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The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU's engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU's engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU's engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the 'Six Flagship Initiatives'. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU's engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU's engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU's engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the 'Six Flagship Initiatives'. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

We consider the enumeration of self-avoiding walks and polygons on regular lattices. Such objects are connected with many other problems in combinatorics, as well as in fields as diverse as physics and chemistry. We examine the general models of walks and polygons and methods we can use to study them; subclasses whose properties enable a rather deeper analysis; and extensions of these models which allow us to model physical phenomena like polymer collapse and adsorption. While the general models of self-avoiding walks and polygons are certainly not considered to be ‘solved’, recently a great deal of progress has been made in developing new methods for studying these objects and proving rigorous results about their enumerative properties, particularly on the honeycomb lattice. We consider these recent results and show that in some cases they can be extended or generalised so as to enable further proofs, conjectures and estimates. In particular, we find that properties shared by all two-dimensional lattices allow us to develop new methods for estimating the growth constants and certain amplitudes for the square and triangular lattices. The subclasses of self-avoiding walks and polygons that we consider are typically defined by imposing restrictions on the way in which a walk or polygon can be constructed. Ideally the restrictions should be as weak as possible, so as to result in a model that closely resembles the unrestricted case, while still enabling some manner of simple recursive construction. These recursions can sometimes lead to solutions for generating functions or other quantities of interest. Some of the models we consider display quite unusual asymptotic properties despite the relatively simple restrictions which lead to their construction. We approach the modelling of polymer adsorption in several ways. Firstly, we adapt some of the new methods for studying self-avoiding walks on the honeycomb lattice to account for interactions with an impenetrable surfac

Work towards the development of a new computer-assisted methodology for psychological study and intervention is described. This is referred to as the Personal Knowledge Methodology since it focuses on the elicitation and presentation of personal knowledge. Personal knowledge includes the knowledge individuals have of their life history, their behaviours, their moods, their relationships, their ambitions, and so on. Principles and techniques used in Knowledge Engineering form the basis of the design of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. At the heart of the methodology is the use of a suite of knowledge acquisition and modelling techniques. These are referred to as Personal Knowledge Techniques. Based on a review of a wide-range of literature, eight techniques were selected to be assessed for their possible use as Personal Knowledge Techniques. These included interview-based techniques, repertory grid techniques and diagram-based techniques. Two in-depth studies took place involving 18 participants and a total of 100 knowledge acquisition sessions. The results revealed that each of the eight techniques showed promise at efficiently capturing and structuring aspects of an individual’s personal knowledge. In addition, the techniques showed potential for providing help in allowing reflection and revealing insights. In particular, a technique based on the construction and use of a state transition network was found to be the most highly rated by the participants. A content analysis of the knowledge acquired formed the basis of an ontology of personal knowledge that would underpin many uses of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. The empirical work and analysis led to a number of ideas for future developments of the methodology and uses for the Personal Knowledge Techniques.

Hedging has become the strategic strategy de jure, particularly for smaller powers1 that find themselves in increasingly volatile regional settings. Both in practice and in literature, hedging has become somewhat mythologized as an ideal foreign policy for smaller powers; a strategy which avoids the costs of either balancing or bandwagoning. This paper argues that while hedging can indeed be a smart strategy for smaller powers to engineer more optimal outcomes, it is not only not a costless strategy but also a strategy which can be extremely difficult to effectively undertake. To shed light on the inherent limitations of smaller powers engaging in a hedge, this paper borrows from neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism is a useful starting point here because it assumes that ideal foreign policy-making is impossible. In addition, in the context of smaller power hedging in the contemporary international setting, neoclassical realism’s understanding of systemic stimuli (aided by the literature on regional security complexes) and the domestic impact of strategic culture and leader images enables it to be a good analytical tool for gauging the likely challenges of attempting to hedge. Two historical examples, one of an ostensibly successful hedge (Tito’s non- alignment during the Cold War) and one of an ostensibly unsuccessful hedge (Yakub Beg’s failure to hedge the British and Russian Empires), are used to demonstrate how successful hedging requires adept understanding of the structural environment as well as a keen use of statecraft.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU’s engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the ‘Six Flagship Initiatives’. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU’s engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the ‘Six Flagship Initiatives’. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

This timely book analyses ‘soft power’ in the light of neoclassical realist premises as part of the foreign policy toolkit of great powers to expand their sphere of influence. Vasif Huseynov argues that if nuclear armed great powers compete against the same type of powers to expand or sustain their sphere of influence over a populated region, they use soft power as a major expansive instrument while military power remains a tool to defend themselves and back up their foreign policies. Presenting his model of soft power, the author explores the role of soft power projection by great powers in the formation of the external alignment of regional states. He focuses on the rivalries between Russia and the West (i.e. the EU and the USA) over the states located between the EU and Russia (the region known as the “common [or shared] neighborhood”) and on two of these regional states (Ukraine and Belarus) to test his hypotheses.

