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Affiliation with different religions can have different effects on practitioners' trust in state institutions and in social actors. Based on a survey of 3,740 residents in Hong Kong in 2021, we examine the relationship between religious affiliation and believers' trust in the political authorities in Beijing and Hong Kong and in civil actors in the city. We find that affiliation with traditional Chinese religions and Eastern religions has a positive and significant effect on believers' trust in the political authorities, whereas belief in Western religions does not have such an effect. Affiliation with Western religions, however, has a stronger positive and significant effect on interpersonal trust and on tolerance for unconventional behaviour. These findings shed light on the interaction between the government and religious groups in Hong Kong after 1997.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

Europeans invented the concept of race to support their idea of racial superiority overall inhabitants of this continent. With this, there was also an invention of systems to police aesthetics, separating white from other. This system was expanded in the lead-up to the United States invasion of Mexico, so much so that the United States government was used as the model for Nazi Germany. These criminalized aesthetics remain to this day. Covering Chicano aesthetics and the relationship with state institutions allows for a reevaluation of cultural iconography along with the relationship between state institutions, educational and criminal, and the Chicano.

Europeans invented the concept of race to support their idea of racial superiority overall inhabitants of this continent. With this, there was also an invention of systems to police aesthetics, separating white from other. This system was expanded in the lead-up to the United States invasion of Mexico, so much so that the United States government was used as the model for Nazi Germany. These criminalized aesthetics remain to this day. Covering Chicano aesthetics and the relationship with state institutions allows for a reevaluation of cultural iconography along with the relationship between state institutions, educational and criminal, and the Chicano.

Europeans invented the concept of race to support their idea of racial superiority overall inhabitants of this continent. With this, there was also an invention of systems to police aesthetics, separating white from other. This system was expanded in the lead-up to the United States invasion of Mexico, so much so that the United States government was used as the model for Nazi Germany. These criminalized aesthetics remain to this day. Covering Chicano aesthetics and the relationship with state institutions allows for a reevaluation of cultural iconography along with the relationship between state institutions, educational and criminal, and the Chicano.

Uvod: Pojedine porodice imaju potrebu za dodatnom podrškom u obavljanju zahtevne roditeljske uloge, a naročito porodice u riziku koje nemaju dovoljno kapaciteta da primereno odgovore na potrebe deteta. Na funkcionisanje takvih porodica deluju faktori rizika koji proizlaze iz porodičnog, ali i iz šireg socijalnog okruženja. Ponekad podršku i ulogu zaštitnog faktora preuzimaju organizacije civilnog društva koje intervencije uglavnom zasnivaju na kvalitetnim međusobnim odnosima i potpuno i pravovremeno zadovoljavaju potrebe dece i porodica u riziku. Cilj: Ovo istraživanje imalo je za cilj da se identifikuju i shvate faktori koje porodice u riziku percipiraju kao podršku i pomoć. Metode: Teorijski okvir istraživanja čini Bronfenbrenerov ekološki model ljudskog razvoja. Metodom intervjua prikupljeni su podaci 14 učesnika (majke, očevi i deca), korisnika udruženja MoSt iz Splita. Rezultati: Rezultati dobijeni tematskom analizom daju uvid u: manifestne oblike problema u ponašanju dece u uzorku, pružaoce usluga porodicama u riziku, faktore rizika koji dovode do problema, procenu podrške organizacije civilnog društva i ishode intervencije. Učesnici istraživanja naročito ističu osećaj podrške, koji proizlazi iz doživljenog, percipiranog osećaja prijatnosti, sigurnosti, druželjubivosti, priznatosti i prihvaćenosti, pa čak i osećaj „kao da si u porodici”. I deca i roditelji kao ključne procenjuju vrednosti koje se nalaze u pozadini pružanja podrške, a to su uvažavanje, prijateljstvo, prihvatanje i uljudna, pristojna komunikacija. Zaključak: Pokazalo se da organizacija civilnog društva predstavlja i svojevrsnu „premosnicu”, odnosno da moderira i facilitira između porodice i državnih institucija. Ono što je vidljivo u iskazu učesnika jeste percipirana dostupnost same organizacije, njenih resursa, usluga i ljudi, kao i konkretnost usluga koje se pružaju porodici., Introduction. Some families need additional support in performing a demanding parenting role, especially families at risk who do not have sufficient capacity to adequately respond to the child’s needs. The functioning of such families is influenced by risk factors arising from the family, but also from the wider social environment. Sometimes, the support and the role of a protective factor are taken over by civil society organizations that base their interventions mainly on quality interpersonal relationships and fully and timely meet the needs of children and families at risk. Objective. This research aimed to identify and understand the factors that families at risk perceive as support and assistance. Methods. The theoretical framework of the research is Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development. The interview method was used to collect data from 14 participants (mothers, fathers and children), users of the MoSt association from Split. Results. The results obtained by thematic analysis provide insight into: manifest forms of behavioral problems in children in the sample, service providers to families at risk, risk factors leading to the problem, assessment of support by civil society organizations and outcomes of the intervention. Research participants particularly emphasize the feeling of support that arises from the experienced, perceived feeling of comfort, security, friendliness, recognition and acceptance, and even the feeling of “as if you are in a family.” Both children and parents value the values behind support, which are respect, friendship, acceptance, and polite, decent communication. Conclusion. It has been shown that the organization of civil society is a kind of “bridge”, i.e. that it moderates and facilitates between the family and state institutions. What is visible in the testimony of the participants is the perceived availability of the organization itself, its resources, services and people, as well as the specificity of the servic

