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Public health restrictions during the Covid-19 emergency context placed limits on gathering that inevitably limited the ways that people could express dissent. The target of many protests has included the limitations placed by governments on the rights to have mass, public protests. Despite the physical limits on street protests the use of online methods to promote support for protest has increased in this context. People turned to online methods (petitions, confrontations, and discussions) and engaged in other forms of direct disruptive action to express their views about how the world should be. These observations demand a closer examination of the changing nature of collective action during the pandemic. The aim of the chapter is to study the relation between the type of collective action (offline vs. online) and the process of mobilisation for social change during the Covid-19 pandemic, comparing Italy and Australia. Two integrated models have been tested: The Social Identity Model of Collective Action, and the Encapsulation Model of the Social Identity of Collective Action. Results showed online collective action as a future way to engage, because of its “simple” and immediate way to make one’s voice heard when everyone’s rights and liberties seem to be endangered.

Background: Group therapy is a popular and effective format for psychological intervention, and both anecdotal and empirical data consistently point to group dynamics as a primary driver of its benefits. However, to date there has been no systematic investigation of what facilitates an engaged, cohesive group environment. We argue that this is social identification and explore the features of groups that help to build this. Method: We present two longitudinal studies of group therapy and examine the predictors of social identification. Study 1 was a sample of psychiatric outpatients (N = 103) who completed group cognitive behavior therapy. Study 2 was a sample of young women with body shape or weight concerns (N = 112) who completed an eating disorder prevention program. Results: Multilevel analyses indicated that social identification was best predicted by participant fit with the therapy group, specifically the degree to which (1) participants were and perceived themselves to be similar to other group members, and (2) participants met the group therapy eligibility criteria at baseline. Conclusions: These results show that attending to issues of client fit in group therapy can improve social identification, with implications for reducing client attrition and improving client outcomes.

This article investigates whether the perceived threat of terrorism explains the support for right-wing Eurosceptic parties and Euroscepticism above and beyond other relevant variables, including perceived economic and immigration threats. We first examined the entire Eurobarometer samples of 2014 and 2015, and then conducted survey experiments in four European Union (EU) countries, that is, United Kingdom (N = 197), France (N = 164), Italy (N = 312), and Romania (N = 144). Our findings suggest that the perceived threat of terrorism has a small effect on the negative attitudes toward the EU above and beyond the effect of immigration and economic threats and other basic control variables. The relationship between these variables varies across countries and it is less linear than we might expect.

The third edition of Haslam and McGarty's best-selling textbook, Research Methods and Statistics in Psychology, provides students with a highly readable and comprehensive introduction to conducting research in psychology. The book guides readers through the range of choices involved in design, analysis, and presentation and is supplemented by a range of practical learning features both inside the book and online. These draw on the authors' extensive experience as frontline researchers and provide step-by-step guides to quantitative and qualitative methods and analyses. Written in an accessible and engaging style, this text encourages deep engagement with its subject matter and is designed to inspire students to feel passionate for the research process as a whole. This third edition offers: Updated ‘Research Bites’ in every chapter: a space to step back from the text and reflect on the ways in which it relates both to issues in the world at large and to contemporary debates in psychology Updated coverage of experimental design, survey research and ethics More expansive coverage of qualitative methods A comprehensive guide to the process of conducting psychological research from the ground up — covering multiple methodologies, experimental and survey design, data analysis, ethics, and report writing An extensive range of quantitative methods together with detailed step-by-step guides to running analyses using SPSS Online resources and videos to help reinforce learning and revision for instructors and students available at study.sagepub.com/haslamandmcgarty3e

