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This article examines how politicians’ conflict framing strategies in online campaign advertisements affect citizens’ political participation in a multi-party context. We rely on a unique combination of innovative research methods to do so, including a four-wave panel survey, a content analysis of Facebook browser-tracking data and a mobile experience sampling survey with data donations. All data were collected during the 2021 Dutch general elections. We find that conflict framing can discourage citizens from engaging in low-effort forms of political participation, such as discussing politics, signing a petition and visiting political websites. The results show that conflict frames can demobilize citizens because they lower enthusiasm and are perceived as less informative. Our study provides insights into the potential unintended consequences of using conflict framing as a campaign strategy in a multi-party setting.

Using a methodology that applies quantitative-qualitative content analysis, this paper examines the Twitter and Instagram profiles of the PP, PSOE, Vox, Adelante Andalucía and Por Andalucía candidates in the electoral campaign period related to the regional elections of 29 June 2022 in Andalusia. Specifically, a total of 871 publications have been analyzed with the aim of investigating the populist communication of each candidate, the main issues on their agenda and the attacks they have made on their rivals according to the social network used. The most relevant results demonstrate the suitability of both networks to transmit a message that positions the people as the central axis of the populist discourse of the leaders. Twitter is consolidating as a digital tool through which campaign events are broadcast and a firm call to vote is made, while the candidates offer Instagram users their program proposals more frequently. In turn, Instagram stands out for being the digital platform with the highest number of attacks articulated by leaders., Utilizando uma metodologia que aplica análise de conteúdo quantitativa-qualitativa, este artigo examina os perfis de Twitter e Instagram dos candidatos do PP, PSOE, Vox, Adelante Andalucía e Por Andalucía no período de campanha eleitoral relativo às eleições regionais de 29 de junho de 2022 na Andaluzia. Especificamente, um total de 871 publicações foram analisadas com o objetivo de investigar a comunicação populista de cada candidato, os principais assuntos de sua agenda e os ataques que fizeram a seus rivais de acordo com a rede social utilizada. Os resultados mais relevantes demonstram a adequação de ambas redes para transmitir uma mensagem que posicione o povo como eixo central do discurso populista dos dirigentes. O Twitter está se consolidando como uma ferramenta digital por meio da qual os eventos da campanha são transmitidos e uma chamada firme para o voto é feita, enquanto os candidatos oferecem aos usuários do Instagram suas propostas de programas com mais frequência. Por sua vez, o Instagram se destaca por ser a plataforma digital com maior número de ataques articulados por lideranças., Mediante una metodología que aplica el análisis de contenido cuantitativo-cualitativo, este trabajo examina los perfiles de Twitter e Instagram de los candidatos del PP, PSOE, Vox, Adelante Andalucía y Por Andalucía en el periodo de campaña electoral relativo a las elecciones autonómicas del 29 de junio de 2022 en Andalucía. En concreto, se han analizado un total de 871 publicaciones con el objetivo de investigar la comunicación populista de cada candidato, los principales temas de su agenda y los ataques que han realizado a sus rivales según la red social utilizada. Los resultados más relevantes demuestran la idoneidad de ambas redes para transmitir un mensaje que posiciona al pueblo como eje central del discurso populista de los líderes. Twitter se consolida como herramienta digital por la que se transmiten los eventos de campaña y se realiza un firme llamamiento al voto, mientras que los candidatos ofrecen a los usuarios de Instagram sus propuestas de programa con mayor asiduidad. A su vez, Instagram destaca por ser la plataforma digital con mayor número de ataques articulados por los líderes.

