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Reissued 25 Apr 2022 with text correction to page 41., Since the inception of the U.S. War on Drugs in the 1970s, the United States has faced the challenge of balancing the interests of justice and diplomacy when dealing with Latin American government officials corrupted by the illicit drug trade. This thesis identifies, categorizes, and assesses examples of U.S. responses to this challenge into a range of options that the United States can take to pursue prosecution against wanted Latin American officials. These options, which range from the least forceful option of foreign prosecution to the most forceful option of using military intervention, each contain different tradeoffs between the reward of prosecuting a high-level actor and the risk of damaging bilateral cooperation. This thesis finds that the United States commonly conducts and should continue to conduct “arrests of opportunity,” which refers to when U.S. law enforcement officials arrest wanted Latin American officials after they enter a U.S. jurisdiction, because it balances legal pragmatism with respecting foreign sovereignty. Additionally, the United States also has an option to “turn a blind eye,” or take no prosecutorial option at all, but this option is a decision best made behind closed doors with serious consideration given to potential political consequences., Captain, United States Air Force, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Providing border security has not always been a priority of nation-states in Latin America. As the wars of independence created legitimate armies, governments began using their forces for border protection to encapsulate a collective identity. The problem lies in Latin America's soft borders. Some countries unwillingly harbor the transportation of illicit drug and human traffickers, illegal logging and mineral extraction operations, poachers, and individuals willing to harm indigenous people to achieve their illegitimate objectives. Another concern is travelers fleeing failed states, as witnessed at the borders of Mexico-Guatemala, Colombia-Ecuador, and Venezuela. The 4.6 million people who have fled Venezuela have traversed into adjacent nations. This does not account for the 1.3 million migrants who have crossed illegally to bypass national entry points, in fear of rejection. A way to better manage border crossings is through smart border systems. This thesis evaluates whether smart borders alter the geopolitics of borderlands and how the most advanced use of border management influences stability or instability in the Western Hemisphere. This thesis uses an exploratory design to qualitatively evaluate evolving border environments. The data relied on for this research encompassed border crossing metrics, traffic management and mitigation, entry point vulnerabilities, the smart border technologies used, and the effectiveness of these technologies against border threats., Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

Background: Lymphatic filariasis is a neglected tropical disease that can cause permanent disability through disruption of the lymphatic system. This disease is caused by parasitic filarial worms that are transmitted by mosquitos. Mass drug administration (MDA) of antihelmintics is recommended by WHO to eliminate lymphatic filariasis as a public health problem. This study aims to produce the first geospatial estimates of the global prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection over time, to quantify progress towards elimination, and to identify geographical variation in distribution of infection. Method(s): A global dataset of georeferenced surveyed locations was used to model annual 2000-18 lymphatic filariasis prevalence for 73 current or previously endemic countries. We applied Bayesian model-based geostatistics and time series methods to generate spatially continuous estimates of global all-age 2000-18 prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection mapped at a resolution of 5 km2 and aggregated to estimate total number of individuals infected. Finding(s): We used 14 927 datapoints to fit the geospatial models. An estimated 199 million total individuals (95% uncertainty interval 174-234 million) worldwide were infected with lymphatic filariasis in 2000, with totals for WHO regions ranging from 3.1 million (1.6-5.7 million) in the region of the Americas to 107 million (91-134 million) in the South-East Asia region. By 2018, an estimated 51 million individuals (43-63 million) were infected. Broad declines in prevalence are observed globally, but focal areas in Africa and southeast Asia remain less likely to have attained infection prevalence thresholds proposed to achieve local elimination. Interpretation(s): Although the prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection has declined since 2000, MDA is still necessary across large populations in Africa and Asia. Our mapped estimates can be used to identify areas where the probability of meeting infection thresholds is low

Background: Lymphatic filariasis is a neglected tropical disease that can cause permanent disability through disruption of the lymphatic system. This disease is caused by parasitic filarial worms that are transmitted by mosquitos. Mass drug administration (MDA) of antihelmintics is recommended by WHO to eliminate lymphatic filariasis as a public health problem. This study aims to produce the first geospatial estimates of the global prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection over time, to quantify progress towards elimination, and to identify geographical variation in distribution of infection. Method(s): A global dataset of georeferenced surveyed locations was used to model annual 2000-18 lymphatic filariasis prevalence for 73 current or previously endemic countries. We applied Bayesian model-based geostatistics and time series methods to generate spatially continuous estimates of global all-age 2000-18 prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection mapped at a resolution of 5 km2 and aggregated to estimate total number of individuals infected. Finding(s): We used 14 927 datapoints to fit the geospatial models. An estimated 199 million total individuals (95% uncertainty interval 174-234 million) worldwide were infected with lymphatic filariasis in 2000, with totals for WHO regions ranging from 3.1 million (1.6-5.7 million) in the region of the Americas to 107 million (91-134 million) in the South-East Asia region. By 2018, an estimated 51 million individuals (43-63 million) were infected. Broad declines in prevalence are observed globally, but focal areas in Africa and southeast Asia remain less likely to have attained infection prevalence thresholds proposed to achieve local elimination. Interpretation(s): Although the prevalence of lymphatic filariasis infection has declined since 2000, MDA is still necessary across large populations in Africa and Asia. Our mapped estimates can be used to identify areas where the probability of meeting infection thresholds is low