The third edition of Haslam and McGarty's best-selling textbook, Research Methods and Statistics in Psychology, provides students with a highly readable and comprehensive introduction to conducting research in psychology. The book guides readers through the range of choices involved in design, analysis, and presentation and is supplemented by a range of practical learning features both inside the book and online. These draw on the authors' extensive experience as frontline researchers and provide step-by-step guides to quantitative and qualitative methods and analyses. Written in an accessible and engaging style, this text encourages deep engagement with its subject matter and is designed to inspire students to feel passionate for the research process as a whole. This third edition offers: Updated ‘Research Bites’ in every chapter: a space to step back from the text and reflect on the ways in which it relates both to issues in the world at large and to contemporary debates in psychology Updated coverage of experimental design, survey research and ethics More expansive coverage of qualitative methods A comprehensive guide to the process of conducting psychological research from the ground up — covering multiple methodologies, experimental and survey design, data analysis, ethics, and report writing An extensive range of quantitative methods together with detailed step-by-step guides to running analyses using SPSS Online resources and videos to help reinforce learning and revision for instructors and students available at study.sagepub.com/haslamandmcgarty3e

Background: Consumer and carer participation in mental health service development and evaluation has widespread nominal support. However, genuine and consistent participation remains elusive due to systemic barriers. Aims: This paper explores barriers to reform for mental health services from the perspectives of consumers and carers actively engaged in advocating for improvements in the mental health system. Method: Qualitative research with two mental health systemic advocacy organisations analysed 17 strategic communication documents and nine interviews to examine barriers to reform and participation identified by consumer and carer advocates and staff. Results: A number of individual-level barriers were described, however advocates gave more focus to systemic barriers, for which five themes emerged. These reflected lack of awareness, limited participation opportunities, slow progress for change, policy issues and mental health culture including stigma. Conclusions: Findings highlight systemic barriers to participation for consumer and carer advocates as a whole and the influence of these barriers on the individual experiences of those engaged in advocacy and representation work. Participants also emphasised the need for leadership to overcome some of these obstacles and move towards genuine consumer and carer participation and reform. Findings are discussed in the context of power within mental health systems.

The consumer participation movement has growing international recognition in policy and research. Focusing on the collective context, this research systematically examines how two advocacy organizations in the Australian mental health sector are organized and motivated to advance the cause. Qualitative studies analyzed 17 strategic communication documents and nine interviews with members and staff to identify major themes relating to goals, activities, and values driving advocates and their organizations. Five major focus issues were identified: building consumer and carer participation, voice and recognition for consumers and carers, influencing and improving mental health systems, effective collaboration and partnerships, and building organizational strength. Findings demonstrate what drives consumer and carer advocates and their organizations to contribute to an organized, strong, and unified movement. While they focus on cementing genuine and effective consumer participation in health service and policy, they highly value partnerships based on mutual respect to improve mental health systems and outcomes.

This article explores the theoretical and practical considerations of developing cooperative communities to reduce the stigma of mental disorders and achieve meaningful structural and systemic change. A cooperative community is conceptualized as an allian

This research examines the role of aspirations for cooperative relations between people with mental disorders and other community members in influencing commitment to stigma-reducing practices and promoting positive social change. Two studies demonstrated

Three studies explore the recently elaborated social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and an alternative, the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action (EMSICA). These models both afford a central role to the function of social identities in promoting collective action, through affective reactions to injustice and group efficacy, but in different ways. Combined analyses of three samples (N = 305) using multigroup structural equation modelling showed that both SIMCA and EMSICA fit the data well but that the path from group efficacy to action was of small size. Results showed that social identity processes can both facilitate and encapsulate other action-relevant constructs, and highlight the importance of considering multiple causal pathways to action.

This research explores the role of opinion-based groups in understanding responses to racist violence such as the 2005 Cronulla riots in Australia. Traditionally, explanations of collective action in social psychology and sociology focus on conflict between broad social categories. We propose that the responses to the riots can be understood not only as inter-group conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims, or an in-group argument amongst non-Muslims, but as a bona fide inter-group conflict between supporters and opponents of the riots. We argue that these groups use rhetoric in attempts to claim dominant status within society by aligning their identities with positively valued social categories such as ethnicities and national identities. The analysis of rhetoric from the groups supporting and opposing the riots demonstrates consistent, albeit contested, attempts to align support for the riot with the Australian national category in conflict with countervailing attempts to align opposition to the riot with the same national category.