The multiple components of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), promotes women’s wellbeing and rights to a life free from discrimination and violence. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a matter closely related to SRHR and affects women globally on daily basis. South Africa is estimated to score one of the highest rates of GBV in the world. This thesis aims to gain an understanding of how civil society organisations (CSOs) working with SRHR-related issues, approach South African state institutions with regard to strengthen strategies against GBV. A qualitative content analysis is adopted to analyse the CSO’s documents that frame their advocacy work against GBV and how they approach state institutions in South Africa. The results from the analysed documents are thereby examined through theoretical approaches, mainly targeting CSOs ability to translate universal human rights into local contexts, and contributions to social justice. The analysed documents reveal that the selected CSOs mobilise their advocacy against GBV through different media platforms. Moreover, the CSO’s advocacy is presented through evidence-based research, policy briefs, articles and campaigns. Through their approaches to state institutions, the CSOs demand the state to recognise that inequality and patriarchal structures cause GBV and negatively affect women’s wellbeing. Furthermore, the selected CSOs demand fair distribution of resources that ensures women’s safety in the public sphere. In addition, the CSOs demand implementation of educational programmes with gender perspectives in all aspects of society. Finally, the CSOs demand South African state institutions to include all sectors of society in decision-making processes of strategies against GBV. Thus, state institutions can unsure proper implementation of preventative methods against GBV.

The multiple components of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), promotes women’s wellbeing and rights to a life free from discrimination and violence. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a matter closely related to SRHR and affects women globally on daily basis. South Africa is estimated to score one of the highest rates of GBV in the world. This thesis aims to gain an understanding of how civil society organisations (CSOs) working with SRHR-related issues, approach South African state institutions with regard to strengthen strategies against GBV. A qualitative content analysis is adopted to analyse the CSO’s documents that frame their advocacy work against GBV and how they approach state institutions in South Africa. The results from the analysed documents are thereby examined through theoretical approaches, mainly targeting CSOs ability to translate universal human rights into local contexts, and contributions to social justice. The analysed documents reveal that the selected CSOs mobilise their advocacy against GBV through different media platforms. Moreover, the CSO’s advocacy is presented through evidence-based research, policy briefs, articles and campaigns. Through their approaches to state institutions, the CSOs demand the state to recognise that inequality and patriarchal structures cause GBV and negatively affect women’s wellbeing. Furthermore, the selected CSOs demand fair distribution of resources that ensures women’s safety in the public sphere. In addition, the CSOs demand implementation of educational programmes with gender perspectives in all aspects of society. Finally, the CSOs demand South African state institutions to include all sectors of society in decision-making processes of strategies against GBV. Thus, state institutions can unsure proper implementation of preventative methods against GBV.

Uvod: Pojedine porodice imaju potrebu za dodatnom podrškom u obavljanju zahtevne roditeljske uloge, a naročito porodice u riziku koje nemaju dovoljno kapaciteta da primereno odgovore na potrebe deteta. Na funkcionisanje takvih porodica deluju faktori rizika koji proizlaze iz porodičnog, ali i iz šireg socijalnog okruženja. Ponekad podršku i ulogu zaštitnog faktora preuzimaju organizacije civilnog društva koje intervencije uglavnom zasnivaju na kvalitetnim međusobnim odnosima i potpuno i pravovremeno zadovoljavaju potrebe dece i porodica u riziku. Cilj: Ovo istraživanje imalo je za cilj da se identifikuju i shvate faktori koje porodice u riziku percipiraju kao podršku i pomoć. Metode: Teorijski okvir istraživanja čini Bronfenbrenerov ekološki model ljudskog razvoja. Metodom intervjua prikupljeni su podaci 14 učesnika (majke, očevi i deca), korisnika udruženja MoSt iz Splita. Rezultati: Rezultati dobijeni tematskom analizom daju uvid u: manifestne oblike problema u ponašanju dece u uzorku, pružaoce usluga porodicama u riziku, faktore rizika koji dovode do problema, procenu podrške organizacije civilnog društva i ishode intervencije. Učesnici istraživanja naročito ističu osećaj podrške, koji proizlazi iz doživljenog, percipiranog osećaja prijatnosti, sigurnosti, druželjubivosti, priznatosti i prihvaćenosti, pa čak i osećaj „kao da si u porodici”. I deca i roditelji kao ključne procenjuju vrednosti koje se nalaze u pozadini pružanja podrške, a to su uvažavanje, prijateljstvo, prihvatanje i uljudna, pristojna komunikacija. Zaključak: Pokazalo se da organizacija civilnog društva predstavlja i svojevrsnu „premosnicu”, odnosno da moderira i facilitira između porodice i državnih institucija. Ono što je vidljivo u iskazu učesnika jeste percipirana dostupnost same organizacije, njenih resursa, usluga i ljudi, kao i konkretnost usluga koje se pružaju porodici., Introduction. Some families need additional support in performing a demanding parenting role, especially families at risk who do not have sufficient capacity to adequately respond to the child’s needs. The functioning of such families is influenced by risk factors arising from the family, but also from the wider social environment. Sometimes, the support and the role of a protective factor are taken over by civil society organizations that base their interventions mainly on quality interpersonal relationships and fully and timely meet the needs of children and families at risk. Objective. This research aimed to identify and understand the factors that families at risk perceive as support and assistance. Methods. The theoretical framework of the research is Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development. The interview method was used to collect data from 14 participants (mothers, fathers and children), users of the MoSt association from Split. Results. The results obtained by thematic analysis provide insight into: manifest forms of behavioral problems in children in the sample, service providers to families at risk, risk factors leading to the problem, assessment of support by civil society organizations and outcomes of the intervention. Research participants particularly emphasize the feeling of support that arises from the experienced, perceived feeling of comfort, security, friendliness, recognition and acceptance, and even the feeling of “as if you are in a family.” Both children and parents value the values behind support, which are respect, friendship, acceptance, and polite, decent communication. Conclusion. It has been shown that the organization of civil society is a kind of “bridge”, i.e. that it moderates and facilitates between the family and state institutions. What is visible in the testimony of the participants is the perceived availability of the organization itself, its resources, services and people, as well as the specificity of the servic