Within the last decade, Russia and China have greatly expanded their presence in Latin America—often in ways deemed threatening to U.S. national interests. Partly echoing the first half of the Cold War, the U.S. aims to maintain influence in the region while these states seek to counter any advances. At the same time, the current administration has proposed major cuts to the foreign aid budget. Many experts worry that large cuts could diminish U.S. influence and harm bilateral partnerships. Accordingly, the two case studies contained in this thesis assessed the impact of U.S. bilateral aid on influence in LATAM during the 1950s and 1960s. They both relied on primary U.S. sources (e.g., embassy reporting, congressional hearings, and now-declassified documents), as well as LATAM officials' statements. The research found that bilateral U.S. aid is an effective means to gain influence in the region when it (1) meets needs of recipients, (2) is cooperative and encourages interaction between U.S. personnel and Latin Americans, (3) is somewhat altruistic, and (4) respects recipients' autonomy. Conversely, aid damages influence when these conditions are reversed. Other tools of U.S. foreign policy, as well as many other factors, also contributed to shifts in influence. These are briefly addressed in each chapter to highlight the complexity and fleeting nature of U.S. influence overall., http://archive.org/details/aidandinfluencet1094564900, Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The Conference of American Armies (CAA) is a military organization made up and led by armies from the American continents with the authorization of their respective countries. Currently, there are 22 member armies, including: Antigua & Barbuda, Argentina, Barbados, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peru, Trinidad & Tobago, United States, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Additionally, there are four observer armies, including: Belize, Guyana, Suriname, and Spain. The purpose of this event was to fulfill the overall goals approved by the CAA Army Commanders during the CAA Commanders Conference hosted by General (GEN) Mark A. Milley, U.S. Army Chief of Staff, in Washington D.C., in November 2017, which included: Conduct a realistic threat assessment to determine how the CAA member armies can provide military support to civil authorities to confront transregional, transnational threat networks (drug trafficking, terrorism, transnational organized crime, arms trafficking, and human trafficking). Share tactics, techniques, and procedures in operations, training, and exercises to strengthen leadership, readiness, and interoperability among military and civilian security forces in the region.

The latest collection (C6) of MODIS data provides several algorithmic improvements and calibration adjustments that correct for sensor degradation, theoretically making the C6 MODIS products more accurate compared to previous collections. C6 adjustments also introduce several improvements in the vegetation index (VI) retrieval algorithms. With these improvements, we expect only minor differences between data from Terra and Aqua, but significantly different results between C5 and C6. In this paper, we investigate three different MODIS products to determine the extent that improvements made to C6 influence the overall trend results for time series between 2001 and 2017. We focus on these three products specifically, both to allow for a comparison of vegetation index products—NDVI and EVI from MOD13C1, and NDVI and EVI calculated based on surface reflectance from MCD43C4—and also to gain an understanding of the improvements on an entirely different product from the same sensor, namely Land Surface Temperature (LST) from MOD11C2. For the MCD43C4 dataset, we find that 17.9% and 16.4% of EVI and NDVI pixels, respectively, display trend discordance between C5 and C6. For the MOD13C1 vegetation indices, we found comparable rates of trend discordance between C5 and C6: 18.5% and 17.4% for the EVI and NDVI pixels, respectively. For both products the greatest changes between C5 and C6 are an overall increase in pixels exhibiting a significant greening trend and an overall decline in pixels exhibiting a significant browning trend. Moreover, the largest differences between C5 and C6 for the NDVI and EVI data appear in cropland areas and in regions with relatively little human influence. In the Land Surface Temperature product (MOD11C2), the discordance between C5 and C6 is much lower: only 3.2% of day and 5.0% of night LST trends exhibited discordance between C5 and C6. We analyze the complementary results of vegetation index and land surface temperature trends and demonstrate t

© 2018 SESPAS Objective: To evaluate the differences between autochthonous and allochthonous women's participation in a breast cancer screening programme. Method: Retrospective study based on data from the Breast Cancer Screening Programme of the province of Tarragona (2008-2015). The sample is the target population of the programme with known country of origin. Results: Cohort of 40,824 women. Allochthonous women participate less than autochthonous women (41.8% vs. 72.3%) although they have a similar global detection rate to the latter but with differences according to the human development index of their country of origin. Both groups present similar tumour stages on detection (p =.59). Conclusions: Strategies specifically aimed at the immigrant population are required to improve their participation in breast cancer screening.

Determining the distribution of disease prevalence among heterogeneous populations at the national scale is fundamental for epidemiology and public health. Here, we use a combination of methods (spatial scan statistic, topological data analysis and epidemic profile) to study measurable differences in malaria intensity by regions and populations of Colombia. This study explores three main questions: What are the regions of Colombia where malaria is epidemic? What are the regions and populations in Colombia where malaria is endemic? What associations exist between epidemic outbreaks between regions in Colombia? Plasmodium falciparum is most prevalent in the Pacific Coast, some regions of the Amazon Basin, and some regions of the Magdalena Basin. Plasmodium vivax is the most prevalent parasite in Colombia, particularly in the Northern Amazon Basin, the Caribbean, and municipalities of Sucre, Antioquia and Cordoba. We find an acute peak of malarial infection at 25 years of age. Indigenous and Afrocolombian populations experience endemic malaria (with household transmission). We find that Plasmodium vivax decreased in the most important hotspots, often with moderate urbanization rate, and was re-introduced to locations with moderate but sustained deforestation. Infection by Plasmodium falciparum, on the other hand, steadily increased in incidence in locations where it was introduced in the 2009-2010 generalized epidemic. Our findings suggest that Colombia is entering an unstable transmission state, where rapid decreases in one location of the country are interconnected with rapid increases in other parts of the country. © 2018 Feged-Rivadeneira et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

American society conventionally expects immigrants to assimilate, yet contemporary views question whether Latin American immigrants are choosing to conform to this standard. However, this perspective does not account for the structural constraints placed upon immigrants through the influence of U.S. foreign and immigration policy. During the Cold War, two cases—Cuba in the 1960s and El Salvador in the 1980s—demonstrated differential U.S. policy responses to sustained, large-scale exile migrations to the United States, particularly to Miami and Los Angeles. In these cases, the U.S. response was to welcome and provide a positive reception to Cubans in Miami, while Salvadorans were excluded and constrained by the negative reception afforded to them as illegal migrants in Los Angeles, with both responses stemming from U.S. foreign policy interests in Latin America. Twenty-five years after the first wave of exiles from each of these countries, both second generations appear to be assimilating in terms of educational attainment, but Salvadoran-Americans lag behind Cuban-Americans in occupational attainment and income levels. These differential outcomes indicate that reception contexts—government responses, economic opportunity, societal attitudes, and presence of ethnic communities—may accelerate or delay exile groups’ rates of structural assimilation, with legal status playing a major role in determining whether groups assimilate upward or downward., http://archive.org/details/cubanandsalvador1094559562, Major, United States Air Force, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This is the third and final Center for Army Lessons Learned (CALL) bulletin covering the U.S. Army hosting of the 32nd cycle of the Conference of American Armies (CAA). This bulletin serves as a guide for planning and executing CAA events organized by the Permanent Executive Secretariat of the Conference of American Armies (PESCAA) at the culmination of a two year cycle. It provides a combination of lessons learned and best practices to facilitate planning, coordination, and execution of CAA conferences in accordance with the organization’s bylaws. TOC: Introduction; cycle management: leveraging technology; preparatory conference; commanders' conference; transfer of responsibility; logistics; Conference of American Armies login account request form; spouses' program special instructions; acronyms.