Domestic violence is a prevalent social problem even in communities where it is widely recognised as unacceptable. This thesis uses psychological methods to explore the broader social context of domestic violence and, in particular, the possible role of witnesses of incidents of domestic violence in sustaining or reducing domestic violence. A key focus is the reticence of bystanders to notify authorities about a domestic violence incident. In particular, the thesis examines the psychological processes involved in triggering reticent behaviour even amongst people who are opposed to domestic violence. I approach this issue by considering these circumstances as an instance of a principle-implementation gap. Consistent with the principle-implementation gap tradition, I argue that there is a principle-implementation gap between people’s widespread endorsement of the unacceptability of domestic violence in principle and lower willingness to contact authorities when they become aware of an incident of domestic violence. The empirical goal of this thesis is to identify some of the conditions under which the anti-domestic-violence principles might not be implemented, and to explain the psychological processes that contribute to, or hinder, their implementation. The thesis describes a set of seven empirical studies that are divided into three chapters that address, firstly, responses to actual incidents of domestic violence among professionals and an online support group (Chapter 3) and, secondly, responses to hypothetical incidents of domestic violence in general community (Chapter 4) and student (Chapters 5) samples. In chapter 3, I present two qualitative studies that analyse the responses of trained and dedicated communities with expertise in dealing with domestic violence. These two studies show a consistent pattern of advice regarding the termination of the relationship and limited discussion of the need to treat the violence as a reportable, criminal matter, but not be

Domestic violence is a prevalent social problem even in communities where it is widely recognised as unacceptable. This thesis uses psychological methods to explore the broader social context of domestic violence and, in particular, the possible role of witnesses of incidents of domestic violence in sustaining or reducing domestic violence. A key focus is the reticence of bystanders to notify authorities about a domestic violence incident. In particular, the thesis examines the psychological processes involved in triggering reticent behaviour even amongst people who are opposed to domestic violence. I approach this issue by considering these circumstances as an instance of a principle-implementation gap. Consistent with the principle-implementation gap tradition, I argue that there is a principle-implementation gap between people’s widespread endorsement of the unacceptability of domestic violence in principle and lower willingness to contact authorities when they become aware of an incident of domestic violence. The empirical goal of this thesis is to identify some of the conditions under which the anti-domestic-violence principles might not be implemented, and to explain the psychological processes that contribute to, or hinder, their implementation. The thesis describes a set of seven empirical studies that are divided into three chapters that address, firstly, responses to actual incidents of domestic violence among professionals and an online support group (Chapter 3) and, secondly, responses to hypothetical incidents of domestic violence in general community (Chapter 4) and student (Chapters 5) samples. In chapter 3, I present two qualitative studies that analyse the responses of trained and dedicated communities with expertise in dealing with domestic violence. These two studies show a consistent pattern of advice regarding the termination of the relationship and limited discussion of the need to treat the violence as a reportable, criminal matter, but not be

This article examines fear and anger content in the political rhetoric of former U.S. President George W. Bush and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair during the period 2001–2003. A total of 49 terrorism-related speeches were coded for content that could plausibly elicit fear or anger in listeners. Although anger and fear inductions were present in the vast majority of coded speeches, the percentage of speeches containing emotional content varied widely over time and between speakers, with the highest levels present in the lead-up to the War in Iraq. The content of Bush's communication was also considered alongside polling data measuring presidential approval and fear of falling victim to a terrorist attack. Results indicate that fear content in political rhetoric was not associated with significant changes in public fear of terrorism. However, the presence of emotional content did coincide with declining presidential approval. This finding is consistent with claims that emotional appeals are selectively deployed at times of declining public support for governments and their counter-terrorism policies (De Castella, McGarty, & Musgrove, 2009). However, the lack of relationship between fear content and fear levels also raises questions about the purpose and effectiveness of alleged fear appeals.

