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Legacy soil data have been produced over 70 years in nearly all countries of the world. Unfortunately, data, information and knowledge are still currently fragmented and at risk of getting lost if they remain in a paper format. To process this legacy data into consistent, spatially explicit and continuous global soil information, data are being rescued and compiled into databases. Thousands of soil survey reports and maps have been scanned and made available online. The soil profile data reported by these data sources have been captured and compiled into databases. The total number of soil profiles rescued in the selected countries is about 800,000. Currently, data for 117, 000 profiles are compiled and harmonized according to GlobalSoilMap specifications in a world level database (WoSIS). The results presented at the country level are likely to be an underestimate. The majority of soil data is still not rescued and this effort should be pursued. The data have been used to produce soil property maps. We discuss the pro and cons of top-down and bottom-up approaches to produce such maps and we stress their complementarity. We give examples of success stories. The first global soil property maps using rescued data were produced by a top-down approach and were released at a limited resolution of 1 km in 2014, followed by an update at a resolution of 250 m in 2017. By the end of 2020, we aim to deliver the first worldwide product that fully meets the GlobalSoilMap specifications.

Legacy soil data have been produced over 70 years in nearly all countries of the world. Unfortunately, data, information and knowledge are still currently fragmented and at risk of getting lost if they remain in a paper format. To process this legacy data into consistent, spatially explicit and continuous global soil information, data are being rescued and compiled into databases. Thousands of soil survey reports and maps have been scanned and made available online. The soil profile data reported by these data sources have been captured and compiled into databases. The total number of soil profiles rescued in the selected countries is about 800,000. Currently, data for 117, 000 profiles are compiled and harmonized according to GlobalSoilMap specifications in a world level database (WoSIS). The results presented at the country level are likely to be an underestimate. The majority of soil data is still not rescued and this effort should be pursued. The data have been used to produce soil property maps. We discuss the pro and cons of top-down and bottom-up approaches to produce such maps and we stress their complementarity. We give examples of success stories. The first global soil property maps using rescued data were produced by a top-down approach and were released at a limited resolution of 1 km in 2014, followed by an update at a resolution of 250 m in 2017. By the end of 2020, we aim to deliver the first worldwide product that fully meets the GlobalSoilMap specifications.

Ngongo Mbata, the main and most affluent center of the Kongo kingdom’s Mbata province in the seventeenth century, is well known from the historical sources, but virtually unexplored in archaeological publications. Ngongo Mbata is unique in that it hosted a monumental stone building about which the historical record remains silent. This makes it particularly challenging from the point of view of historical archaeology. In this paper historical data, unpublished excavation results from the 1930s and our own fieldwork undertaken in 2012–13 are brought together, to tell a new story of early African-European contacts in the interior of West Central Africa., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Ngongo Mbata, the main and most affluent center of the Kongo kingdom’s Mbata province in the seventeenth century, is well known from the historical sources, but virtually unexplored in archaeological publications. Ngongo Mbata is unique in that it hosted a monumental stone building about which the historical record remains silent. This makes it particularly challenging from the point of view of historical archaeology. In this paper historical data, unpublished excavation results from the 1930s and our own fieldwork undertaken in 2012–13 are brought together, to tell a new story of early African-European contacts in the interior of West Central Africa., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