This bulletin contains valuable information to inform leaders from all conference member nations on the goals, processes, and procedures as a contributing army and prepares them to assume the critical role of leading the PESCAA in the future. This publication is the second volume, in a series of three, produced for the CAA. It is a “how­-to” guide outlining the structure and operation of the two-year cycle of events, culminating in the transfer ceremony of the CAA cycle. TOC: Introduction; Conference of American Armies transfer ceremony; Conference of American Armies cycle of events; preparatory meeting and commander’s conference; army responsibilities; specialized conferences and extraordinary meetings/conferences (study committees) acronyms; example of delegate instructions; example of a final report for a disaster relief operations exercise; example of a final report for a specialized conference on civil-military relations; military decisionmaking process extract; document submission and activity timelines.

This bulletin contains valuable information to aid leaders, from all Conference of American Armies (CAA) member nations, in their knowledge on the goals, processes, and procedures as a contributing army, as well as, to better prepare them to assume the critical role of leading the CAA Permanent Executive Secretariat (PESCAA) in the future. TOC: Introduction; cultural understanding and awareness; history of the Conference of American Armies; member armies; Permanent Executive Secretariat of the Conference of American Armies mission; conference room configurations; physical security; members of the Conference of American Armies, international military organization, and observer armies.

Introduction: Research has shown later bedtimes and reduced total sleep time in Canadian compared to Australian toddlers. Adequate sleep duration may be particularly important for ex-preterm children who are at increased risk of sleep disruption due to obstructive sleep apnea or periodic limb movements. This study compared objectively assessed sleep/wake patterns and parental perceptions of sleep need in a cohort of ex-preterm Canadian and Australian children. We hypothesized that Australian children would have earlier bedtimes, later wake-times and longer sleep duration than the Canadian children; Australian parents would perceive their children as needing more sleep; and this would be associated with actual sleep practices. Method(s): 188 children (5-12 y, Canada N = 101, Australia N = 87) enrolled in the Caffeine for Apnea of Prematurity trial underwent 14-day actigraphy monitoring. Parents completed the National Sleep Foundation 2004 Sleep in America questionnaire. Actigraphy derived bedtime, wake-time, sleep onset latency, wake after sleep onset, total sleep time (TST), sleep efficiency and night-to-night bedtime variability were compared between countries for school nights (Sun-Thurs) and weekends (Friday/Saturday). Parental perceptions of child sleep need were compared and correlated with actigraphy data. Result(s): According to actigraphy, Australian children went to bed earlier on school nights (~20 min, p < 0.05) and weekends (~33 m, p = 0.001) than Canadian children. Australian children also woke significantly earlier, resulting in no difference in TST. No other differences in actigraphy were found. Parent-reported TST was longer in Australian children (~33 min, p = 0.001) which was reflected in reports of perceived sleep need (Australia: 606 +/- 58, Canada: 585 +/- 66 min, p < 0.05). Perceptions of child sleep need was significantly correlated with actigraphy bedtimes (school: r = -0.38, p < 0.001; weekend: r = -0.34, p < 0.01) in the Australian, but not

Introduction: Research has shown later bedtimes and reduced total sleep time in Canadian compared to Australian toddlers. Adequate sleep duration may be particularly important for ex-preterm children who are at increased risk of sleep disruption due to obstructive sleep apnea or periodic limb movements. This study compared objectively assessed sleep/wake patterns and parental perceptions of sleep need in a cohort of ex-preterm Canadian and Australian children. We hypothesized that Australian children would have earlier bedtimes, later wake-times and longer sleep duration than the Canadian children; Australian parents would perceive their children as needing more sleep; and this would be associated with actual sleep practices. Method(s): 188 children (5-12 y, Canada N = 101, Australia N = 87) enrolled in the Caffeine for Apnea of Prematurity trial underwent 14-day actigraphy monitoring. Parents completed the National Sleep Foundation 2004 Sleep in America questionnaire. Actigraphy derived bedtime, wake-time, sleep onset latency, wake after sleep onset, total sleep time (TST), sleep efficiency and night-to-night bedtime variability were compared between countries for school nights (Sun-Thurs) and weekends (Friday/Saturday). Parental perceptions of child sleep need were compared and correlated with actigraphy data. Result(s): According to actigraphy, Australian children went to bed earlier on school nights (~20 min, p < 0.05) and weekends (~33 m, p = 0.001) than Canadian children. Australian children also woke significantly earlier, resulting in no difference in TST. No other differences in actigraphy were found. Parent-reported TST was longer in Australian children (~33 min, p = 0.001) which was reflected in reports of perceived sleep need (Australia: 606 +/- 58, Canada: 585 +/- 66 min, p < 0.05). Perceptions of child sleep need was significantly correlated with actigraphy bedtimes (school: r = -0.38, p < 0.001; weekend: r = -0.34, p < 0.01) in the Australian, but not

The president of Venezuela, Nicolas Maduro announced that activates the state of exception in the border municipalities Bolivar, Ureña, Junin, Capacho Capacho Freedom and Independence. Subsequent expatriation of more than a thousand Colombians has caused another crisis between Colombia and Venezuela. Regional inability to attack this crisis, and the support of some of the leaders of regional security organizations to a party in the conflict, cast doubt on integration in Latin America and show the weakness of the regional organizations. The rise of populist nationalism, the allocation of inmates to the conspiratorial activities of neighboring countries evils, transnational and cross-border dynamics, anti-Americanism and the role of the US, following the recent initiatives of President Obama related to Cuba, and lack effective definition of the armed forces of these countries and their political use are factors to consider., El presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, anunció que activaría un estado de excepción constitucional en los municipios fronterizos Bolívar, Ureña, Junín, Capacho Libertad y Capacho Independencia. La posterior expatriación de más de mil ciudadanos colombianos ha provocado otra crisis entre Colombia y Venezuela. La incapacidad regional para atacar esta crisis, y el apoyo a una de las partes de alguno de los líderes de las organizaciones de seguridad regionales, ponen en duda la integración en América Latina, y muestran la debilidad de las organizaciones regionales. El repunte de los nacionalismos populistas, la atribución de los males internos a la actuación conspirativa de países vecinos, las dinámicas transnacionales y transfronterizas, el antiamericanismo y el papel de los EUA, tras las últimas iniciativas del presidente Obama relacionadas con Cuba, y la falta de una definición eficaz de las fuerzas armadas de estos países y su uso político son factores a tener en cuenta.