In many societies around the world the position that members of a privileged majority should take regarding institutionalised inequalities experienced by some minority groups is the site of contentious debate. Despite, or perhaps even because of, such debate there is often a lack of progress of these views into well-defined and effective movements that produce social change. This thesis starts with the assumption that reducing intergroup inequality involves, at least in part, the effective mobilisation and engagement of majority members. Using Australia as a case example, the central research question is what are the social psychological factors that help movements take a form that is consistent with action to produce change in minority-majority relations? From a social identity perspective, it is argued that such movements encounter challenges due to the conflicting (and potentially conflicted) emotions and beliefs that their members and other members of the society hold. The research is based on a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods and is conducted in the context of significant socio-political transformations in Australian society, starting with the defeat of a social conservative Australian Prime Minister and the succeeding Prime Minister‘s apology to the minority Indigenous population for past wrongs. In a review of Australia‘s recent socio-political history, social psychological factors of potential relevance to the research question are proposed (Chapter 1). Evidence for some of these claims is then offered through the reporting of interviews of social activists (Chapter 2). In light of the Prime Minister‘s apology to Australia‘s Indigenous population and the findings from the interviews, the remaining chapters focus specifically on Indigenous and non-Indigenous relations. In Chapter 3, the social psychological theoretical concepts and research relevant to this issue are critically reviewed. In three cross-sectional studies during the year a

In many societies around the world the position that members of a privileged majority should take regarding institutionalised inequalities experienced by some minority groups is the site of contentious debate. Despite, or perhaps even because of, such debate there is often a lack of progress of these views into well-defined and effective movements that produce social change. This thesis starts with the assumption that reducing intergroup inequality involves, at least in part, the effective mobilisation and engagement of majority members. Using Australia as a case example, the central research question is what are the social psychological factors that help movements take a form that is consistent with action to produce change in minority-majority relations? From a social identity perspective, it is argued that such movements encounter challenges due to the conflicting (and potentially conflicted) emotions and beliefs that their members and other members of the society hold. The research is based on a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods and is conducted in the context of significant socio-political transformations in Australian society, starting with the defeat of a social conservative Australian Prime Minister and the succeeding Prime Minister‘s apology to the minority Indigenous population for past wrongs. In a review of Australia‘s recent socio-political history, social psychological factors of potential relevance to the research question are proposed (Chapter 1). Evidence for some of these claims is then offered through the reporting of interviews of social activists (Chapter 2). In light of the Prime Minister‘s apology to Australia‘s Indigenous population and the findings from the interviews, the remaining chapters focus specifically on Indigenous and non-Indigenous relations. In Chapter 3, the social psychological theoretical concepts and research relevant to this issue are critically reviewed. In three cross-sectional studies during the year a

The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) represent the first global, tractable effort to combat world poverty and preventable disease. The success of the MDGs, however, depends critically upon the support of the people who do not themselves experience the

This paper adopts an intergroup perspective on helping as collective action to explore the ways to boost motivation amongst people in developed countries to join the effort to combat poverty and preventable disease in developing countries. Following van Zomeren, Spears, Leach, and Fischer's (2004) model of collective action, we investigated the role of norms about an emotional response (moral outrage) and beliefs about efficacy in motivating commitment to take action amongst members of advantaged groups. Norms about outrage and efficacy were harnessed to an opinion-based group identity (Bliuc, McGarty, Reynolds, & Muntele, 2007) and explored in the context of a novel group-based interaction method. Results showed that the group-based interaction boosted commitment to action especially when primed with an (injunctive) outrage norm. This norm stimulated a range of related effects including increased identification with the prointernational development opinion-based group, and higher efficacy beliefs. Results provide an intriguing instantiation of the power of group interaction (particularly where strengthened with emotion norms) to bolster commitment to positive social change.

In two studies we examined justificatory attributions made in the face of political disagreement. Study 1 showed that Australian supporters and opponents of Australian involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq made stereotypical attributions that justified the superiority of the in-group over the out-group. Stereotypical attributions were consistent with the justification that the supporters of the war had been misled by dishonest political leaders. Study 2 replicated this pattern with supporters and opponents of Australia's policy of mandatory detention of asylum seekers. It also identified pragmatism as a dimension that dominant, government-aligned, groups may use to justify the superiority of the in-group over the out-group. In both studies political leaders were seen as more competent than members of the public. The results show the influence of intergroup power and within-group leader/supporter distinctions on people's attributions about political disagreement. They point to the power of social psychological theory to help analyse important contemporary political concerns.