Engagemang på sociala medier inom politisk kommunikation är ett aktuellt forskningsområde för strategisk kommunikation. I det digitala samhället finns det starka incitament för partier att skapa ett högt engagemang på sociala medier för att nå ut med sina politiska budskap. Syftet med den här studien är att undersöka hur engagemang som beroende variabel kan förklaras med kommunikationsstrategier, samt att se hur användandet av dessa skiljer sig mellan svenska partier med kontrasterande ideologiska grunder. Tre traditionella kommunikationsstrategier som används inom politiken för att engagera väljare är negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering, vilket är studiens förklaringsvariabler. Hypoteserna förutspår att användningen av negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering leder till ett högre engagemang. Studien fokuserar på partierna Socialdemokraternas, Vänsterpartiets, Moderaternas och Sverigedemokraternas konton på Instagram. Metoden är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där inläggen (antal=160) kodades för hand, för att senare presenteras och testas i statistikprogrammet SPSS. Resultatet visade att det finns en statistisk signifikant korrelation mellan hög grad av negativ kampanj och hög nivå av engagemang. Dock kunde inte de övriga hypoteserna varken visa en påverkan eller statistiskt säkerställas. Slutligen presenteras politisk ideologi som en interaktionsvariabel för att studera partiernas effekt. Där kunde vi se en tydlig korrelation mellan högerpartierna och en användning av negativ kampanj., Engagement on social media in political communication is a highly relevant area for strategic communication research. There are clear incentives for political parties to create high levels of engagement in their social media channels, in order to reach out with their political messages in today’s digital society. The purpose of this study is to examine to which degree the dependent variable engagement can be explained by various communication strategies, as well as how the use of these strategies might differ between different Swedish political parties with contrasting political ideologies. Our main independent variables are three traditional communication strategies which are used within politics in order to engage voters, namely negative campaigning, emotional campaigning and simplification. The hypotheses predict that using these communication strategies will lead to a higher level of engagement. The study focuses on the Social Democrats, the Left Party, the Moderates and the Swedish Democrats accounts on Instagram. The method is a quantitative content analysis where the sample (N=160) has been coded by hand, then later presented and analyzed in the statistical program SPSS. The results showed that there is a statistically significant correlation between high levels of negative campaigning and high levels of engagement. However, the remaining hypotheses could not show either an impact on engagement or a statistical significance. Finally, political ideology was used as a moderate variable in order to study the parties’ effect. We could find a clear correlation between the parties on the political right and the use of negative campaigning.

The 1961 election of Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty and its parallels to the 2016 presidential election.

Engagemang på sociala medier inom politisk kommunikation är ett aktuellt forskningsområde för strategisk kommunikation. I det digitala samhället finns det starka incitament för partier att skapa ett högt engagemang på sociala medier för att nå ut med sina politiska budskap. Syftet med den här studien är att undersöka hur engagemang som beroende variabel kan förklaras med kommunikationsstrategier, samt att se hur användandet av dessa skiljer sig mellan svenska partier med kontrasterande ideologiska grunder. Tre traditionella kommunikationsstrategier som används inom politiken för att engagera väljare är negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering, vilket är studiens förklaringsvariabler. Hypoteserna förutspår att användningen av negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering leder till ett högre engagemang. Studien fokuserar på partierna Socialdemokraternas, Vänsterpartiets, Moderaternas och Sverigedemokraternas konton på Instagram. Metoden är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där inläggen (antal=160) kodades för hand, för att senare presenteras och testas i statistikprogrammet SPSS. Resultatet visade att det finns en statistisk signifikant korrelation mellan hög grad av negativ kampanj och hög nivå av engagemang. Dock kunde inte de övriga hypoteserna varken visa en påverkan eller statistiskt säkerställas. Slutligen presenteras politisk ideologi som en interaktionsvariabel för att studera partiernas effekt. Där kunde vi se en tydlig korrelation mellan högerpartierna och en användning av negativ kampanj., Engagement on social media in political communication is a highly relevant area for strategic communication research. There are clear incentives for political parties to create high levels of engagement in their social media channels, in order to reach out with their political messages in today’s digital society. The purpose of this study is to examine to which degree the dependent variable engagement can be explained by various communication strategies, as well as how the use of these strategies might differ between different Swedish political parties with contrasting political ideologies. Our main independent variables are three traditional communication strategies which are used within politics in order to engage voters, namely negative campaigning, emotional campaigning and simplification. The hypotheses predict that using these communication strategies will lead to a higher level of engagement. The study focuses on the Social Democrats, the Left Party, the Moderates and the Swedish Democrats accounts on Instagram. The method is a quantitative content analysis where the sample (N=160) has been coded by hand, then later presented and analyzed in the statistical program SPSS. The results showed that there is a statistically significant correlation between high levels of negative campaigning and high levels of engagement. However, the remaining hypotheses could not show either an impact on engagement or a statistical significance. Finally, political ideology was used as a moderate variable in order to study the parties’ effect. We could find a clear correlation between the parties on the political right and the use of negative campaigning.