В статье представлен анализ действующей Государственной программы «по добровольному переселению соотечественников, проживающих за рубежом» в российских регионах с позиции привлечения квалифицированной миграции. Проведенное исследование показало повышенный спрос на Государственную программу со стороны соотечественников, проживающих за рубежом. При этом действующие государственные институты, разрабатывающие и реализующие данную программу, не совсем адекватно оценивают как количественные, так и качественные характеристики данного процесса. На взгляд авторов, плохо проработанная Государственная программа не только не соответствует решению текущих задач, но и ее институциональное обеспечение по привлечению квалифицированных соотечественников сопровождается отсутствием последовательности и преемственности принимаемых решений. Поэтому действующие регулятивные меры существенно ослабили проведение Государственной программы., The article presents the analysis of the current State program “on voluntary resettlement of compatriots living abroad” in the Russian regions from the position of attracting qualified migration. The study showed an increased demand for the State program from compatriots living abroad. At the same time, the existing state institutions that develop and implement this program do not adequately assess both quantitative and qualitative characteristics of this process. In the authors ‘ opinion, the poorly developed State program not only does not correspond to the solutions of the current tasks, but also the institutional support of this program to attract qualified compatriots is accompanied by the lack of consistency and continuity of the decisions taken. Therefore, the current regulatory measures have significantly weakened the programme.

In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the post

In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the post

In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the post

In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the post

In 2017 alone, an estimated 68,851 people lost their lives as a consequence of civil wars, that is, armed conflicts that take place within the borders of a state. Such violent conflicts not only lead to immense human suffering, but also leave social, economic and political imprints on the societies that experience them. This dissertation contributes to a burgeoning literature that seeks to understand these imprints by studying how local conflict dynamics affect two specific outcomes: institutional trust and postwar crime. It comprises four independent essays that pose separate research questions, but taken together make important contributions to our understanding of how subnational particularities related to conflict intensity, armed actors and the type of violence employed determine whether, how and why civil wars affect the outcomes of interest. Essay I finds that a large-scale insurgent attack on civilians led to an immediate increase in individual-level trust in state institutions in Kabul City. Essay II finds that conflict intensity at the local level in Afghanistan has a negative impact on individual-level perceptions of one specific state institution: the police. Essay III finds that the more an area in Northern Ireland was affected by wartime violence, the more crime it displayed in the postwar context, but that this effect is contingent on the actor perpetrating violence. Finally, Essay IV shows how conflict dynamics in a former insurgent stronghold of Northern Ireland (West Belfast) changed the style of policing at the local level, as well as the consequences this had for the police’s ability to enforce law and order in the postwar context. These findings speak to an emerging research agenda that studies the conditions under which civil wars function either as forces of destruction or as catalysts for societal development, and offer three larger conclusions: conflict dynamics shape the relationship between local populations and the state far into the post

Розглянуто роль державних інституцій у вирішенні питання щодо подолання наслідків після аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС з метою досягнення сталого розвитку держави. Проаналізовано суть основних рекомендацій центральних органів виконавчої влади щодо поліпшення екологічної ситуації та підтримки осіб, які зазнали радіаційного впливу в результаті аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС. Встановлено, що у питанні вирішення наслідків аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС найвагоміший внесок здійснюють державні інституції за рахунок дослідження цього актуального питання та надання рекомендацій щодо зниження впливу наслідків даної катастрофи., Рассмотрена роль государственных институтов в решении вопроса по преодолению последствий после Чернобыльской АЭС с целью достижения устойчивого развития экологической и социально-экономической ситуации в Украине. Проанализирована суть основных рекомендаций центральных органов исполнительной власти по улучшению экологической ситуации и поддержки лиц, подвергшихся радиационному воздействию в результате аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС. Установлено, что в вопросе решения последствий аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС весомый вклад осуществляют государственные институты за счет исследования этого актуального вопроса и рекомендаций по снижению влияния последствий данной катастрофы., The state institutions role in Chernobyl NPS consequences overcome issue in order to achieve the state sustainable development was studied. The essence of central executive bodies about environmental situation improvement and individuals who suffered from radiation impact resulted by the Chernobyl NPS accident support principal recommendations were analyzed.