Work towards the development of a new computer-assisted methodology for psychological study and intervention is described. This is referred to as the Personal Knowledge Methodology since it focuses on the elicitation and presentation of personal knowledge. Personal knowledge includes the knowledge individuals have of their life history, their behaviours, their moods, their relationships, their ambitions, and so on. Principles and techniques used in Knowledge Engineering form the basis of the design of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. At the heart of the methodology is the use of a suite of knowledge acquisition and modelling techniques. These are referred to as Personal Knowledge Techniques. Based on a review of a wide-range of literature, eight techniques were selected to be assessed for their possible use as Personal Knowledge Techniques. These included interview-based techniques, repertory grid techniques and diagram-based techniques. Two in-depth studies took place involving 18 participants and a total of 100 knowledge acquisition sessions. The results revealed that each of the eight techniques showed promise at efficiently capturing and structuring aspects of an individual’s personal knowledge. In addition, the techniques showed potential for providing help in allowing reflection and revealing insights. In particular, a technique based on the construction and use of a state transition network was found to be the most highly rated by the participants. A content analysis of the knowledge acquired formed the basis of an ontology of personal knowledge that would underpin many uses of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. The empirical work and analysis led to a number of ideas for future developments of the methodology and uses for the Personal Knowledge Techniques.

Work towards the development of a new computer-assisted methodology for psychological study and intervention is described. This is referred to as the Personal Knowledge Methodology since it focuses on the elicitation and presentation of personal knowledge. Personal knowledge includes the knowledge individuals have of their life history, their behaviours, their moods, their relationships, their ambitions, and so on. Principles and techniques used in Knowledge Engineering form the basis of the design of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. At the heart of the methodology is the use of a suite of knowledge acquisition and modelling techniques. These are referred to as Personal Knowledge Techniques. Based on a review of a wide-range of literature, eight techniques were selected to be assessed for their possible use as Personal Knowledge Techniques. These included interview-based techniques, repertory grid techniques and diagram-based techniques. Two in-depth studies took place involving 18 participants and a total of 100 knowledge acquisition sessions. The results revealed that each of the eight techniques showed promise at efficiently capturing and structuring aspects of an individual’s personal knowledge. In addition, the techniques showed potential for providing help in allowing reflection and revealing insights. In particular, a technique based on the construction and use of a state transition network was found to be the most highly rated by the participants. A content analysis of the knowledge acquired formed the basis of an ontology of personal knowledge that would underpin many uses of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. The empirical work and analysis led to a number of ideas for future developments of the methodology and uses for the Personal Knowledge Techniques.

This timely book analyses ‘soft power’ in the light of neoclassical realist premises as part of the foreign policy toolkit of great powers to expand their sphere of influence. Vasif Huseynov argues that if nuclear armed great powers compete against the same type of powers to expand or sustain their sphere of influence over a populated region, they use soft power as a major expansive instrument while military power remains a tool to defend themselves and back up their foreign policies. Presenting his model of soft power, the author explores the role of soft power projection by great powers in the formation of the external alignment of regional states. He focuses on the rivalries between Russia and the West (i.e. the EU and the USA) over the states located between the EU and Russia (the region known as the “common [or shared] neighborhood”) and on two of these regional states (Ukraine and Belarus) to test his hypotheses.

This timely book analyses ‘soft power’ in the light of neoclassical realist premises as part of the foreign policy toolkit of great powers to expand their sphere of influence. Vasif Huseynov argues that if nuclear armed great powers compete against the same type of powers to expand or sustain their sphere of influence over a populated region, they use soft power as a major expansive instrument while military power remains a tool to defend themselves and back up their foreign policies. Presenting his model of soft power, the author explores the role of soft power projection by great powers in the formation of the external alignment of regional states. He focuses on the rivalries between Russia and the West (i.e. the EU and the USA) over the states located between the EU and Russia (the region known as the “common [or shared] neighborhood”) and on two of these regional states (Ukraine and Belarus) to test his hypotheses.