Engagemang på sociala medier inom politisk kommunikation är ett aktuellt forskningsområde för strategisk kommunikation. I det digitala samhället finns det starka incitament för partier att skapa ett högt engagemang på sociala medier för att nå ut med sina politiska budskap. Syftet med den här studien är att undersöka hur engagemang som beroende variabel kan förklaras med kommunikationsstrategier, samt att se hur användandet av dessa skiljer sig mellan svenska partier med kontrasterande ideologiska grunder. Tre traditionella kommunikationsstrategier som används inom politiken för att engagera väljare är negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering, vilket är studiens förklaringsvariabler. Hypoteserna förutspår att användningen av negativ kampanj, emotionell kampanj och simplifiering leder till ett högre engagemang. Studien fokuserar på partierna Socialdemokraternas, Vänsterpartiets, Moderaternas och Sverigedemokraternas konton på Instagram. Metoden är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där inläggen (antal=160) kodades för hand, för att senare presenteras och testas i statistikprogrammet SPSS. Resultatet visade att det finns en statistisk signifikant korrelation mellan hög grad av negativ kampanj och hög nivå av engagemang. Dock kunde inte de övriga hypoteserna varken visa en påverkan eller statistiskt säkerställas. Slutligen presenteras politisk ideologi som en interaktionsvariabel för att studera partiernas effekt. Där kunde vi se en tydlig korrelation mellan högerpartierna och en användning av negativ kampanj., Engagement on social media in political communication is a highly relevant area for strategic communication research. There are clear incentives for political parties to create high levels of engagement in their social media channels, in order to reach out with their political messages in today’s digital society. The purpose of this study is to examine to which degree the dependent variable engagement can be explained by various communication strategies, as well as how the use of these strategies might differ between different Swedish political parties with contrasting political ideologies. Our main independent variables are three traditional communication strategies which are used within politics in order to engage voters, namely negative campaigning, emotional campaigning and simplification. The hypotheses predict that using these communication strategies will lead to a higher level of engagement. The study focuses on the Social Democrats, the Left Party, the Moderates and the Swedish Democrats accounts on Instagram. The method is a quantitative content analysis where the sample (N=160) has been coded by hand, then later presented and analyzed in the statistical program SPSS. The results showed that there is a statistically significant correlation between high levels of negative campaigning and high levels of engagement. However, the remaining hypotheses could not show either an impact on engagement or a statistical significance. Finally, political ideology was used as a moderate variable in order to study the parties’ effect. We could find a clear correlation between the parties on the political right and the use of negative campaigning.

The 1961 election of Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty and its parallels to the 2016 presidential election.

We explore mediated representations of parties' campaign interactions in multi-party systems. Actors in multi-party systems can engage with different actors on multiple issues. One crucial aspect of such engagement is the element of negativity - voicing criticisms of other actors' actions and policy proposals. This contribution argues that the media systematically exaggerate patterns of negativity based on issue ownership structures, such that attacks originating from or targeting issue owners are significantly more likely to be covered. We analyze a broad sample of news content from the 2013 Austrian national election campaign with generalized exponential random graph models to capture the complexities of mediated campaign negativity in a multi-party system while controlling for non-mediated campaign negativity. The results show that issue owners are more likely to be featured as attackers and targets in owned policy domains, suggesting a violation of the normative ideal of a fair representation of campaign interactions. Copyright © The European Political Science Association 2020.

von Valentina Landl, Universität Innsbruck, Masterarbeit, 2019, (VLID)3755432

Inför riksdagsvalet 2018 syntes en ny aktör inom fältet för politisk marknadsföring; influencern. Denna studie är skriven i syfte att granska vilka strategier som används då influencers försöker påverka människor politiskt. Med fokus på personalisering och negativ politisk marknadsföring genomfördes en retorisk textanalys av åtta bloggar drivna av svenska influencers i syfte att besvara frågeställningen: Vilka strategier använder sig influencers av för att påverka människors politiska åsikter? Studien resulterade i slutsatsen att både personalisering och negativ politisk marknadsföring är strategier som används då influencers försöker påverka människors politiska åsikter. Personalisering användes dock i högre grad vilket antas bero på att influencers också i en mer kommersiell marknadsföring använder sig av en personlig relation till sina följare när de vill sälja en produkt.