In this article, we argue that progress in the study of collective action rests on an increasingly sophisticated application of the social identity approach. We develop the view, however, that the application of this theoretical perspective has been limited by theoretical and empirical difficulties in distinguishing between social categories and psychological groups. These problems have undermined the ability of researchers to correctly specify the collective identities that actually underpin many instances of collective action. As a partial solution to this problem we focus on collective identities based on shared opinion (opinion-based groups). We develop the proposition that much collective action reflects the crystallization or instantiation of opinion-based groups. We also outline an intervention aimed at stimulating commitment to collective action through group-based interaction involving opinion-based group members. We conclude by emphasizing that opinion-based groups tend to be most successful when they present themselves as being representative or aligned with dominant, positively valued social categories such as nations.

This paper explores fear-arousing content in Australian former Prime Minister John Howard's political rhetoric about terrorism. We coded 27 speeches delivered between September 2001 and November 2007 for the presence of statements promoting fear-consistent appraisals (Smith & Lazarus, 1993). Fear-arousing content was present in 24 of these speeches, but the amount of fear-arousing content varied markedly. In particular, rhetoric that raised doubts about the capacity of Australia and its allies to cope with terrorism was most strongly present in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq and at times of declining support for government policies. Textual analysis of three key speeches confirmed a marked difference between Howard's speech given immediately after the attacks on September 11, 2001, and the second and third speeches presented prior to and after the 2003 invasion of Iraq. These findings indicate that Howard has not consistently employed fear-inducing rhetoric in his speeches about terrorism, but that particular speeches appear to take this form, raising the possibility that fear-arousing rhetoric may have been selectively deployed to support his political purposes at those times.

This article explores the synergies between recent developments in the social identity of helping, and advantaged groups' prosocial emotion. The authors review the literature on the potential of guilt, sympathy, and outrage to transform advantaged groups' apathy into positive action. They place this research into a novel framework by exploring the ways these emotions shape group processes to produce action strategies that emphasize either social cohesion or social change. These prosocial emotions have a critical but underrecognized role in creating contexts of in-group inclusion or exclusion, shaping normative content and meaning, and informing group interests. Furthermore, these distinctions provide a useful way of differentiating commonly discussed emotions. The authors conclude that the most "effective" emotion will depend on the context of the inequality but that outrage seems particularly likely to productively shape group processes and social change outcomes.

In this article the authors explore the social psychological processes underpinning sustainable commitment to a social or political cause. Drawing on recent developments in the collective action, identity formation, and social norm literatures, they advance a new model to understand sustainable commitment to action. The normative alignment model suggests that one solution to promoting ongoing commitment to collective action lies in crafting a social identity with a relevant pattern of norms for emotion, efficacy, and action. Rather than viewing group emotion, collective efficacy, and action as group products, the authors conceptualize norms about these as contributing to a dynamic system of meaning, which can shape ongoing commitment to a cause. By exploring emotion, efficacy, and action as group norms, it allows scholars to reenergize the theoretical connections between collective identification and subjective meaning but also allows for a fresh perspective on complex questions of causality.

This paper explores fear-arousing content in Australian former Prime Minister JohnHoward’s political rhetoric about terrorism. We coded 27 speeches delivered betweenSeptember 2001 and November 2007 for the presence of statements promoting fear-consistent appraisals (Smith & Lazarus, 1993). Fear-arousing content was present in 24 ofthese speeches, but the amount of fear-arousing content varied markedly. In particular,rhetoric that raised doubts about the capacity of Australia and its allies to cope withterrorism was most strongly present in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq and at times ofdeclining support for government policies. Textual analysis of three key speeches confirmeda marked difference between Howard’s speech given immediately after the attacks onSeptember 11, 2001, and the second and third speeches presented prior to and after the2003 invasion of Iraq. These findings indicate that Howard has not consistently employedfear-inducing rhetoric in his speeches about terrorism, but that particular speeches appearto take this form, raising the possibility that fear-arousing rhetoric may have been selec-tively deployed to support his political purposes at those times.