We present results, analyses, and an in-depth historical contextualization of the fieldwork undertaken in 2012 and 2013 at the Kindoki site in the Lower Congo (DRC). This site is linked to Mbanza Nsundi, one of the Kongo Kingdom’s provincial capitals, which turns out to be archaeologically ‘elusive’. Pinpointing its location proved to be particularly challenging. To this end, a historically informed survey methodology was applied that has rarely been implemented on such a scale in Central Africa before. We combined a strategy of systematic test pits with a large-scale 50-m grid approach. A cemetery was identified on Kindoki Hill with distinct but probably contemporaneous quarters of a sixteenth–seventeenth-century settlement on both sides. The cemetery itself contains mainly eighteenth-century burials, in all likelihood of successive high-ranking Nsundi nobles, perhaps even of Nsundi rulers. The foreign, especially Portuguese, ceramics excavated on the hilltop and the hundreds of Venetian and likely Bavarian beads found in the graves are indicative of Mbanza Nsundi’s connection to trade routes linking the Atlantic coast with the Pool region. The most striking discovery is that of a previously unknown type of comb-impressed pottery, from a pit with a calibrated radiocarbon date of AD 1294–1393 (at 2 sigma). This suggests that a settlement had been developing at Kindoki since at least the fourteenth century, which allows us, for the first time, to spatially bridge Kongo history and “prehistory.” For the entire Lower Congo region, only three 14C dates posterior to AD 1000 were available before the start of our project; 12 have been added for just Kindoki., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The aim of the study was to understand how an elementary school interpreted and worked with the law Skollagen (SFS 2010:800) concerning special needs in school additionally in which way a neuropsychiatric diagnosis might interact with the interpretation. To answer the aim we used following research problems: How does the school define the term special needs and special resources itself? How does the school identify pupils with special needs and work with them? In which way does the neuropsychiatric diagnosis affect the interpretation of the law concerning special needs when it comes to deciding whether a pupil is in need of special recourses? Skollagen (SFS 2010:800) does not define special recourses and does not indicate how the school should use them. We were therefore interested in how an elementary school defined the term and decided to work with it. We based our study upon interviews with 6 respondents whom are central in the process of providing special resources for children in school. It’s these respondents interpretation of the law that eventually decide who the special recourses are given to and in which way. The results of the study was that the neuropsychiatric diagnosis itself had no affect concerning if special resources were given to a pupil, rather as an indicator of the pupils certain needs. The definition of special resources itself were connected to the way the school used the tools provided, for example listening to an audio book instead of reading. The school had different ways of identifying pupils with special needs amongst them were the usage of ‘screening’. A test all pupils do in order to determine who might need some extra help in school.

The aim of the study was to understand how an elementary school interpreted and worked with the law Skollagen (SFS 2010:800) concerning special needs in school additionally in which way a neuropsychiatric diagnosis might interact with the interpretation. To answer the aim we used following research problems: How does the school define the term special needs and special resources itself? How does the school identify pupils with special needs and work with them? In which way does the neuropsychiatric diagnosis affect the interpretation of the law concerning special needs when it comes to deciding whether a pupil is in need of special recourses? Skollagen (SFS 2010:800) does not define special recourses and does not indicate how the school should use them. We were therefore interested in how an elementary school defined the term and decided to work with it. We based our study upon interviews with 6 respondents whom are central in the process of providing special resources for children in school. It’s these respondents interpretation of the law that eventually decide who the special recourses are given to and in which way. The results of the study was that the neuropsychiatric diagnosis itself had no affect concerning if special resources were given to a pupil, rather as an indicator of the pupils certain needs. The definition of special resources itself were connected to the way the school used the tools provided, for example listening to an audio book instead of reading. The school had different ways of identifying pupils with special needs amongst them were the usage of ‘screening’. A test all pupils do in order to determine who might need some extra help in school.

This paper deals with Iraqis in the Swedish labour market. The main goal was to point out on positive aspects of the Swedish labour market integration. Previous studies were mostly problem oriented on immigrants’ situation in finding a job, especially when related to immigrant from non-European countries. Instead this study is focused on the more positive aspects. It was attempted to answer which public resources respectively which individual assets were of value in getting a job. This paper is based on a qualitative method, as five Iraqis with jobs were interviewed. To analyse the empiricism of this study the human capital theory and the theory of social capital were applied. Furthermore the impact of public resources on getting a job was taken into account in the analysis. The study shows that both public resources and individual assets were of importance in the pursuit of a job. The interviews showed that one’s education and social network weighed most when looking for a job. On the other hand internships were named as the most significant of the public resources. But finally it is to conclude that it is not enough to itemise influences but to have a look at their interaction.

This paper deals with Iraqis in the Swedish labour market. The main goal was to point out on positive aspects of the Swedish labour market integration. Previous studies were mostly problem oriented on immigrants’ situation in finding a job, especially when related to immigrant from non-European countries. Instead this study is focused on the more positive aspects. It was attempted to answer which public resources respectively which individual assets were of value in getting a job. This paper is based on a qualitative method, as five Iraqis with jobs were interviewed. To analyse the empiricism of this study the human capital theory and the theory of social capital were applied. Furthermore the impact of public resources on getting a job was taken into account in the analysis. The study shows that both public resources and individual assets were of importance in the pursuit of a job. The interviews showed that one’s education and social network weighed most when looking for a job. On the other hand internships were named as the most significant of the public resources. But finally it is to conclude that it is not enough to itemise influences but to have a look at their interaction.

