphoses of censorship in the second half of the long 19th century. On the other hand, I analyse how the inner bondage of the press manifests itself on the basis of the enforcement of the capitalist press and the industrial mass production. Inspired by Marx's critique of political economy, I perceive censorship as a social relation whose manifestations transform along with the metamorphoses of domination and servitude. The first metamorphosis, which I analyse, is the transformation of the bureaucratic pre-censorship into the administrative-material censorship after the failed revolution in 1848. With the former form the feudal class attempted to hold the bourgeoisie at bay. When these two classes realised that they were both threatened by the same dangerous enemy - the working class -, they built a class coalition of the haves against the have-nots. The administrative-material censorship was a defensive means used by that coalition. The last metamorphosis, which I analyse, is the transformation of the administrative-material into the immanent-material censorship which evolved along with the capitalist press and the freedom of the press on the basis of capitalist industrial mass production. My thesis is that censorship, intertwined with domination, was transformed from a personal into an impersonal social relation mediated by things. While the first metamorphosis was a conscious act by the ruling classes, the second metamorphosis took place unconsciously. Its result, the immanent-material censorship, is a part of the mute compulsion of capitalist domination. At this point of the historical development the mute c

Despite the growing influence of the communist leadership, Social Media in China are still competitive opinion arenas. The platforms often depict an astonishingly broad spectrum of ultra-nationalist to liberal voices, each with a critical tone towards certain government policies - as the article shows in two case studies (International Forum on the Silk Road Initiative in Beijing and Crisis over Missile Tests by North Korea, both in 2017). The censorship focuses on background information and analyses, otherwise it is difficult to define clear topics or terms - with the exception of fundamental criticism of Xi Jinping or the political system of the People's Republic of China. The fact that Beijing continues to permit limited pluralism points to different interests within the Chinese leadership.

A disset anys i en plena Guerra Civil, Teresa Pàmies va esdevenir membre de l’executiva de les Joventuts Socialistes Unificades de Catalunya (JSUC). També va combatre en altres fronts: el voluntariat, l’associacionisme, la propaganda política, el periodisme... Va viure un llarg exili de més de trenta anys, fins que el 1971 va tornar a Catalunya, gràcies a l’obtenció del premi Josep Pla per Testament a Praga. Aleshores va guanyar-se la vida escrivint i traduint: del 1975 al 1979, va publicar quinze obres originals i, del 1972 al 1978, en va traduir una vintena. Una noia i un soldat (novel·la de la guerra civil), datada el febrer de 1972, va ser una de les primeres que va acabar a Barcelona L’editorial Destino de seguida va presentar-la a censura, que la va prohibir de manera taxativa. Es tracta d’una ficció de base autobiogràfica —o autoficció— construïda a partir de l’experiència de la guerra de l’autora, entrellaçada amb una història d’amor ben travada, en la qual els dos protagonistes s’expressen amb veu pròpia. Tant la línia argumental com el desenvolupament de la novel·la van xocar amb dogmes polítics, socials, morals i religiosos infranquejables per al règim. Es conserva a l’Archivo General de la Administración, a Alcalá de Henares, i encara roman inèdita., At just seventeen years old and in the full throes of the Spanish Civil War Teresa Pàmies became a member of the executive committee of the Catalan socialist youth movement Joventuts Socialistes Unificades de Catalunya (JSUC). But she also fought on other fronts: volunteering, associations, political propaganda, journalism, and a long etc. She spent more than thirty years in exile until her return to Barcelona in 1971, thanks to her winning the Josep Pla literary prize for Testament in Prague. At that time she was earning a living from writing and  translating: from 1975 to 1979 she published fifteen original works and from 1972 to 1978 around twenty translations. Una noia i un soldat (novel·la de la guerra civil) (A girl and a soldier –novel of the Civil War) dated 1972, was one of the first that she completed here. The Destino publishing house immediately handed it over to the censor, who emphatically prohibited its publication. It is a work of fiction based on autobiography – an autofiction – written partly about the author’s war experience, but intertwined with a carefully woven love story in which the two main characters each have their own voice. Both the subject of the plot and the way in which it was developed challenged political, social, moral and religious dogmas that were untouchable for the regime. It is held in the General Archive of the Administration in Alcalá de Henares and remains unpublished to this day.