Inför riksdagsvalet 2018 syntes en ny aktör inom fältet för politisk marknadsföring; influencern. Denna studie är skriven i syfte att granska vilka strategier som används då influencers försöker påverka människor politiskt. Med fokus på personalisering och negativ politisk marknadsföring genomfördes en retorisk textanalys av åtta bloggar drivna av svenska influencers i syfte att besvara frågeställningen: Vilka strategier använder sig influencers av för att påverka människors politiska åsikter? Studien resulterade i slutsatsen att både personalisering och negativ politisk marknadsföring är strategier som används då influencers försöker påverka människors politiska åsikter. Personalisering användes dock i högre grad vilket antas bero på att influencers också i en mer kommersiell marknadsföring använder sig av en personlig relation till sina följare när de vill sälja en produkt.

This essay is studying the Parliament parties´ use of negative campaigning in party leader debates in the connected Swedish general election in 2014. The research questions in this essay are: How does the use of negative campaigning appear in the Swedish party leader debates 2014? In what way does the use of negative campaigning differ due to: - The time lasting until the election day? - Whether the party is a government party or an opposition party? - The party’s latest result (positive or negative) in the polls? - The party’s position in the ideological left-right scale? The method used to perform the study is a quantitative content analysis. The objects that are analyzed are four party leader debates connected to the general election 2014. The variables used in the research are Negative and Not negative (in the latest variable both positive and neutral messages are included). The debates analyzed are videos of the entire debates. The total speech time and the use of negative campaigning for each party is calculated in seconds and translated to percent (how many percent each party use to negative campaigning in total for each debate). The results show that negative campaigning is more used during the election process than before it has started. There is no clear pattern between the use of negative campaigning and closeness of the election day. The political parties that are in opposition tend to use more negative campaigning than the parties that are in the government. The polls and the ideological left- right scale shows no significant pattern related to the use of negative campaigning.

This essay is studying the Parliament parties´ use of negative campaigning in party leader debates in the connected Swedish general election in 2014. The research questions in this essay are: How does the use of negative campaigning appear in the Swedish party leader debates 2014? In what way does the use of negative campaigning differ due to: - The time lasting until the election day? - Whether the party is a government party or an opposition party? - The party’s latest result (positive or negative) in the polls? - The party’s position in the ideological left-right scale? The method used to perform the study is a quantitative content analysis. The objects that are analyzed are four party leader debates connected to the general election 2014. The variables used in the research are Negative and Not negative (in the latest variable both positive and neutral messages are included). The debates analyzed are videos of the entire debates. The total speech time and the use of negative campaigning for each party is calculated in seconds and translated to percent (how many percent each party use to negative campaigning in total for each debate). The results show that negative campaigning is more used during the election process than before it has started. There is no clear pattern between the use of negative campaigning and closeness of the election day. The political parties that are in opposition tend to use more negative campaigning than the parties that are in the government. The polls and the ideological left- right scale shows no significant pattern related to the use of negative campaigning.

I analyzed the role of emotional reactions to negative campaigning as mediators of the link between exposure to negative messages, evaluations of candidates, and voting behavior. In an experimental study (N = 103) I found that exposure to issue-based negative messages from the outparty provoked anxiety, which increased selective exposure to political information that, in turn, improved the outparty evaluation; and exposure to person-based negative messages from the inparty provoked aversion, which negatively influenced inparty evaluation. Finally, the evaluations of candidates significantly predicted vote choices.

There is a legitimate debate over negative campaigning and whether it either mobilizes voter participation or suppresses it. Previous studies suggest that the relevant political information brought by negative campaigns play a significant role in mobilizing the electorate (Finkel and Geer, 1998). On the other hand, some studies explain that negative campaigns challenge the legitimacy of the electoral process and consequently drain the electorate (Krupnikov, 2011). As such, my research question asks of the effect of negative campaigning on voter participation - are people turned off and to what extent? What kind of impact does negative campaigning have on voters and their sense of civic duty? My study aims to understand how perception and attitude of campaign negativity affects the behavioral attitude of the electorate. The data used for the study is gathered from the CBS News/New York Times National Poll, October 3, 2012. The independent variable in the study is the public’s perception on the negativity of the 2012 presidential campaign. The dependent variables that will be correlated with the independent variable are, amongst others, public opinion on how likely voters are to participate, voting enthusiasm, and their ideological stance on certain issues. Appropriately, my analysis will empirically test the notion that negative campaigns have significant behavioral consequences on the electorate. I expect that the respondents’ are more likely to vote and when campaigns are more negative. Additionally, I expect that the more negative the campaign the higher the respondents voting enthusiasm will be. Finkel, Steven E., and Geer, John G.. 1998. “A Spot Check: Casting Doubt on the Demobilizing Effect of Attack Advertising.” American Journal of Political Science, 1998. 573. JSTOR Journals, EBSCOhost (accessed November 16, 2014). Krupnikov, Yanna. 2011. “When Does Negativy Demobilize? Tracing the Conditional Effect of Negative Campaigning on Voter Turnout.” American Journ