The present study describes a nine-week anti-prejudice intervention targeting attitudes towards Australian Muslims at a Western Australian university in 2008 using data from 19 Psychology students. Quantitative results found a marginal increase in reported positive attitudes towards Australian Muslims, together with a significant reduction in the reporting of negative media-related beliefs. Using a thematic analysis on reported attitudes and beliefs about Muslim integration and immigration, we found differences in the themes expressed before and after the intervention. Beforehand, themes included a cultural divide in values; a need for more cultural understanding; and aspects of Islamic ideology restrict Muslims from integrating. Afterward, themes included an increased awareness of structural issues affecting Australian Muslims; a re-framing of citizenship as a shared identity; an increased awareness of negative representation of Muslims in the media; an acknowledgement of Australia’s inherent diversity; and a shift from homogenising Muslims as a group to constructing Muslims as part of a diverse society. Clearly, such interventions alone are not enough given historical and contemporary contexts. However, our study indicates that – in this context at least – in-depth cross-cultural analysis and learning can be used to bring about change.

Social identity theory, intergroup emotions theory (IET), and related approaches offer the potential to understand the social psychological aspects of collective behavior such as movements that protest against or argue for war. Social identification, however, tends to be a weak predictor of collective action intentions. We argue that in order to understand the fault lines of collective action it is useful to consider identification with opinion-based groups. We illustrate this in relation to support for and opposition to the war on terror (WoT) in Australia. Comparing predictions based on IET with those based on opinion-based group identification, we found limited support for the sets of connections hypothesized by IET. Alternatively, social identification with pro- and anti-WoT opinion-based groups was a strong predictor of different emotional reactions and associated action intentions. In particular, highly identified supporters of the WoT were angry at terrorists, and this anger in turn predicted offensive action tendencies against the terrorists. Stronger yet were the emotional reactions of anger at the government reported by highly identified opponents of the WoT, which strongly predicted anti-war protest action intentions. The results point to the utility of the opinion-based group concept for understanding the collective, yet contested, aspects of political support for war and peace in contemporary society.

Research on group identification has shown it to be a surprisingly weak predictor of intentions to take large-scale social action. The weak links may exist because researchers have not always examined identification with the type of group that is most relevant for predicting action. Our focus in two studies (one in Romania and one in Australia, both Ns = 101) was on opinion-based groups (i.e. groups formed around shared opinions). We found that social identification with opinion-based groups was an excellent predictor of political behavioural intentions, particularly when items measuring identity certainty were included. The results provide clear evidence of the role of social identity constructs for predicting commitment to social action and complement analyses of politicised collective identity and crowd behaviour.

A large body of research has examined intervention methods designed to improve attitudes towards people with mental disorders, in particular education, contact and protest. After a short review of these interventions, this paper provides a brief introduction to a new intervention that involves group-based discussion to strengthen commitment to the aims of the mental health advocacy movement. Research to date demonstrates it produces significant and lasting positive change in attitudes and willingness to participate in future action to promote the aims. Ongoing research examines the required conditions for the intervention and explores its potential to develop a cooperative community in which more members of the community, professionals and people with mental disorders work together to achieve common goals in reducing stigma.

Whether the Australian government should officially apologize to Indigenous Australians for past wrongs is hotly debated in Australia. The predictors of support amongst non-Indigenous Australians for such an apology were examined in two studies. The first study (N = 164) showed that group-based guilt was a good predictor of support for a government apology, as was the perception that non-Indigenous Australians were relatively advantaged. In the second study (N = 116) it was found that group-based guilt was an excellent predictor of support for apology and was itself predicted by perceived non-Indigenous responsibility for harsh treatment of Indigenous people, and an absence of doubts about the legitimacy of group-based guilt. National identification was not a predictor of group-based guilt. The results of the two studies suggest that, just as individual emotions predict individual action tendencies, so group-based guilt predicts support for actions or decisions to be taken at the collective level.