China's presence and influence in Latin America has mushroomed over the last decade. China's sudden economic emergence has sent shockwaves through the region. While America's attention was on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has significantly increased its economic, political, military, cultural, and diplomatic ties with the region. After analysis, it is clear that the focus of China's growing involvement in Latin American is not specifically to limit U.S. hegemony in the region, but is a serious cause for concern. China seeks to counter-balance the American pivot to Asia by having its own allies in the Western Hemisphere. China's specific objectives in Latin America are to secure raw materials for their ever-expanding economy, provide access to new markets for its manufactured products, and to seek support in the pursuit of its One China policy with Taiwan. Increased Chinese military engagement in Latin America supports these objectives and provides China with strategic depth in case of hostilities with the America. China's improved relationships and economic ties with countries in the region have an indirect effect of undermining traditional U.S. hegemony. Consequently, this reduces the U.S. ability to influence policies in the region, allowing China greater worldwide influence.

Grass pollens of the temperate (Pooideae) subfamily and subtropical subfamilies of grasses are major aeroallergen sources worldwide. The subtropical Chloridoideae (e.g. Cynodon dactylon; Bermuda grass) and Panicoideae (e.g. Paspalum notatum; Bahia grass) species are abundant in parts of Africa, India, Asia, Australia and the Americas, where a large and increasing proportion of the world's population abide. These grasses are phylogenetically and ecologically distinct from temperate grasses. With the advent of global warming, it is conceivable that the geographic distribution of subtropical grasses and the contribution of their pollen to the burden of allergic rhinitis and asthma will increase. This review aims to provide a comprehensive synthesis of the current global knowledge of (i) regional variation in allergic sensitivity to subtropical grass pollens, (ii) molecular allergenic components of subtropical grass pollens and (iii) allergic responses to subtropical grass pollen allergens in relevant populations. Patients from subtropical regions of the world show higher allergic sensitivity to grass pollens of Chloridoideae and Panicoideae grasses, than to temperate grass pollens. The group 1 allergens are amongst the allergen components of subtropical grass pollens, but the group 5 allergens, by which temperate grass pollen extracts are standardized for allergen content, appear to be absent from both subfamilies of subtropical grasses. Whilst there are shared allergenic components and antigenic determinants, there are additional clinically relevant subfamily-specific differences, at T- and B-cell levels, between pollen allergens of subtropical and temperate grasses. Differential immune recognition of subtropical grass pollens is likely to impact upon the efficacy of allergen immunotherapy of patients who are primarily sensitized to subtropical grass pollens. The literature reviewed herein highlights the clinical need to standardize allergen preparations for both type

Persons with Down syndrome (DS) uniquely have an increased frequency of leukemias but a decreased total frequency of solid tumors. The distribution and frequency of specific types of brain tumors have never been studied in DS. We evaluated the frequency of primary neural cell embryonal tumors and gliomas in a large international data set. The observed number of children with DS having a medulloblastoma, central nervous system primitive neuroectodermal tumor (CNS-PNET) or glial tumor was compared to the expected number. Data were collected from cancer registries or brain tumor registries in 13 countries of Europe, America, Asia and Oceania. The number of DS children with each category of tumor was treated as a Poisson variable with mean equal to 0.000884 times the total number of registrations in that category. Among 8,043 neural cell embryonal tumors (6,882 medulloblastomas and 1,161 CNS-PNETs), only one patient with medulloblastoma had DS, while 7.11 children in total and 6.08 with medulloblastoma were expected to have DS. (p 0.016 and 0.0066 respectively). Among 13,797 children with glioma, 10 had DS, whereas 12.2 were expected. Children with DS appear to be specifically protected against primary neural cell embryonal tumors of the CNS, whereas gliomas occur at the same frequency as in the general population. A similar protection against neuroblastoma, the principal extracranial neural cell embryonal tumor, has been observed in children with DS. Additional genetic material on the supernumerary chromosome 21 may protect against embryonal neural cell tumor development.

We describe a 75-year-old male who suffered transfusion-associated graft versus host disease postcoronary artery bypass graft surgery in Australia. We discuss pathogenesis, incidence, mortality, treatment options and preventative suggestions.

We describe a 75-year-old male who suffered transfusion-associated graft versus host disease postcoronary artery bypass graft surgery in Australia. We discuss pathogenesis, incidence, mortality, treatment options and preventative suggestions.

Objective: To retrospectively evaluate the 12-month effectiveness of the Endeavor zotarolimus-eluting stent (ZES) in diabetic versus non-diabetic patients enrolled in the E-Five Registry. Design and Setting: The E-Five Registry is a prospective, multicentre registry of 8314 patients presenting with symptomatic coronary artery disease treated with the Endeavor (ZES). Patients were treated at 188 centres located in 37 countries across Europe, Latin America and Asia Pacific. Patient(s): There were 2721 (32.7%) patients with diabetes (DM) and among these patients 682 were insulin-treated (ITDM) and 2039 were non-insulin-treated diabetic patients (NITDM). Intervention(s): All enrolled patients received an Endeavor ZES and were followed for 12 months. Main outcome measurements: The primary outcome measure was major adverse cardiac event (MACE) at 12 months. Secondary endpoints included target lesion revascularisation (TLR), target vessel revascularisation (TVR), target vessel failure (TVF) and stent thrombosis. Result(s): Compared with non-DM patients, DM patients had higher rates of MACE (9.7% vs 6.4%, p<0.001), TLR (5.3% vs 4.0%, p=0.028) and Academic Research Consortium (ARC) definite and probable stent thrombosis (1.5% vs 0.9%, p=0.041). Compared with non-DM patients, ITDM patients had higher rates of MACE (12.6% vs 6.4%, p<0.001). ITDM patients had higher rates of death (6.7% vs 1.7%, p<0.001), cardiac death (4.5% vs 1.2%, p<0.001) and TLR (6.5% vs 4.0%, p=0.011) than non-DM patients. Conclusion(s): The Endeavor ZES performed well in DM patients; however, DM patients experienced higher rates of adverse clinical events compared with non-DM patients. Trial Reg No: Clinical trial registration information: http://www.clinicaltrials.gov; Unique identifier: NTC00623441.