This paper presents the concept of negative campaigning, and discusses its risks and potentials as a political communication strategy. Then, a codification matrix is proposed which has been designed by integrating a set of variables, and its respective dimensions and indicators. The purpose was to generate a tool that would allow researchers to gain precision when analyzing any negative campaign as a study subject., En este trabajo se presenta el concepto de campaña negativa y se discuten sus riesgos y potencialidades como estrategia de comunicación política. A continuación, se propone una matriz de codificación que fue elaborada integrando una serie de variables, con sus respectivas dimensiones e indicadores. El objetivo fue generar una herramienta que permitiera a los investigadores ganar en precisión a la hora de analizar cualquier campaña negativa que interese como objeto de estudio.

This paper presents the concept of negative campaigning, and discusses its risks and potentials as a political communication strategy. Then, a codification matrix is proposed which has been designed by integrating a set of variables, and its respective dimensions and indicators. The purpose was to generate a tool that would allow researchers to gain precision when analyzing any negative campaign as a study subject., En este trabajo se presenta el concepto de campaña negativa y se discuten sus riesgos y potencialidades como estrategia de comunicación política. A continuación, se propone una matriz de codificación que fue elaborada integrando una serie de variables, con sus respectivas dimensiones e indicadores. El objetivo fue generar una herramienta que permitiera a los investigadores ganar en precisión a la hora de analizar cualquier campaña negativa que interese como objeto de estudio.

Unidentified men holding anti-Capehart signs., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Men with anti-Capehart sign and literature at gate truck entrance., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Unidentified man handing leaflets to workers driving out factory gate., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Unidentified men holding anti-Capehart signs., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Men with anti-Capehart sign and literature at gate truck entrance., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Unidentified man handing leaflets to workers driving out factory gate., This archival material has been provided for educational purposes. Ball State University Libraries recognizes that some historic items may include offensive content. Our statement regarding objectionable content is available at: https://dmr.bsu.edu/digital/about

Franz Reiter, Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2018

Wahlplakate sind das Wahlwerbemittel in österreichischen Wahlkämpfen, das am längsten präsent und doch am wenigsten erforscht ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Darstellung, die politische Parteien wählen, wenn sie in Form des Wahlplakats in direkter und ungefilterter Weise Wählerinnen und Wähler anzusprechen versuchen. Mittels quantitativer Bildinhaltsanalyse wurden alle 929 Wahlplakate der neun Parlamentsparteien aus 21 Wahlkämpfen der Zweiten Republik zwischen 1945 und 2013 erfasst und mittels explorativer Datenanalyse und Mehrebenenanalyse untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Entwicklung österreichischer Wahlkampagnen in manchen Bereichen internationalen Trends folgt, während sich andere Bereiche genau gegenläufig entwickeln: Das Personalisierungsniveau in österreichischen Wahlkampagnen ist angestiegen, d.h. Kampagnen jüngeren Datums waren viel stärker auf die Person des Spitzenkandidaten oder der Spitzenkandidatin zugeschnitten. Die Verwendung von negative campaigning hat hingegen stetig abgenommen – nach den stark konfrontativen ersten Wahlkämpfen der Zweiten Republik haben negative Botschaften die Wahlplakatflächen beinahe verlassen. Die Untersuchung von Visualisierungsstrategien zeigte einen schwachen Anstieg im Professionalisierungsgrad der Gestaltung der Plakate, obwohl die politischen Plakate nicht Standards aus der kommerziellen Werbung erreichten. Plakate als langlebiges Kommunikationsmittel haben sich geeignet gezeigt, um langfristige Entwicklungen in der politischen Kommunikation zu untersuchen. Die vorliegenden Ergebnisse können Grundlage für weiterführende Untersuchungen wie Vergleiche zwischen Ländern oder zwischen Medienformen sein., Election posters have been present in Austrian campaigns for longer than any other campaign medium, yet they have been studied only sporadically. This study aims to narrow this gap by examining the forms of presentation that parties choose when they address voters directly through election posters. Quantitative image content analysis of all 929 election posters from nine competing parties in 21 campaigns between 1945 and 2013 provides the data, which is used in explorative data analysis as well as multilevel analysis. Results show that the changes in Austrian election campaigns follow international trends in some apects, while they differ strongly in others: Personalisation in Austrian election campaigns has increased, i.e. more recent campaigns focus more on the top candidates. The use of negative campaigning, however, has steadily decreased – following the confrontational early races, negative messages have almost disappeared from billboards. The examination of visualization strategies showed a slight increase in the degree of professionalization in designing political campaigns, although they do not meet design standards applied to commercial advertising. Posters as long-lasting means of communication have proven to be suitable for the examination of long-term trends in political communication. The results can provide a basis for further research such as cross-country or cross-media comparisons., Mag. Lore Hayek, MSc, Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache, Dissertation Universität Innsbruck 2016