In the article theoretical bases of state borders functioning are deepened. The essence of the concept of "state border" is generalized. State border as a multifunctional phenomenon is represented. The essence of the major, minor and specific features of the border are clarified and summarized. The relationship of these functions with activities at the state border such as law enforcement, checkpoints, regulatory, fiscal, intelligence, counterintelligence, operational search and others are displayed. The role of public institutions, including border guards, customs and law enforcement in the functioning of the border is studied. In the article state border is studied as a system of political nature, component subsystems of which are functional, organizational and management structures. The influence of the state border functioning on national interests and the effects of political, economic and social character achievement is investigated., В статье углублены теоретические основы функционирования государственных границ. Обобщенна сущность понятия «государственная граница». Представлено государственную границу как полифункциональное явление. Выяснено и обобщенно сущность главных, второстепенных и специфических функций государственной границы. Показана взаимосвязь перечисленных функций с такими видам деятельности на государственной границе, как правоохранительная, контрольно-пропускная, регулирующая, фискальная, разведывательная, контрразведывательная, оперативно-разыскная и другими. Исследована роль государственных институтов, в частности пограничной службы, таможенной службы и правоохранительных органов в функционировании государственной границы. Представлено государственную границу как систему политического характера, подсистемами которой являются компонентная, функциональная и организационно-управленческая структура. Показано влияние функционирования государственной границы на обеспечение национальных интересов и достижения эффектов политического, экономического, общественного характера., У статті поглиблено теоретичні основи функціонування державних кордонів. Узагальнено суть поняття «державний кордон». Представлено державний кордон як поліфункціональне явище. З’ясовано і узагальнено суть головних, другорядних і специфічних функцій державного кордону. Показано взаємозв’язок перерахованих функцій з такими видами діяльності на державному кордоні, як правоохоронна, контрольно-пропускна, регулююча, фіскальна, розвідувальна, контррозвідувальна, оперативно-розшукова та іншими. Досліджено роль державних інститутів, зокрема прикордонної служби, митної служби і правоохоронних органів у функціонуванні державного кордону. Представлено державний кордон як систему політичного характеру, підсистемами якої є компонентна, функціональна та організаційно-управлінська структура. Показано вплив функціонування державного кордону на забезпечення національних інтересів та досягнення ефектів політичного, економічного, суспільного характеру.

Розглянуто роль державних інституцій у вирішенні питання щодо подолання наслідків після аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС з метою досягнення сталого розвитку держави. Проаналізовано суть основних рекомендацій центральних органів виконавчої влади щодо поліпшення екологічної ситуації та підтримки осіб, які зазнали радіаційного впливу в результаті аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС. Встановлено, що у питанні вирішення наслідків аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС найвагоміший внесок здійснюють державні інституції за рахунок дослідження цього актуального питання та надання рекомендацій щодо зниження впливу наслідків даної катастрофи., Рассмотрена роль государственных институтов в решении вопроса по преодолению последствий после Чернобыльской АЭС с целью достижения устойчивого развития экологической и социально-экономической ситуации в Украине. Проанализирована суть основных рекомендаций центральных органов исполнительной власти по улучшению экологической ситуации и поддержки лиц, подвергшихся радиационному воздействию в результате аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС. Установлено, что в вопросе решения последствий аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС весомый вклад осуществляют государственные институты за счет исследования этого актуального вопроса и рекомендаций по снижению влияния последствий данной катастрофы., The state institutions role in Chernobyl NPS consequences overcome issue in order to achieve the state sustainable development was studied. The essence of central executive bodies about environmental situation improvement and individuals who suffered from radiation impact resulted by the Chernobyl NPS accident support principal recommendations were analyzed.

Розглянуто роль державних інституцій у вирішенні питання щодо подолання наслідків після аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС з метою досягнення сталого розвитку держави. Проаналізовано суть основних рекомендацій центральних органів виконавчої влади щодо поліпшення екологічної ситуації та підтримки осіб, які зазнали радіаційного впливу в результаті аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС. Встановлено, що у питанні вирішення наслідків аварії на Чорнобильській АЕС найвагоміший внесок здійснюють державні інституції за рахунок дослідження цього актуального питання та надання рекомендацій щодо зниження впливу наслідків даної катастрофи., Рассмотрена роль государственных институтов в решении вопроса по преодолению последствий после Чернобыльской АЭС с целью достижения устойчивого развития экологической и социально-экономической ситуации в Украине. Проанализирована суть основных рекомендаций центральных органов исполнительной власти по улучшению экологической ситуации и поддержки лиц, подвергшихся радиационному воздействию в результате аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС. Установлено, что в вопросе решения последствий аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС весомый вклад осуществляют государственные институты за счет исследования этого актуального вопроса и рекомендаций по снижению влияния последствий данной катастрофы., The state institutions role in Chernobyl NPS consequences overcome issue in order to achieve the state sustainable development was studied. The essence of central executive bodies about environmental situation improvement and individuals who suffered from radiation impact resulted by the Chernobyl NPS accident support principal recommendations were analyzed.