This study investigated the self-enhancement strategies used by online White supremacist groups. In accordance with social identity theory, we proposed that White supremacist groups, in perceiving themselves as members of a high-status, impermeable group

Existing methods for conducting analyses of small group data are either highly complicated or yield low power. Both of these limitations provide disincentives for the progress of research in this field. An alternative method modelled on the sign (binomial) test which involves comparing the differences of distributions based on multiple observations of each of the groups is presented. The calculations involved in the procedure are extremely simple. It is suggested that because the method enhances researchers' ability to make sound statistical inferences easily this should stimulate research on group-level processes and on social interaction more generally.

Stereotyping is one of the biggest single issues in social psychology, but relatively little is known about how and why stereotypes form. Stereotypes as Explanations is the first book to explore the process of stereotype formation, the way that people develop impressions and views of social groups. Conventional approaches to stereotyping assume that stereotypes are based on erroneous and distorted processes, but the authors of this book take a very different view, namely that stereotypes form in order to explain aspects of social groups and in particular to explain relationships between groups. In developing this view, the authors explore classic and contemporary approaches to stereotype formation and advance new ideas about such topics as the importance of category formation, essentialism, illusory correlation, interdependence, social reality and stereotype consensus. They conclude that stereotypes are indeed explanations, but they are nevertheless highly selective, variable and frequently contested explanations.

For at least 100 years the experimental method has been used to add scientific rigour to the process of conducting social psychological research. More specifically, experiments have been used to reduce methodological uncertainty surrounding the causal relationships between variables. In this way the method has proved particularly useful in demonstrating the impact of social contextual variables over-and-above individual differences. However, problems with the method have arisen because over time experimentalists have tended (1) to define uncertainty too narrowly, (2) to emphasize uncertainty reduction, but (3) to neglect the equally important process of uncertainty creation. This has contributed to the normalization of social psychology as a science but also made the discipline more conservative and circumscribed. It is argued that experimentalists need to address broader metatheoretical and political uncertainties in order to rediscover the experiment's potency as a tool of revolutionary and progressive science.

This research investigated the intergroup properties of hostile 'flaming' behaviour in computer-mediated communication and how flaming language is affected by Internet identifiability, or identifiability by name and e-mail address/geographical location as is common to Internet communication. According to the Social Identity Model of Deindividuation Effects (SIDE; e.g. Reicher, Spears, & Postmes, 1995) there may be strategic reasons for identifiable groups members to act in a more group-normative manner in the presence of an audience, to gain acceptance from the in-group, to avoid punishment from the out-group, or to assert their identity to the out-group. For these reasons, it was predicted that communicators would produce more stereotype-consistent (group-normative) descriptions of out-group members' behaviours when their descriptions were identifiable to an audience. In one archival and three experimental studies, it was found that identifiability to an in-group audience was associated with higher levels of stereotype-consistent language when communicators described anonymous out-group targets. These results extend SIDE and suggest the importance of an in-group audience for the expression of stereotypical views.

The present research examines the role of categorical perception (McGarty, Haslam, Turner, & Oakes, 1993) in the illusory correlation paradigm. This approach assumes that the search for meaningful differences between two stimulus groups can lead to the illusory correlation effect. This explanation is investigated in Study 1 by presenting participants with constrained stimulus information and examining whether accentuating evaluative differences between stimuli could provide a basis for illusory correlation. Results of this study (N = 64) revealed illusory correlation effects that were related to evaluative reinterpretations of the stimuli. Study 2 (N = 19) focused on the causal relation between illusory correlation and accentuation effects, using the thinking-aloud technique. Detailed analyses of each participants' behaviour indicated that illusory correlation can arise from actively seeking intergroup differences and that reinterpretations of stimuli and the perception of illusory correlation were mutually reinforcing. Implications of these results for stereotyping processes are discussed.

A survey conducted with university academics (N=187) investigated self-reported behaviour, explanations, social identification and perceptions of power during a period of industrial disputation. The results point to the importance of subjective experience of group memberships rather than overt group memberships in understanding behaviour and perceptions of power during industrial conflict and demonstrate very little support for the idea that industrial action or inaction reflects coerced behaviour.