Multiresistance to antimicrobial agents is common in staphylococci and pneumococci isolates in the Western Pacific region. The activity of linezolid, a new oxazolidinone, was evaluated against a spectrum of Gram-positive species collected in the region. Eighteen laboratories from six countries in the Western Pacific examined the linezolid susceptibility of 2143 clinical isolates of Staphylococcus aureus, coagulase-negative staphylococci (CoNS) and Enterococcus spp. using broth microdilution or disc diffusion methodology. For Streptococcus pneumoniae (n=351) and other streptococci (n=83), Etest (AB Biodisk, Solna, Sweden) strips were used. Results were compared with other common and important antimicrobials. Linezolid-resistant strains were not detected among streptococci or staphylococci, including a significant proportion of S. aureus strains that were multiresistant. Almost all enterococci, including 14 vancomycin-resistant Enterococcus faecium, were linezolid susceptible. A small proportion of enterococci (0.8%) were intermediate to linezolid, and one strain of Enterococcus faecalis had a zone diameter of 20 mm (resistant). The linezolid MIC ranges (MIC90) of those strains tested by broth microdilution or Etest were: 1-4 mg/L (2 mg/L) for S. aureus, 0.5-4 mg/L (2 mg/L) for CoNS, 0.5-4 mg/L (2 mg/L) for Enterococcus spp., 0.12-2 mg/L (1 mg/L) for S. pneumoniae and 0.25-2 mg/L (1 mg/L) for Streptococcus spp. There was no difference in linezolid susceptibility between countries or between multiresistant and susceptible strains of each species monitored.

This article revises Canadian-Latin American historiography as well as the existing historiography that deals specifically with Canada and Colombia, in order to point out that Canada’s role in the study of Latin American History has, for the most part, been disregarded by scholars. I make the case that even though there is a vast history of Canadian presence in the region, historians have opted to center their hemispheric analysis on British-Latin American and United States-Latin American relations. This, I argue, leaves many gaps in the analysis of modern hemispheric history since the role of middle powers such as Canada, Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland, Ireland, Israel, Russia, and Japan were influential in shaping societies, economies, landscapes, and markets across the region. The absence of a significant historiography of Canadian-Colombian relations highlights the fact that there is a gap to be filled by scholars studying the Western Hemisphere. Further study of the role f middle powers in Latin America will bring greater clarity to the understanding of the region’s modernization, economic development, and adaptation to capitalism., Este artículo es una revisión historiográfica del tema Canadá y América Latina, así como del tema Canadá y Colombia, con el propósito de demostrar que el papel de Canadá en el estudio de la historia de América Latina ha sido en gran parte ignorado por los círculos académicos. Sostengo que aunque existe una larga historia de la presencia de Canadá en la región, los historiadores han optado por centrar su análisis hemisférico en las relaciones entre Inglaterra y América Latina, y Estado Unidos y América Latina. Argumento que esta aproximación deja grandes vacíos en el análisis moderno de la historia hemisférica, teniendo en cuenta que otros poderes medios como Canadá, Alemania, Francia, Italia, Holanda, España, Suiza, Irlanda, Israel, Rusia y Japón también tuvieron gran influencia en la transformación de las sociedades, economías, paisajes y mercados de la región. La ausencia de una significativa historiografía de las relaciones entre Canadá y Colombia demuestran el hecho de que existe una considerable car cia gran vacío que debe ser cubierto por aquellos que estudian el hemisferio occidental. Un estudio más robusto sobre el papel de los poderes medios en América Latina brindará claridad y generará un mayor entendimiento sobre los procesos de modernización, desarrollo económico y la adaptación al capitalismo experimentada por la región.