In a market economy, the main task of state institutions is to reduce uncertainty by setting frameworks that affect actions and decisions of all the actors in the market. The effectiveness of the implementation of socio-economic strategies and plans depends on the efficiency of the system adopted and its coherence. Ineffective and unethical institutions may lead to an accumulation of pathological phenomena. On the one hand they hinder the free, and not unreasonably restricted, development of all actors in the market, and on the other hand they may lead to a situation in which the uncontrollable symptoms of ‘animal instinct’ will come into play, provoking irrational, too risky or even harmful behaviours. This in turn raises the need to develop state mechanisms that reconcile the requirements of economic, social and political efficiency whilst at the same time respecting ethical standards. The aim of the study presented in this article was to demonstratethat the correlation between ethically acting of representatives of state institutions and the ethical behaviour of business representatives is not sufficiently recognised and appreciated, and that the introduction of a system of ethics, consisting of objective assessments, implies the ethical selfregulation of socio-economic entities and of the economic development of the state., W gospodarce rynkowej podstawowym zadaniem instytucji państwowych jest ograniczenie niepewności przez wyznaczanie ram wpływających na podejmowanie działań i decyzji wszystkich podmiotów. Od efektywności instytucji, przyjętego przez nie systemu działania oraz jego spójności, zależy skuteczność realizacji wyznaczonych strategii i planów społeczno-gospodarczych. Nieskuteczne i nieetycznie działające instytucje mogą wywoływać narastanie zjawisk patologicznych i nie pozwolić z jednej strony na swobodny, bez narzucania niepotrzebnych ograniczeń rozwój wszystkich podmiotów w gospodarce, z drugiej natomiast – doprowadzić do sytuacji, w której odsłonią się niekontrolowane objawy zwierzęcej natury, skłaniające do nieracjonalnych, nazbyt ryzykownych czy wręcz szkodliwych zachowań. Wywołuje to potrzebę wypracowania przez państwo mechanizmów, które godziłyby wymogi efektywności ekonomicznej, społecznej i politycznej z jednoczesnym uszanowaniem norm etycznych. Celem opracowania jest wykazanie, że kwestie powiązań pomiędzy etycznie postępującymi reprezentantami instytucji państwowych a etycznym postępowaniem przedstawicieli biznesu są niedostatecznie dostrzegane i doceniane oraz że wprowadzenie systemu etycznego, złożonego z ocen obiektywnych, implikuje w efekcie etyczną samoregulację podmiotów społeczno-gospodarczych i rozwój ekonomiczny państwa.

The article describes European values and standards of human rights in the context of functioning of the state institutions of Ukraine. It analyzes the influence of precedent court practice of the European Court of Human Rights on the transformation of the political system of Ukraine., В статье рассматриваются европейские ценности и стандарты прав человека в контексте функционирования государственных институтов в Украине. Анализируется влияние судебной прецедентной практики Европейского суда по правам человека на трансформацию политической системы Украины., У статті розглядаються європейські цінності і стандарти прав людини у контексті функціонування державних інститутів в Україні. Аналізується вплив судової прецедентної практики Європейського суду з прав людини на трансформацію політичної системи України.

The article describes European values and standards of human rights in the context of functioning of the state institutions of Ukraine. It analyzes the influence of precedent court practice of the European Court of Human Rights on the transformation of the political system of Ukraine., В статье рассматриваются европейские ценности и стандарты прав человека в контексте функционирования государственных институтов в Украине. Анализируется влияние судебной прецедентной практики Европейского суда по правам человека на трансформацию политической системы Украины., У статті розглядаються європейські цінності і стандарти прав людини у контексті функціонування державних інститутів в Україні. Аналізується вплив судової прецедентної практики Європейського суду з прав людини на трансформацію політичної системи України.

This article analyzes the characteristics of the award process of neighborhood houses inaugurated by the Peronist government in Jujuy. In a time marked by the particular relationship between Peronism and his followers, the distribution of this properties had very distinctive features. Despite the creation of official institutions, many applicants went beyond the requirements and sought to approach the authorities sending letters. The study of the relationship between state and society shows various interesting aspects of the housing policy of the Peronismo in this district of Northwestern Argentina., Este artículo analiza los rasgos más salientes del proceso de adjudicación de las casas de un barrio obrero inaugurado por el gobierno peronista en una de las provincias más alejadas del centro político bonaerense: Jujuy. En un marco signado por la particular relación entre el peronismo y sus seguidores, la distribución de aquellos bienes tuvo características muy distintivas. Pese a la creación de instituciones oficiales, muchos solicitantes fueron más allá de los requisitos exigidos y buscaron acercarse a las autoridades enviando cartas que reforzaban sus pedidos. El estudio de esta relación entre el Estado y la sociedad nos muestra diversos aspectos interesantes de la política habitacional del primer peronismo en este distrito provincial del Noroeste argentino.

This article analyzes the characteristics of the award process of neighborhood houses inaugurated by the Peronist government in Jujuy. In a time marked by the particular relationship between Peronism and his followers, the distribution of this properties had very distinctive features. Despite the creation of official institutions, many applicants went beyond the requirements and sought to approach the authorities sending letters. The study of the relationship between state and society shows various interesting aspects of the housing policy of the Peronismo in this district of Northwestern Argentina., Este artículo analiza los rasgos más salientes del proceso de adjudicación de las casas de un barrio obrero inaugurado por el gobierno peronista en una de las provincias más alejadas del centro político bonaerense: Jujuy. En un marco signado por la particular relación entre el peronismo y sus seguidores, la distribución de aquellos bienes tuvo características muy distintivas. Pese a la creación de instituciones oficiales, muchos solicitantes fueron más allá de los requisitos exigidos y buscaron acercarse a las autoridades enviando cartas que reforzaban sus pedidos. El estudio de esta relación entre el Estado y la sociedad nos muestra diversos aspectos interesantes de la política habitacional del primer peronismo en este distrito provincial del Noroeste argentino.