This study examines the censorship guidelines and translation techniques used in the localization of Mother 2 (1994) (English title: EarthBound), a video game developed originally by Nintendo of Japan and released in North America in 1995 by Nintendo of America. Having extracted 50 dialogue lines which are considered to include topics subject to censorship, the study analyses the prevalence of censorship and translation techniques, as well as the consistency of the localization with Nintendo of America's guidelines. The results show that adaptation and modulation were the most favoured translation techniques, used in 36% and 40% of the cases, respectively. Furthermore, censorship appeared to be more prevalent in categories related to graphic violence and religious themes. However, inconsistencies in the localization suggest that the guidelines were not always followed strictly. These findings align with some previous studies on censorship and localization in media and entertainment, although every product has a different distribution of themes, which in turn affects the type of censorship found. The study concludes that further research on censorship and translation techniques in video games, as well as other forms of media, could provide useful insights into the process of localization.

Danmei fandom is a subcultural community of young women in China. In the context of strict online censorship in China, they engage in the practices of writing, sharing, and reading Danmei fanfic, which is fan secondary works that focuses on the romantic relationship between male characters in media content and popular culture productions. This thesis proposes three research questions: 1) What kind of gendered exploration do female fans do through their participation in the reading and writing of Danmei fanfic? 2) How do fans engage in communication in the Danmei fandom online community? and 3) How do fans’ understanding of censorship guide their practices of circumventing censorship? This thesis uses textual poachers, subculture theory, and heterotopia theory to construct a theoretical framework to explore the subcultural practices of female Danmei fans and the tensions between Danmei subculture and mainstream ideology. To better understand Danmei fandom in a specific context, this project adopted the qualitative research methods of in-depth interviews and netnography to collect empirical data. This research discovers that Danmei fanfic can be a tool for female empowerment, providing a space for women to freely explore their sexuality and challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes. This creative space offers an alternative perspective that diverges from mainstream values and norms, allowing for resistance against dominant ideologies. However, Danmei fandom is connected to mainstream society in a broader ideological sense and reproduces hegemonic discourses and systems to some extent. Additionally, Danmei fandom not only makes diverse gender explorations, but also shows resistance to authoritarian censorship. By imagining the procedures and standards of censorship, they develop collective media use strategies and symbolic meaning systems to circumvent censorship. This thesis focuses on Chinese women’s daily leisure activities to understand female youth subcul

While the history and practices of collecting have received considerable attention over the past few decades, the notion of erasure – of the deleting, removal or destruction of material, whether deliberate or otherwise – has remained largely in the shadows. We challenge this neglect by placing erasure centre stage and treating it as a productive phenomenon in its own right. Indeed, we suggest that it forms a significant precondition for the very possibility of memory and collections. This article draws upon a recent turn to consider questions of forgetting, ignorance and ending to lay out the grounds for analysing the various roles played by erasure in making and unmaking our world. Inspired by Paul Connerton's discussion of different types of forgetting, we present five distinct forms of erasure that we regard as principally important: (i) repressive erasure, (ii) protective erasure, (iii) operative erasure, (iv) amending erasure and (v) calamitous and neglectful erasure. In each case, we discuss the characteristic logic of the erasure at hand and provide examples of the historical and media-specific forms in which it has been enacted. Our aim in doing so is to provide future researchers with some of the analytical tools and perspectives necessary to engage in further erasure studies. For if we are interested in making sense of the shifting and complex world we inhabit, then the interdisciplinary study of the compelling yet elusive phenomenon of erasure is an excellent place to start.

This study examines the censorship guidelines and translation techniques used in the localization of Mother 2 (1994) (English title: EarthBound), a video game developed originally by Nintendo of Japan and released in North America in 1995 by Nintendo of America. Having extracted 50 dialogue lines which are considered to include topics subject to censorship, the study analyses the prevalence of censorship and translation techniques, as well as the consistency of the localization with Nintendo of America's guidelines. The results show that adaptation and modulation were the most favoured translation techniques, used in 36% and 40% of the cases, respectively. Furthermore, censorship appeared to be more prevalent in categories related to graphic violence and religious themes. However, inconsistencies in the localization suggest that the guidelines were not always followed strictly. These findings align with some previous studies on censorship and localization in media and entertainment, although every product has a different distribution of themes, which in turn affects the type of censorship found. The study concludes that further research on censorship and translation techniques in video games, as well as other forms of media, could provide useful insights into the process of localization.