Wahlplakate sind das Wahlwerbemittel in österreichischen Wahlkämpfen, das am längsten präsent und doch am wenigsten erforscht ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Darstellung, die politische Parteien wählen, wenn sie in Form des Wahlplakats in direkter und ungefilterter Weise Wählerinnen und Wähler anzusprechen versuchen. Mittels quantitativer Bildinhaltsanalyse wurden alle 929 Wahlplakate der neun Parlamentsparteien aus 21 Wahlkämpfen der Zweiten Republik zwischen 1945 und 2013 erfasst und mittels explorativer Datenanalyse und Mehrebenenanalyse untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Entwicklung österreichischer Wahlkampagnen in manchen Bereichen internationalen Trends folgt, während sich andere Bereiche genau gegenläufig entwickeln: Das Personalisierungsniveau in österreichischen Wahlkampagnen ist angestiegen, d.h. Kampagnen jüngeren Datums waren viel stärker auf die Person des Spitzenkandidaten oder der Spitzenkandidatin zugeschnitten. Die Verwendung von negative campaigning hat hingegen stetig abgenommen – nach den stark konfrontativen ersten Wahlkämpfen der Zweiten Republik haben negative Botschaften die Wahlplakatflächen beinahe verlassen. Die Untersuchung von Visualisierungsstrategien zeigte einen schwachen Anstieg im Professionalisierungsgrad der Gestaltung der Plakate, obwohl die politischen Plakate nicht Standards aus der kommerziellen Werbung erreichten. Plakate als langlebiges Kommunikationsmittel haben sich geeignet gezeigt, um langfristige Entwicklungen in der politischen Kommunikation zu untersuchen. Die vorliegenden Ergebnisse können Grundlage für weiterführende Untersuchungen wie Vergleiche zwischen Ländern oder zwischen Medienformen sein., Election posters have been present in Austrian campaigns for longer than any other campaign medium, yet they have been studied only sporadically. This study aims to narrow this gap by examining the forms of presentation that parties choose when they address voters directly through election posters. Quantitative image content analysis of all 929 election posters from nine competing parties in 21 campaigns between 1945 and 2013 provides the data, which is used in explorative data analysis as well as multilevel analysis. Results show that the changes in Austrian election campaigns follow international trends in some apects, while they differ strongly in others: Personalisation in Austrian election campaigns has increased, i.e. more recent campaigns focus more on the top candidates. The use of negative campaigning, however, has steadily decreased – following the confrontational early races, negative messages have almost disappeared from billboards. The examination of visualization strategies showed a slight increase in the degree of professionalization in designing political campaigns, although they do not meet design standards applied to commercial advertising. Posters as long-lasting means of communication have proven to be suitable for the examination of long-term trends in political communication. The results can provide a basis for further research such as cross-country or cross-media comparisons., Mag. Lore Hayek, MSc, Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache, Dissertation Universität Innsbruck 2016

Franz Reiter, Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2018