This article analyzes the characteristics of the award process of neighborhood houses inaugurated by the Peronist government in Jujuy. In a time marked by the particular relationship between Peronism and his followers, the distribution of this properties had very distinctive features. Despite the creation of official institutions, many applicants went beyond the requirements and sought to approach the authorities sending letters. The study of the relationship between state and society shows various interesting aspects of the housing policy of the Peronismo in this district of Northwestern Argentina., Este artículo analiza los rasgos más salientes del proceso de adjudicación de las casas de un barrio obrero inaugurado por el gobierno peronista en una de las provincias más alejadas del centro político bonaerense: Jujuy. En un marco signado por la particular relación entre el peronismo y sus seguidores, la distribución de aquellos bienes tuvo características muy distintivas. Pese a la creación de instituciones oficiales, muchos solicitantes fueron más allá de los requisitos exigidos y buscaron acercarse a las autoridades enviando cartas que reforzaban sus pedidos. El estudio de esta relación entre el Estado y la sociedad nos muestra diversos aspectos interesantes de la política habitacional del primer peronismo en este distrito provincial del Noroeste argentino.

Este artículo pretende develar la existencia de una democracia incompleta. Se establecen los factores que coadyuvan a que el ejercicio democrático se precarice. En esa dirección, la violación de Derechos Humanos está a un paso. El objetivo de este trabajo procura hacer disecciones, desde una perspectiva comprensiva que analice el aspecto integral de la democracia colombiana y su contribución a la preservación de derechos. Estos últimos están sujetos a la existencia de un Estado que en ocasiones resulta ineficiente por falta de una estructura orgánica que revitalice las instituciones.

The paper deals with the topic of the Monetary Policy Council. The main aim of this research paper is to analyze the institutional position of the Council. The first part focuses on the definition of the Monetary Policy Council’s status. The next part concerns the model of the term of office and personal composition of the Council. In this context, proposals for changes are presented which are included in the project of the new law on the National Bank of Poland. A significant part of the paper describes the conceptual requirements for the members of the MPC. They emphasize the importance of the Council in comparison with other state bodies. The ending presents the conclusion that the Monetary Policy Council is a state organ of special importance. The author indicates the need for certain changes to reinforce the actions of the Monetary Policy Council, especially the need to regulate the number of members of the MPC who should be appointed by the relevant bodies and authorities by means of the Constitution. Additionally, the issues concerning legislative competence must be discussed as well., Artykuł poświęcony jest Radzie Polityki Pieniężnej. Celem opracowania jest analiza ustrojowej pozycji Rady. Określenie statusu prawnego RPP stanowi początek rozważań. W dalszej części przedstawiono model kadencyjności i skład osobowy RPP. W tym kontekście omówione zostały propozycje zmian zawarte w projekcie ustawy o NBP. Istotną częścią artykułu jest kwestia wymogów merytorycznych stawianych członkom RPP. Podkreślają one pozycję Rady na tle innych organów państwa. Zakończenie zawiera wnioski potwierdzające, że RPP to szczególny organ państwa. Autor wskazuje również, że należałoby dokonać pewnych zmian wzmacniających działanie RPP, a mianowicie konstytucyjnie uregulować liczbę wybieranych do niej członków przez uprawnione do tego organy i uregulować kwestie kompetencji prawotwórczych.

The study is based both on previously published and unpublished archival documents. The article refers to a variety of materials from federal, regional and college archives. The article is devoted to problems of administration and education development on the southern outskirts of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. That was a time of systemic crisis in the Caucasus. The revolution of 1905–1907 and the intensification of insurgent groups’ activity created a situation where the Russian Empire risked losing the Caucasus. Many deficiencies in the work of administrative institutions and the decrease in the pace of modernization aggravated the situation. It was already in the late 19th century that the representatives of the regional administration pointed to the crisis in the Caucasus. The Russian Empire faced problems of war in the Caucasus again, and to overcome the crisis a Caucasian Viceroyalty was established. The Caucasian Viceroy received a number of administrative privileges. In this regard, the Caucasian Viceroyalty was an attempt to escape from the Empire for the sake of the Imperial interests. The ruling elite of in the capital of the Empire was against the return to the vicegerency which was most severely criticized by Chairman of the Committee and the Council of Ministers S. Yu. Witte, who almost succeeded in achieving the abolition of vicegerency in December, 1905. Primarily, the Russian administration needed to find effective ways of combating units of abreks (outlaws expelled by their tribes). The most dangerous enemy of the Russian administration in the region was the legendary abrek Zelimkhan Gushmazukaev. His popularity and prosperity undermined the authority of the official rulers. Soon Caucasian Viceroy I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov proved it was impossible to resist the instability by means of punitive methods alone. The Viceroy proposed a reform programme to alleviate the situation. An important part of the reforms was the develo, Статья основана на опубликованных и архивных документах. Используются материалы федеральных и региональных архивов, а также документы из архивов научных учреждений. Статья посвящена проблемам развития институтов администрации и образования на южной окраине Российской империи в конце XIX – начале XX в. Это время системного кризиса на Кавказе. Революционные события 1905–1907 гг. и активизация повстанческих групп угрожали России потерей контроля над регионом. Многочисленные изъяны в работе административных учреждений и потеря темпа модернизации осложняли ситуацию. Уже в конце XIX столетия раздавались тревожные голоса представителей региональной администрации, отмечавших кризисный характер сложившейся ситуации. Российская империя вновь столкнулась с проблемами времен Кавказской войны. Для их разрешения был восстановлен победоносный институт – Кавказское наместничество. Кавказский наместник, как и ранее, получил множество административных прав и привилегий. В этом отношении Кавказское наместничество являлось бегством от империи для сохранения интересов империи. Возвращение к наместничеству встретило сопротивление части столичной государственной элиты. Одним из критиков этой идеи стал председатель Комитета и Совета министров С. Ю. Витте, едва не добившийся упразднения наместничества уже в декабре 1905 г. Прежде всего обновленной российской администрации необходимо было найти эффективные методы борьбы с абречеством, захлестнувшим край. Лидер одной из таких групп, легендарный Зелимхан Гушмазукаев пользовался поддержкой среди местного населения и представлял большую угрозу для официальных властей. Использование против недовольных исключительно карательных методов было бесперспективно. Это очень скоро осознал предпоследний кавказский наместник И. И. Воронцов-Дашков, который выступил с проектом масштабного реформирования края. Усилия наместника были направлены на усовершенствования работы образовательных заведений, развитие которых могло стать залогом возвращения лояльности ши