Danmei fandom is a subcultural community of young women in China. In the context of strict online censorship in China, they engage in the practices of writing, sharing, and reading Danmei fanfic, which is fan secondary works that focuses on the romantic relationship between male characters in media content and popular culture productions. This thesis proposes three research questions: 1) What kind of gendered exploration do female fans do through their participation in the reading and writing of Danmei fanfic? 2) How do fans engage in communication in the Danmei fandom online community? and 3) How do fans’ understanding of censorship guide their practices of circumventing censorship? This thesis uses textual poachers, subculture theory, and heterotopia theory to construct a theoretical framework to explore the subcultural practices of female Danmei fans and the tensions between Danmei subculture and mainstream ideology. To better understand Danmei fandom in a specific context, this project adopted the qualitative research methods of in-depth interviews and netnography to collect empirical data. This research discovers that Danmei fanfic can be a tool for female empowerment, providing a space for women to freely explore their sexuality and challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes. This creative space offers an alternative perspective that diverges from mainstream values and norms, allowing for resistance against dominant ideologies. However, Danmei fandom is connected to mainstream society in a broader ideological sense and reproduces hegemonic discourses and systems to some extent. Additionally, Danmei fandom not only makes diverse gender explorations, but also shows resistance to authoritarian censorship. By imagining the procedures and standards of censorship, they develop collective media use strategies and symbolic meaning systems to circumvent censorship. This thesis focuses on Chinese women’s daily leisure activities to understand female youth subcul

While the history and practices of collecting have received considerable attention over the past few decades, the notion of erasure – of the deleting, removal or destruction of material, whether deliberate or otherwise – has remained largely in the shadows. We challenge this neglect by placing erasure centre stage and treating it as a productive phenomenon in its own right. Indeed, we suggest that it forms a significant precondition for the very possibility of memory and collections. This article draws upon a recent turn to consider questions of forgetting, ignorance and ending to lay out the grounds for analysing the various roles played by erasure in making and unmaking our world. Inspired by Paul Connerton's discussion of different types of forgetting, we present five distinct forms of erasure that we regard as principally important: (i) repressive erasure, (ii) protective erasure, (iii) operative erasure, (iv) amending erasure and (v) calamitous and neglectful erasure. In each case, we discuss the characteristic logic of the erasure at hand and provide examples of the historical and media-specific forms in which it has been enacted. Our aim in doing so is to provide future researchers with some of the analytical tools and perspectives necessary to engage in further erasure studies. For if we are interested in making sense of the shifting and complex world we inhabit, then the interdisciplinary study of the compelling yet elusive phenomenon of erasure is an excellent place to start.

This article focuses on how self-censorship and state censorship have shapedthe literary legacy of the Spanish author of children’s books, Elena Fortún. Thehomosexual closet is presented as a key concept for understanding the impact ofcensorship on the work of a lesbian writer such as Fortún who has contributedto various narratives of Spanish femininity over the course of almost a century.The first of these is the narrative of gender dissidence during the Second Republic(1931–1939); followed by the narrative of the wife and mother belonging to theFranco Regime (1939–1975); and finally the LGBTQ inclusiveness of the newmillennium in Spain (2005–2022). The works included in the analysis arevaried, spanning from Fortún’s children’s books to her correspondence andfinally two posthumously published novels. This reading of Fortún’s texts revealshow censorship works as a controlling gaze that not only operates from theoutside, but is also internalized in the individual, maintaining the doors of thehomosexual closet closed from the inside., Članek se osredotoča na to, kako sta samocenzura in državna cenzura obli-kovali literarno zapuščino španske avtorice otroških knjig Elene Fortún.Klo-zetje predstavljen kot ključni koncept za razumevanje vpliva cenzure na delolezbične pisateljice, kot je Elena Fortún, ki je skoraj stoletje prispevala k raz-ličnim pripovedim o španski ženskosti. Prva med njimi je pripoved o disi-dentstvu spolov v času druge republike (1931–1939); sledi pripoved o ženi inmateri, ki pripada Francovemu režimu (1939–1975), in nazadnje pripoved ovključevanju LGBTQ v Španiji v novem tisočletju (2005–2022). Dela, vklju-čena v analizo, so raznovrstna, saj segajo od avtoričinih otroških knjig do njenekorespondence in dveh posthumno objavljenih romanov. Branje besedil EleneFortún razkriva, kako cenzura deluje kot nadzorni pogled, ki ne deluje le odzunaj, temveč je tudi ponotranjen v posamezniku in ohranja vrata klozetazaprta od znotraj.