This thesis focuses on the issue of the growing threat of transnational criminal gangs spreading throughout the Central America and the United States (U.S.). More specifically, the thesis addresses the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang, examining how this particular gang emerged as a formidable public security threat. A common misconception holds transnational gangs like MS-13 emerged in Central America; however, the truth is these gangs have their origins in the gang lifestyle found in the U.S. Since the early 1990's, MS-13 and similar transnational gangs have established criminal networks specializing in drug, arms, goods, and human smuggling. These operations pose a grave threat to U.S. national security: intelligence reports surfaced in 2004 indicating a possible meeting between an al-Qaeda lieutenant and members of MS-13. Due to these reports, U.S. agencies such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Immigration and Customs Enforcement are among the agencies that have started to work closely in monitoring transnational gang activity in the U.S. and the western hemisphere region. While MS-13 does not hold any anti-American sentiment, the gang will work with the highest bidder without hesitation. Therefore, the thesis addresses the organized crime-terrorist organization debate within the academic and intelligence communities, adding how globalization serves to facilitate such a link. The thesis helps to explain how current Central American legislation is forcing transnational gangs to go "underground" in order to survive. Findings show the need to switch towards a more multi-faceted strategy in order to ensure long-term solutions to the proliferation of transnational gangs not obtainable with current heavy-handed methods while concurrently reducing the risk of a terrorist-transnational gang link in the western hemisphere., http://archive.org/details/thelikelihoodofc109453683, US Air Force (USAF) author., Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This article revises Canadian-Latin American historiography as well as the existing historiography that deals specifically with Canada and Colombia, in order to point out that Canada’s role in the study of Latin American History has, for the most part, been disregarded by scholars. I make the case that even though there is a vast history of Canadian presence in the region, historians have opted to center their hemispheric analysis on British-Latin American and United States-Latin American relations. This, I argue, leaves many gaps in the analysis of modern hemispheric history since the role of middle powers such as Canada, Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland, Ireland, Israel, Russia, and Japan were influential in shaping societies, economies, landscapes, and markets across the region. The absence of a significant historiography of Canadian-Colombian relations highlights the fact that there is a gap to be filled by scholars studying the Western Hemisphere. Further study of the role f middle powers in Latin America will bring greater clarity to the understanding of the region’s modernization, economic development, and adaptation to capitalism., Este artículo es una revisión historiográfica del tema Canadá y América Latina, así como del tema Canadá y Colombia, con el propósito de demostrar que el papel de Canadá en el estudio de la historia de América Latina ha sido en gran parte ignorado por los círculos académicos. Sostengo que aunque existe una larga historia de la presencia de Canadá en la región, los historiadores han optado por centrar su análisis hemisférico en las relaciones entre Inglaterra y América Latina, y Estado Unidos y América Latina. Argumento que esta aproximación deja grandes vacíos en el análisis moderno de la historia hemisférica, teniendo en cuenta que otros poderes medios como Canadá, Alemania, Francia, Italia, Holanda, España, Suiza, Irlanda, Israel, Rusia y Japón también tuvieron gran influencia en la transformación de las sociedades, economías, paisajes y mercados de la región. La ausencia de una significativa historiografía de las relaciones entre Canadá y Colombia demuestran el hecho de que existe una considerable car cia gran vacío que debe ser cubierto por aquellos que estudian el hemisferio occidental. Un estudio más robusto sobre el papel de los poderes medios en América Latina brindará claridad y generará un mayor entendimiento sobre los procesos de modernización, desarrollo económico y la adaptación al capitalismo experimentada por la región.

This monograph examines how China s unique employment of its elements of national power using the diplomatic, information, military, and economic (DIME) paradigm is influencing its relationships with countries throughout Latin America. Ultimately, understanding the nature and dynamics of China s employment of the DIME principles of national power casts light on the strategic challenges the United States will face as its partner nations to the South create new alliances with America s most rapidly growing peer competitor. This paper explores the strategic implications of Republic of China s engagement in the region. It seeks to examine whether China is a benign global competitor or a subtly rising adversary in the Western Hemisphere. Lastly, it provides an overview and analysis of the strategic implications of China s engagement in Latin America and demonstrates the need to strengthen United States partnerships in the region to face this challenge.

This newsletter is a collection of articles focused on stability operations in the Western Hemisphere, specifically in Central and South America. Today, stability operations in Afghanistan and Iraq rightfully receive the lion's share of our attention, priority, and media coverage. However, there are challenges, potential dangers, and future threats immediately south of our country that merit our attention and continuous observation and evaluation. Also, there are observations, insights, and lessons from the United States Southern Command area of responsibility that are directly applicable to all combatant commands, including our two current combat theaters.

This newsletter is a collection of articles focused on stability operations in the Western Hemisphere, specifically in Central and South America. Today, stability operations in Afghanistan and Iraq rightfully receive the lion’s share of our attention, priority, and media coverage. However, there are challenges, potential dangers, and future threats immediately south of our country that merit our attention and continuous observation and evaluation. Also, there are observations, insights, and lessons from the United States Southern Command area of responsibility that are directly applicable to all combatant commands, including our two current combat theaters. The countries in Central and South America present unique challenges for policymakers and military leaders in terms of cultural, economic, geographic, historic, political, and security dimensions. The articles in this newsletter cover a range of issues with a specific intent on establishing best practices and lessons learned. The articles should not be considered all inclusive. The newsletter is an effort to capture relevant articles published in recent professional journals and from Center for Army Lessons Learned (CALL) and other joint archives to inform Soldiers on relevant issues, successes, and failures and to provide a historical document for future reference. In many instances, the ideas presented in these articles are personal opinion and in some cases not approved Army doctrine. The recommendations in these articles should always be validated with the latest approved Army and joint doctrine. CALL acknowledges and thanks the professional journals and the authors who permitted the reprinting of these articles and who were, in some instances, personally involved in assisting CALL in the formatting process. (CALL editor’s note: Minor modifications to format were made to support the CALL newsletter format. In some instances, pictures not referenced in the narrative were deleted to save space. Additionally, bi

As the Nation adjusts to the reality of the Obama administration, the time is ripe for a fundamental improvement in the Pentagon's relationship with its counterparts in the Western Hemisphere. It should be acknowledged that U.S. foreign policy in general, and defense policy in particular, is not routinely engaged in matters of importance to the nations of the hemisphere. Given the nature of a globalized world, and the fact that the United States is no longer the only security option available to the region's actors, American policymakers must work to remain relevant and engaged with those open to being our partners. This article runs the risk of being a bit "inside baseball" regarding U.S. defense policy toward the region as it seeks to explain the primary structural shortcomings associated with both the formulation and execution of policy. It does not recommend specific policies for particular countries or concerns; rather, it is intended to address matters of structure and process. There are a number of reasons why the quality and level of Department of Defense (DOD) engagement with the nations of this hemisphere have been suboptimal. Among these, the current organizational structure within the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) and the Unified Command Plan (UCP) for this hemisphere is the result (not the cause) of key factors responsible for our traditional inattention. At the end of the day, however, key structural changes within OSD and in the current UCP are required to significantly improve the quality of DOD policy formulation and security cooperation with the partner nations of the Western Hemisphere. This is not to suggest that structural changes alone are necessary; clearly, sound policy requires informed analysis and wise decisionmaking., Published in Joint Force Quarterly (JFQ), n53 p34-42, 2nd Quarter 2009.

