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This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier-presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.

This thesis seeks to illustrate the shortcomings of the majoritarian political model in promoting democratic values and facilitating development as is evident in Jamaica. Instead, it is hypothesized that a centripetal democratic model that has proportional representation, a multi-party system and allows for coalition governments, like in Israel, is better for democracy and development as a whole. The study looks at the conceptualization of democracy and how electoral engineering affects good governance and development in small states. The research focuses on the quality of democracy in Jamaica and Israel by looking at specific variables to determine the extent of good governance. In the end, Israel acts as a research control in finding a political solution to the socio-economic and political issues of Jamaica.