While Croatia joined the EU in 2013, progress toward the accession of the other non-EU states in the Western Balkans has varied from country to country. Milenko Petrovic and Nicholas Ross Smith provide an overview of developments in these states along several dimensions including democracy, economic transition and corruption. They note that Western Balkan states can essentially be split into two groups: Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, who are close to EU accession standards; and Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo*, who are still some way off meeting these standards. Nevertheless, they argue that the EU should continue to pursue close engagement with the ‘bottom three’ to help facilitate their reforms.

This timely book analyses ‘soft power’ in the light of neoclassical realist premises as part of the foreign policy toolkit of great powers to expand their sphere of influence. Vasif Huseynov argues that if nuclear armed great powers compete against the same type of powers to expand or sustain their sphere of influence over a populated region, they use soft power as a major expansive instrument while military power remains a tool to defend themselves and back up their foreign policies. Presenting his model of soft power, the author explores the role of soft power projection by great powers in the formation of the external alignment of regional states. He focuses on the rivalries between Russia and the West (i.e. the EU and the USA) over the states located between the EU and Russia (the region known as the “common [or shared] neighborhood”) and on two of these regional states (Ukraine and Belarus) to test his hypotheses.

Hedging has become the strategic strategy de jure, particularly for smaller powers1 that find themselves in increasingly volatile regional settings. Both in practice and in literature, hedging has become somewhat mythologized as an ideal foreign policy for smaller powers; a strategy which avoids the costs of either balancing or bandwagoning. This paper argues that while hedging can indeed be a smart strategy for smaller powers to engineer more optimal outcomes, it is not only not a costless strategy but also a strategy which can be extremely difficult to effectively undertake. To shed light on the inherent limitations of smaller powers engaging in a hedge, this paper borrows from neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism is a useful starting point here because it assumes that ideal foreign policy-making is impossible. In addition, in the context of smaller power hedging in the contemporary international setting, neoclassical realism’s understanding of systemic stimuli (aided by the literature on regional security complexes) and the domestic impact of strategic culture and leader images enables it to be a good analytical tool for gauging the likely challenges of attempting to hedge. Two historical examples, one of an ostensibly successful hedge (Tito’s non- alignment during the Cold War) and one of an ostensibly unsuccessful hedge (Yakub Beg’s failure to hedge the British and Russian Empires), are used to demonstrate how successful hedging requires adept understanding of the structural environment as well as a keen use of statecraft.

Work towards the development of a new computer-assisted methodology for psychological study and intervention is described. This is referred to as the Personal Knowledge Methodology since it focuses on the elicitation and presentation of personal knowledge. Personal knowledge includes the knowledge individuals have of their life history, their behaviours, their moods, their relationships, their ambitions, and so on. Principles and techniques used in Knowledge Engineering form the basis of the design of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. At the heart of the methodology is the use of a suite of knowledge acquisition and modelling techniques. These are referred to as Personal Knowledge Techniques. Based on a review of a wide-range of literature, eight techniques were selected to be assessed for their possible use as Personal Knowledge Techniques. These included interview-based techniques, repertory grid techniques and diagram-based techniques. Two in-depth studies took place involving 18 participants and a total of 100 knowledge acquisition sessions. The results revealed that each of the eight techniques showed promise at efficiently capturing and structuring aspects of an individual’s personal knowledge. In addition, the techniques showed potential for providing help in allowing reflection and revealing insights. In particular, a technique based on the construction and use of a state transition network was found to be the most highly rated by the participants. A content analysis of the knowledge acquired formed the basis of an ontology of personal knowledge that would underpin many uses of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. The empirical work and analysis led to a number of ideas for future developments of the methodology and uses for the Personal Knowledge Techniques.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU’s engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the ‘Six Flagship Initiatives’. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU’s engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the ‘Six Flagship Initiatives’. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