The U.S. Congress enacted the American Servicemembers' Protection Act (ASPA) on 2 August 2002 in response to the newly implemented 1998 Rome Treaty, which established the International Criminal Court (ICC), an international organization that for the first time in history asserts jurisdiction over nation states not party to the established treaty. As of 1 July 2003, the ASPA requires an Article 98 agreement with every country where U.S. Security Assistance Organizations (SAOs) have been established; countries not signing an Article 98 agreement are subject to security assistance sanctions, to include the loss of International Military Education and Training (IMET). Whereas ASPA Article 98 sanctions are applied worldwide, this Strategic Research Project (SRP) examines the current impact of these sanctions on Western Hemisphere countries. It argues that the U.S. Armed Forces will steadily lose their military interaction and influence with Western Hemisphere militaries to competing countries, such as the People's Republic of China, Russia, and Venezuela, primarily due to the lack of IMET funding. Presidential National Interest Waivers and recent decoupling of IMET from the sanctions are steps taken to correct legislation that had unintended consequences. Further actions are needed to stem the loss of influence.

Historically, Latin America has been an economy of force region for United States. This is especially true when apportioning strategic intelligence resources. This study reviews and analyzes the allocation of national intelligence resources and priorities for Latin America. The current national security architecture including the National Security Strategy (NSS), the National Defense Strategy (NDS), and the National Military Strategy (NMS) define our national interests in the Western Hemisphere. To determine the adequacy of national intelligence allocation to Latin America it is necessary to review the process of translating the current national strategies into Latin American focused National Intelligence Priorities. This study analyzes three current and projected Latin American threats that potentially impact the security and national interests of the United States: failed states, ungoverned spaces, and transnational threats. Adequate and comprehensive strategic intelligence focus on Latin America is critical to the current and future US national security. The study concludes with policy recommendations to address intelligence efficiency and resource allocation with the relative importance of Latin America to the United States.

The United States is becoming more economically integrated with countries in the Western Hemisphere, which means greater commercial movement of people and materiel across its borders. The U.S. Government is currently negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) agreement with Canada and Latin American for implementation by 2005. This policy seeks to create a Western Hemisphere economic community. Accordingly, the Nation should adopt a unified hemispheric approach for military cooperative security to achieve coherent and synchronized economic, homeland defense, and homeland security policies and strategies. Current DoD homeland defense strategy is no longer balanced to protect the homeland and promote economic security, because the strategy of partitioning the Western Hemisphere no longer accounts for the new operating environment. Because transnational threats and natural disasters do not recognize geographic or political boundaries, the Nation must question the efficacy of a military strategy that narrowly focuses on geographic borders in an era of globalization and interdependence. The responsibility for conducting military security cooperation, promoting an economically stable environment, and providing for homeland defense has been divided between two unified commands. This division of responsibility unnecessarily increases the risk of uncoordinated and confusing implementation of policy. Instead, the United States needs to improve cooperative security and obtain cooperation with its neighbors to support effective homeland defense and security strategies as a whole throughout the hemisphere. The Western Hemisphere should be viewed as a single theater of operation to ensure the effective defense of the homeland, since current threats do not recognize or honor boundaries. Establishing a companion cooperative security framework to the FTAA economic framework would rebalance the U.S. strategy to promote regional stability and protect the homeland.

The potential of the eulophid parasitoid Phymastichus coffea LaSalle to control coffee berry borer Hypothenemus hampei (Ferrari) populations under field conditions in Colombia was evaluated. Parasitoid adults were released one, five and nine days after artificial infestations of 90-, 150- and 210-day-old coffee berries with H. hampei females. The position of the beetle inside the berry and the parasitism levels were assessed ten days after each P. coffea release. Parasitism of H. hampei by P. coffea was significantly affected by the age of the berries at the time of infestation, and by the position of the beetle inside the berries. Highest levels of parasitism were recorded in 150-day-old berries (75-85%) and in 90-day-old berries (75%) when P. coffea were released one day after the artificial infestation with H. hampei. In 150-day-old berries, highest levels of parasitism were recorded for H. hampei found in the outer layer of the endosperm followed by beetles penetrating the exocarp. Increasing the time of P. coffea releases after the artificial infestations with H. hampei led to decreased levels of parasitism in beetles attacking 90- and 150-day-old coffee berries. Low levels of parasitism were recorded in H. hampei females infesting older coffee berries because most of the beetles had already constructed galleries deep in the endosperm of the berries, i.e. out of reach of the parasitoid. The potential of P. coffea for biological control of coffee berry borer in Colombia is discussed. © CAB International, 2005.

The Latin American and Caribbean Center of Florida International University, the U.S. Southern Command, and the Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College held the seventh in a series of major annual conferences dealing with security matters in the Western Hemisphere, in Miami, Florida, on March 17-19, 2004. The conference focused on "Hemispheric Strategic Objectives for the Next Decade." This event brought together over 190 leading representatives of government, the military, academia, and the private sector from the United States, Canada, Latin America, and the European Union. Attendees participated in a program of "on-the-record" panels and discussions to exchange perspectives with fellow experts on the region. The principal objectives were to evaluate the evolving definitions of hemispheric security, review the debate surrounding the institutional structures that will support it, and examine the concepts required to strengthen security cooperation in the Western Hemisphere. The dialogue centered on a complex geopolitical situation that might be called "Wizard's Chess." After the horrific events of 9/11 and before the sobering terrorist bombings on Madrid's commuter railway system on March 11, 2004, it acted as a catalyst that moved leaders toward the idea of a "New Security" in the international security arena. Some key points are summarized in the following sentences. Various actors and instruments are exerting power on the global community from many directions, with lethal political, economic, social, and security effects. This changing and integrating world has lead to new directions toward a viable security concept for the Western Hemisphere. Hemisphere and world leaders are considering an aggregate security concept through the Organization of American States (OAS). The debate includes how military power can address nonmilitary issues, and how nonmilitary economic or other types of power can be applied in a security context., Report of the conference "Hemispheric Strategic Objectives for the Next Decade" held in Miami, FL, on 17-19 Mar 2004. The original document contains color images.

This report surveys PES schemes in the Western Hemisphere and analyzes the main differences and similarities between PES models as well as their strengths and limitations. In addition, the report identifies conditions for the success of PES schemes and highlights experiences that could emerge as best practices allowing PES to maximize their positive impacts both in terms of environmental and socioeconomic outcomes.