This paper deals with Iraqis in the Swedish labour market. The main goal was to point out on positive aspects of the Swedish labour market integration. Previous studies were mostly problem oriented on immigrants’ situation in finding a job, especially when related to immigrant from non-European countries. Instead this study is focused on the more positive aspects. It was attempted to answer which public resources respectively which individual assets were of value in getting a job. This paper is based on a qualitative method, as five Iraqis with jobs were interviewed. To analyse the empiricism of this study the human capital theory and the theory of social capital were applied. Furthermore the impact of public resources on getting a job was taken into account in the analysis. The study shows that both public resources and individual assets were of importance in the pursuit of a job. The interviews showed that one’s education and social network weighed most when looking for a job. On the other hand internships were named as the most significant of the public resources. But finally it is to conclude that it is not enough to itemise influences but to have a look at their interaction.

The ENVASSO project (Environmental assessment of soil for monitoring) aims to harmonise the European soil monitoring networks. As part of this project, we made a review, the most exhaustive to date, on the sampling strategies used in the different networks. Soil monitoring networks exist in all the 27 European countries, most of them being members of the European Union. Nevertheless, their strategies are very heterogeneous (selection of monitoring sites, site area, number of sub-samples, time step, soil sampling). Therefore, harmonisation of the strategies remains a difficult issue: indeed most of the changes would make the comparison with the results of the previous campaigns quite impossible. Yet, harmonisation is necessary in order to compare the different European monitoring networks, and from this perspective, some recommendations have been made in that way. We estimate that more than 4000 additional sites should be selected in order to reach an acceptable level of cover age for the European soils. The areas of the sites should preferably be comprised between 100 m2 and 1 ha. The minimal number of sub-samples should be 4, and should be adapted with regards to the within-site variability. A time step of ca 10 yr is recommended. Advices are also formulated for the vertical sampling strategy, the bulk density determination, samples preparation and archiving. However, this harmonisation would require considerable efforts and some countries may not be able to achieve all of these recommendations. Nevertheless, the framework provided in the ENVASSO project can be used to reach a common acceptable level of soil monitoring in Europe.

The ENVASSO project (Environmental assessment of soil for monitoring) aims to harmonise the European soil monitoring networks. As part of this project, we made a review, the most exhaustive to date, on the sampling strategies used in the different networks. Soil monitoring networks exist in all the 27 European countries, most of them being members of the European Union. Nevertheless, their strategies are very heterogeneous (selection of monitoring sites, site area, number of sub-samples, time step, soil sampling). Therefore, harmonisation of the strategies remains a difficult issue: indeed most of the changes would make the comparison with the results of the previous campaigns quite impossible. Yet, harmonisation is necessary in order to compare the different European monitoring networks, and from this perspective, some recommendations have been made in that way. We estimate that more than 4000 additional sites should be selected in order to reach an acceptable level of cover age for the European soils. The areas of the sites should preferably be comprised between 100 m2 and 1 ha. The minimal number of sub-samples should be 4, and should be adapted with regards to the within-site variability. A time step of ca 10 yr is recommended. Advices are also formulated for the vertical sampling strategy, the bulk density determination, samples preparation and archiving. However, this harmonisation would require considerable efforts and some countries may not be able to achieve all of these recommendations. Nevertheless, the framework provided in the ENVASSO project can be used to reach a common acceptable level of soil monitoring in Europe.

Soil maps of Europe, published by the EU and the European Soil Bureau Network; with varying scales 1:1.500.000 1:1.750.000 1:2.000.000 1:2.200.000 1:2.500.000 1:3.000.000 1:6.500.000

Legacy soil data have been produced over 70 years in nearly all countries of the world. Unfortunately, data, information and knowledge are still currently fragmented and at risk of getting lost if they remain in a paper format. To process this legacy data into consistent, spatially explicit and continuous global soil information, data are being rescued and compiled into databases. Thousands of soil survey reports and maps have been scanned and made available online. The soil profile data reported by these data sources have been captured and compiled into databases. The total number of soil profiles rescued in the selected countries is about 800,000. Currently, data for 117, 000 profiles are compiled and harmonized according to GlobalSoilMap specifications in a world level database (WoSIS). The results presented at the country level are likely to be an underestimate. The majority of soil data is still not rescued and this effort should be pursued. The data have been used to produce soil property maps. We discuss the pro and cons of top-down and bottom-up approaches to produce such maps and we stress their complementarity. We give examples of success stories. The first global soil property maps using rescued data were produced by a top-down approach and were released at a limited resolution of 1 km in 2014, followed by an update at a resolution of 250 m in 2017. By the end of 2020, we aim to deliver the first worldwide product that fully meets the GlobalSoilMap specifications. © 2017 Elsevier Ltd