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to monopolize political power against what are conventionally understood to be powerful odds against authoritarian survival: rapidly growing commercial and middle classes, official venality, social instability, and the demonstration effect of regime transition in former socialist countries. How has China’s party-state managed to redefine itself while presiding over one of the most successful cases of economic development? This chapter builds on insights derived from historical institutionalism and proposes that the concept of “adaptive informal institutions” may elucidate the causal mechanisms underlying party-state resilience. The case of China demonstrates that adaptive informality may facilitate reforms that revitalize state institutions on the verge of anachronistic irrelevance and decay. The party-state’s institutional adaptations for channeling political participation fall short of formal transition to democracy, but they provide a certain degree of stability in an otherwise volatile social and political climate.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to monopolize political power against what are conventionally understood to be powerful odds against authoritarian survival: rapidly growing commercial and middle classes, official venality, social instability, and the demonstration effect of regime transition in former socialist countries. How has China’s party-state managed to redefine itself while presiding over one of the most successful cases of economic development? This chapter builds on insights derived from historical institutionalism and proposes that the concept of “adaptive informal institutions” may elucidate the causal mechanisms underlying party-state resilience. The case of China demonstrates that adaptive informality may facilitate reforms that revitalize state institutions on the verge of anachronistic irrelevance and decay. The party-state’s institutional adaptations for channeling political participation fall short of formal transition to democracy, but they provide a certain degree of stability in an otherwise volatile social and political climate.

This chapter analyses the ambiguous presence of religious agents as service providers in Swedish state institutions, which are supposed to be secular; hospitals, prisons, the military and public schools.

The problem formulations of this research are: first, how is the structure of state institutions in Indonesian constitutional system according to the 1945 Constitution of Indonesian Republic? Second, what are the issues in dealing with the conflicts related to state institutions’ authority in Constitutional Court of Indonesian Republic? This research is aimed at: first, analyzing the structure of state institutions in Indonesian constitutional system according to the 1945 Constitution of Indonesian Republic. Second, analyzing and identifying the issues in dealing with any conflicts related to state institutions’ authority in Constitutional Court of Indonesian Republic. This research was a normative legal research. The data analysis was done by using descriptive-qualitative approach. The findings show that: first, the structure of state institutions in Indonesian constitutional system after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of Indonesian Republic has equal positions since the position of MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly) as the highest state institution has been abolished. After the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, Indonesian constitutional system no longer upholds the teaching of distribution of power, but separation of power. Second, the issues in dealing with the conflicts related to state institutions’ authority in Constitutional Court are the fact that there are differences in each decisions in SKLN, i.e. Decision No. 068/SKLN-III/2004, Constitutional Court Rejects the Petitions of Petitioners. Decision No. 3/SKLN-X/2012, Constitutional Court Grants. And Decision No. 2/SKLN-X/2012 Constitutional Court states Not Granted.

Статья посвящена политико-экономическому и макросоциологическому анализу современной плутократии и проблеме трансформации капиталистической гегемо­нии. Показана динамика глобальной финансиализации международных политичес­ких и экономических отношений. Приведены исторические сравнения и сходства в формировании систем капиталистической гегемонии. Сравнивается состояние пре­тендентов на роль глобального гегемона в XXI в. - ЕС и КНР, указаны их сильные и слабые стороны. В заключение указываются возможности развития плутократи­ческого режима в России., The author discusses modern plutocracy and transformation of capitalist hegemony from political-economic and macrosociological perspective and demonstrates global financialization of international political and economic relations. The article is based on historical comparison and highlights similarities in the formation of capitalist hegemonies. The author analyzes the advantages and weaknesses of the possible new global hegemons — EU and China. In the final part, the author outlines Russian plutocratic regime’s development and prospects.