In this article, I argue that the dichotomy of the virtuous and the sinful woman functioned as a strongly censoring factor for nineteenth century women authors in their writing about intimacy, desire, and sexuality. This dichotomy was the foundation of the double standard morality, holding different moral codes for men and women and for women of different social classes, which was a social norm that had to be followed in literature as well, in order to gain acceptance and authority as a woman writer. I identify and explore textual strategies that two Swedish women authors of the 1880s devised for dealing with censorship and self-censorship when writing about intimacy and sexuality. First, in “Pyrrhic Victories” (“Pyrrhussegrar”) 1886, Stella Kleve depicts a desire that the woman experiences but does not give in to. Secondly, in “Aurore Bunge” 1883 and Womanhood and Eroticism I–II (Kvinnlighet och erotik I–II), 1883 and 1890 respectively, Anne Charlotte Leffler describes a moral woman with sexual desire. The strategies are analyzed with the help of new censorship theory, which has been developed in recent decades based on Foucault’s theories of power. Drawing on Judith Butler’s theory of performativity, I show how speech acts, when repeated, can take on a skewed relationship to the norm and thus function as strategies of opposition., V članku pokažem, da je dihotomija krepostne in grešne ženske delovala kot močan cenzurni dejavnik za avtorice devetnajstega stoletja pri njihovem pisanju o intimnosti, želji in spolnosti. Ta dihotomija je bila temelj morale dvojnih meril, ki je imela različne moralne kodekse za moške in ženske ter za ženske različnih družbenih razredov, kar je bila družbena norma, ki ji je bilo treba slediti tudi v literaturi, da bi kot pisateljica pridobila priznanje in avtoriteto. Ugotavljam in raziskujem besedilne strategije, ki sta jih dve švedski pisateljici v osemdesetih letih 19. stoletja iznašli za spopadanje s cenzuro in samocenzuro pri pisanju o intimnosti in spolnosti. Stella Kleve v »Pirovih zmagah« (»Pyrrhussegrar«, 1886) prikazuje željo, ki jo ženska čuti, vendar se ji ne prepusti. Anne Charlotte Leffler pa v delih »Aurore Bunge« (1883) in Ženska in erotika I–II (Kvinnlighet och erotik I–II, 1883 oziroma 1890) opisuje moralno žensko s spolno željo. Strategije so analizirane s pomočjo nove teorije cenzure, ki se je v zadnjih desetletjih razvila izhajajoč iz Foucaultovih teorij moči. Na podlagi teorije performativnosti Judith Butler pokažem, kako lahko govorna dejanja ob ponavljanju zavzamejo izkrivljeno razmerje do norme in tako delujejo kot strategije nasprotovanja.

While the history and practices of collecting have received considerable attention over the past few decades, the notion of erasure – of the deleting, removal or destruction of material, whether deliberate or otherwise – has remained largely in the shadows. We challenge this neglect by placing erasure centre stage and treating it as a productive phenomenon in its own right. Indeed, we suggest that it forms a significant precondition for the very possibility of memory and collections. This article draws upon a recent turn to consider questions of forgetting, ignorance and ending to lay out the grounds for analysing the various roles played by erasure in making and unmaking our world. Inspired by Paul Connerton's discussion of different types of forgetting, we present five distinct forms of erasure that we regard as principally important: (i) repressive erasure, (ii) protective erasure, (iii) operative erasure, (iv) amending erasure and (v) calamitous and neglectful erasure. In each case, we discuss the characteristic logic of the erasure at hand and provide examples of the historical and media-specific forms in which it has been enacted. Our aim in doing so is to provide future researchers with some of the analytical tools and perspectives necessary to engage in further erasure studies. For if we are interested in making sense of the shifting and complex world we inhabit, then the interdisciplinary study of the compelling yet elusive phenomenon of erasure is an excellent place to start.

Government information changed by a keystroke to serve political ends. Millions of Americans unable to access the Internet because telecom companies lobby state governments. The banning of books, closing of libraries, and criminalization of librarians suppress LGBT voices. The actions abuse power while hiding behind “fair and balanced” government information, “unfair competition” with government services, and “protecting children” from corrupting, sexual literature, making the actions purityrannical. The resolution to these crises come from an old understanding of the First Amendment’s freedom of the press, not as institutional journalists, but as an infrastructure that moves free speech through publishing, transmitting, and distributing the information to the people. The Constitution, laws and agencies passed and established by Congress, and the holdings of numerous Supreme Court cases reveal this infrastructure, but it must be formally recognized to resolve these crises and protect the First Amendment from future purityrannical attacks.