Hedging has become the strategic strategy de jure, particularly for smaller powers1 that find themselves in increasingly volatile regional settings. Both in practice and in literature, hedging has become somewhat mythologized as an ideal foreign policy for smaller powers; a strategy which avoids the costs of either balancing or bandwagoning. This paper argues that while hedging can indeed be a smart strategy for smaller powers to engineer more optimal outcomes, it is not only not a costless strategy but also a strategy which can be extremely difficult to effectively undertake. To shed light on the inherent limitations of smaller powers engaging in a hedge, this paper borrows from neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism is a useful starting point here because it assumes that ideal foreign policy-making is impossible. In addition, in the context of smaller power hedging in the contemporary international setting, neoclassical realism’s understanding of systemic stimuli (aided by the literature on regional security complexes) and the domestic impact of strategic culture and leader images enables it to be a good analytical tool for gauging the likely challenges of attempting to hedge. Two historical examples, one of an ostensibly successful hedge (Tito’s non- alignment during the Cold War) and one of an ostensibly unsuccessful hedge (Yakub Beg’s failure to hedge the British and Russian Empires), are used to demonstrate how successful hedging requires adept understanding of the structural environment as well as a keen use of statecraft.

Work towards the development of a new computer-assisted methodology for psychological study and intervention is described. This is referred to as the Personal Knowledge Methodology since it focuses on the elicitation and presentation of personal knowledge. Personal knowledge includes the knowledge individuals have of their life history, their behaviours, their moods, their relationships, their ambitions, and so on. Principles and techniques used in Knowledge Engineering form the basis of the design of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. At the heart of the methodology is the use of a suite of knowledge acquisition and modelling techniques. These are referred to as Personal Knowledge Techniques. Based on a review of a wide-range of literature, eight techniques were selected to be assessed for their possible use as Personal Knowledge Techniques. These included interview-based techniques, repertory grid techniques and diagram-based techniques. Two in-depth studies took place involving 18 participants and a total of 100 knowledge acquisition sessions. The results revealed that each of the eight techniques showed promise at efficiently capturing and structuring aspects of an individual’s personal knowledge. In addition, the techniques showed potential for providing help in allowing reflection and revealing insights. In particular, a technique based on the construction and use of a state transition network was found to be the most highly rated by the participants. A content analysis of the knowledge acquired formed the basis of an ontology of personal knowledge that would underpin many uses of the Personal Knowledge Methodology. The empirical work and analysis led to a number of ideas for future developments of the methodology and uses for the Personal Knowledge Techniques.

The accession of the remaining six Western Balkan states into the EU is shrouded in much uncertainty. Despite Croatia finally traversing the difficult path to eventual membership in 2013, not one of the remaining Western Balkan countries can claim to be on a definite pathway to membership today. An increasingly prevalent argument is that the EU’s engagement with its neighbourhoods has faltered because its strategies have been undermined by an inherent stability-democracy dilemma. This article examines the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans and finds that although the EU tried to transcend this dilemma, in reality, a tension between stability and democracy was present with the former generally receiving more attention in policymaking. This led to not only a lack of tangible democratization amongst the Western Balkan states, but further uncertainty about their accession prospects. By 2018, it was clear that the EU’s engagement with the Western Balkans needed a rethink, resulting in a new approach: the ‘Six Flagship Initiatives’. However, given the apprehensiveness of some member states (especially France) coupled with the presence of outsiders such as Russia and China in the area, the accession prospects of the six non-EU Western Balkan states remains blurred.

Hedging has become the strategic strategy de jure, particularly for smaller powers1 that find themselves in increasingly volatile regional settings. Both in practice and in literature, hedging has become somewhat mythologized as an ideal foreign policy for smaller powers; a strategy which avoids the costs of either balancing or bandwagoning. This paper argues that while hedging can indeed be a smart strategy for smaller powers to engineer more optimal outcomes, it is not only not a costless strategy but also a strategy which can be extremely difficult to effectively undertake. To shed light on the inherent limitations of smaller powers engaging in a hedge, this paper borrows from neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism is a useful starting point here because it assumes that ideal foreign policy-making is impossible. In addition, in the context of smaller power hedging in the contemporary international setting, neoclassical realism’s understanding of systemic stimuli (aided by the literature on regional security complexes) and the domestic impact of strategic culture and leader images enables it to be a good analytical tool for gauging the likely challenges of attempting to hedge. Two historical examples, one of an ostensibly successful hedge (Tito’s non- alignment during the Cold War) and one of an ostensibly unsuccessful hedge (Yakub Beg’s failure to hedge the British and Russian Empires), are used to demonstrate how successful hedging requires adept understanding of the structural environment as well as a keen use of statecraft.