Полазни циљ у осмишљавању и настанку овог рада био је да се истражи, анализира и објави до сада непозната архивска грађа која открива богату градитељску делатност међуратног периода. Њеном систематизацијом и анализом, као и објашњењем појединих феномена покушали смо да уобличимо мање познату слику о раду Архитектонског одељења Министарства грађевина у периоду од 1919. до 1941. године. Боље упознавање, анализа и вредновање овог значајног раздобља српског градитељства новијег доба вршено је на основу до сада објављених радова и грађе из међуратног периода. Један од основних циљева овог рада је приказ организације и делатности Архитектоског одељења Министарства грађевина у међуратном периоду у ширем контексту друштвених, економских и социјалних прилика. Анализом делокруга рада, надлежноси, функционисања одељења, начина градње, расписивања конкурса и реализованих и нереализованих остварења насталих у Министарству, испитивало се његово стварно место и улога у сложеном процесу архитектонско-урбанистичког обликовања насеља широм земље. Реконструкцијом настанка појединих јавних објеката кроз истраживање сачуване грађе, расветљен је сложен процес њихове изградње од идеје до реализације. Архитектонско одељење Министарства грађевина је у међуратном периоду својим креативним снагама, законском регулативом, успостављањем јасне методологије рада у начину пројектовања и реализације јавних грађевина и уређењем градова, стварало значајан креативни и стручни потенцијал за све оно што се дешавало у српској архитектури новијег доба. Министарство грађевина је као врховна управна и надзорна грађевинска власт представљало један од пресудних фактора који су утицали на развој архитектуре на овим просторима. Градови, вароши и варошице широм земље значајно су сведочанство о разноврсној делатности Архитектонског одељења Министарства грађевина у међуратном периоду. Пројекти, урбанистички и регулациони планови настали у том периоду у Министарству грађевина одредили су њихову физиономију и архите, In conceiving and writing this paper, a starting aim was to research, analyze and publish so far unknown archive materials that have unveiled extensive construction activities in the interwar period. By the material systemization and analysis, and providing the explanation of certain phenomena, we tried to depict less known activities of the Architectural Department of the Ministry of Construction in the period from 1919 to 1941. In order to get familiar with this significant period of the modern Serbian civil engineering, and to analyze and evaluate it, the so far published papers and material of the interwar period were used. One of the main goals of this paper is to present the organization and activities of the Architectural Department of the Ministry of Construction, in the inter war period, in a broader social and economic context. Its actual position and role in the complex process of architectural and urban design of settlements situated all over the country were examined by analyzing the scope of activities, competences and functioning of the Department, construction methods, issuing a call for tenders, and realized and unrealized designs developed at the Ministry. Reconstructing the process of creation of certain public buildings through the research of preserved material, a complex process of their construction, from concept to realization, has been brought to light. In the interwar period the Architectural Department of the Ministry of Construction, using its creative capacities, legislations, and by setting up the clear work methods used in the designing and construction of public buildings and town planning, established a significant creative and professional potential for everything that was happening in the modern Serbian architecture. The Ministry of Construction as the highest construction administrative and supervisory authority was one of the crucial factors that had impact on the development of architecture in this region. Cities, towns and smal

It is now a mantra that building local institutions is essential to winning the counterinsurgency (COIN) fight. The host nation must exercise sovereignty and provide necessary security and services to its citizens. However, institution building requires more than a focus on governance and capacity development programs. The criminal structures that commonly arise during war economies inhibit the proper growth of state institutions, limiting the state's ability to defeat insurgencies. The military should provide support for law enforcement activities that attack such organizations and tip the balance in favor of honest officials and more productive institutional development. This article first explores the nature and type of criminal activities found in transitional states, then discusses options for addressing such activities in the midst of conflict and stability operations, and closes by addressing the legal and policy considerations shaping the Defense Department's current position on the issue. Attacking criminal organizations is an essential element of the COIN fight; the prevailing policy restricting military support for law enforcement operations should be reconsidered.

This study outlines the influence of agrarian movements on the process of US institutional capacity building during the period of 1840- 1980. It investigates the specific nature of US institutional efforts at various stages of development over different eras, highlighting how they informed the formation of state institutional capacities. The unique strength and development of US farmer’s movements led to a state institutional development path that had important implications for economic and social development going forward. In demonstrating the specific and important influence of agriculture and agricultural social movements on US state institutional formation, it will be shown how the two forces of state intervention and social movement pressure converged in a symbiotic relationship to produce agro-industrialization. Through this study this agro-industrial developmental path will be shown to have roots in the state’s institutional response to agrarian pressure in the concrete historical political economy. This state led development I label the agro-industrial push and highlight its relationship with agrarian social movements in the development of industrial agribusiness in the US over the course of the second half of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth Centuries. It will then be shown how the particular institutional capacities that the agro-industrial push developed, along with the economic and political outcomes it created, were used in the twentieth Century to impose the same project outside of the US. The findings of this investigation link together and augment existing approaches to US capitalist development, International Relations, and theories of the relationship between the state and the food system.

Ethnicity, sectarianism and economic instability are fundamental variables of internal security threats to Pakistan. Religious extremism has created an unenviable image of Pakistan in the eyes of the rest of the world and has affected the country adversely. At the same time inter-provincial grievances could potentially cause serious damage to the federation. Despite recent economic recovery and sound macro policies, the absence of genuine socio-economic development has provided ethno-sectarian elements and regional forces grounds to exploit and weaken Pakistan internally. This paper argues that ethno-sectarian problems are major security threats to Pakistan and will remain a huge impediment to the goals of economic prosperity. Interdependence of these multifaceted threats and their overall impact on internal security is the focus of this analysis. Pakistan needs to address these national security threats and find a viable solution in a reasonable timeframe to find its rightful place in the community of modern nations. The immediate requirement is to introduce political, economic and education reforms and take bold initiatives to obviate present and future threats. This paper recommends three-pronged strategy to counter ethnosectarian threats to Pakistan: halt then reverse present trends, enforce rule of law and lastly introduce fresh incentives for socio-economic development., http://archive.org/details/internalsecurity109451192, Lieutenant Colonel, Pakistan Army, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.