The standard deviation of metropolitan per capita personal income (PCPI) and metropolitan average wage per job (AWPJ) provide straightforward indicators of unconditional sigma convergence for metropolitan economies within the United States. Using data for all metropolitan areas in the continental United States for the period 1969-2001, we tested for the unconditional sigma income convergence hypothesis by applying two unit root tests to the time series of the two standard deviations. Our results indicate that the time series can be described as random walks with drift, thereby supporting the claim that income divergence among metropolitan economies is not decreasing.

This report surveys PES schemes in the Western Hemisphere and analyzes the main differences and similarities between PES models as well as their strengths and limitations. In addition, the report identifies conditions for the success of PES schemes and highlights experiences that could emerge as best practices allowing PES to maximize their positive impacts both in terms of environmental and socioeconomic outcomes.

The purpose of this thesis is to assess the actual and potential consequences of the inter-American democracy regime in the post-Cold War world. The thesis has three major arguments. First, the inter-American democracy regime "matters" because it can positively impact state and individual behavior in the post-Cold War inter-American system. Second, the three principles that constitute this regime (democracy, interdependence, and international organizations) are mutually reinforcing in perpetuating the "community of democracies" in the Western Hemisphere. Finally, this inter-American "community of democracies" is plausibly on a path to a pluralistic security community based on the logic of the post-Cold War inter-American democracy regime. This thesis places the actual and potential consequences of this regime into a broader, systemic context. A critical examination is provided of two high-profile cases of democratic crisis to assess the impact of the post-Cold War inter-American democracy regime: Paraguay (1996) and Peru (2000). The author concludes that, in the post-Cold War world, the Western Hemisphere is evidence of a liberal, qualitative peace. (76 refs.), The original document contains color images.

The main focus of this monograph is on security cooperation within the Americas. Essentially, much emphasis has been placed on economic cooperation (free trade agreements), but little thought has been given to security cooperation. Existing collective defense systems (Rio Treaty of the Organization of American States OAS) are a relic of the Cold War and not sufficient for the challenges and threats of today. The Americas are evidence of liberal or democratic peace. States do not war against each other because values and trade discourage major conflicts. The greater challenge to the state is internal, particularly given the problems of natural disasters, insurgency, drugs, violent crime, poverty, and other problems. Because of spillover effects, domestic issues often become transnational, such as with the drugs, weapons, and people that move across borders. Add to these the problems of natural disasters, and one can see that major changes are needed to the security architecture of the Western Hemisphere.

En este trabajo se analiza la proliferación de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales en el continente americano, las principales razones económicas y políticas que motivan la suscripción de estos acuerdos, y los cambios ocurridos desde la década de los sesenta en los modelos de integración y países que han liderado el proceso de regionalismo en el continente. El artículo detalla los principales logros de este proceso durante la década de los noventa, tanto en el plano comercial y de inversiones como en términos de convergencia hacia compromisos de apertura y liberalización amplios y estables. En tal contexto se examina la evolución de las negociaciones para el ALCA y se hacen planteamientos de mucha actualidad sobre las implicancias de esas negociaciones y las de los acuerdos bilaterales o plurilaterales con Estados Unidos, respecto a la construcción de la zona de libre comercio continental y a la coexistencia de esta con acuerdos subregionales de integración más profunda, con acuerdos comerciales regionales en otras partes del mundo y con el sistema multilateral de comercio., En este trabajo se analiza la proliferación de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales en el continente americano, las principales razones económicas y políticas que motivan la suscripción de estos acuerdos, y los cambios ocurridos desde la década de los sesenta en los modelos de integración y países que han liderado el proceso de regionalismo en el continente. El artículo detalla los principales logros de este proceso durante la década de los noventa, tanto en el plano comercial y de inversiones como en términos de convergencia hacia compromisos de apertura y liberalización amplios y estables. En tal contexto se examina la evolución de las negociaciones para el ALCA y se hacen planteamientos de mucha actualidad sobre las implicancias de esas negociaciones y las de los acuerdos bilaterales o plurilaterales con Estados Unidos, respecto a la construcción de la zona de libre comercio continental y a la coexistencia de esta con acuerdos subregionales de integración más profunda, con acuerdos comerciales regionales en otras partes del mundo y con el sistema multilateral de comercio.

En este trabajo se analiza la proliferación de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales en el continente americano, las principales razones económicas y políticas que motivan la suscripción de estos acuerdos, y los cambios ocurridos desde la década de los sesenta en los modelos de integración y países que han liderado el proceso de regionalismo en el continente. El artículo detalla los principales logros de este proceso durante la década de los noventa, tanto en el plano comercial y de inversiones como en términos de convergencia hacia compromisos de apertura y liberalización amplios y estables. En tal contexto se examina la evolución de las negociaciones para el ALCA y se hacen planteamientos de mucha actualidad sobre las implicancias de esas negociaciones y las de los acuerdos bilaterales o plurilaterales con Estados Unidos, respecto a la construcción de la zona de libre comercio continental y a la coexistencia de esta con acuerdos subregionales de integración más profunda, con acuerdos comerciales regionales en otras partes del mundo y con el sistema multilateral de comercio., En este trabajo se analiza la proliferación de acuerdos comerciales preferenciales en el continente americano, las principales razones económicas y políticas que motivan la suscripción de estos acuerdos, y los cambios ocurridos desde la década de los sesenta en los modelos de integración y países que han liderado el proceso de regionalismo en el continente. El artículo detalla los principales logros de este proceso durante la década de los noventa, tanto en el plano comercial y de inversiones como en términos de convergencia hacia compromisos de apertura y liberalización amplios y estables. En tal contexto se examina la evolución de las negociaciones para el ALCA y se hacen planteamientos de mucha actualidad sobre las implicancias de esas negociaciones y las de los acuerdos bilaterales o plurilaterales con Estados Unidos, respecto a la construcción de la zona de libre comercio continental y a la coexistencia de esta con acuerdos subregionales de integración más profunda, con acuerdos comerciales regionales en otras partes del mundo y con el sistema multilateral de comercio.

What role should the United States military play in the Western Hemisphere during the next decade...unilateral hegemon or regional partner? 'Cooperative Security' is the regional engagement strategy that will dominate the coming decade as nation states in this hemisphere, and around the world, seek to compete and prosper in the new global environment. There is little doubt that the United States will remain the world's only superpower. The challenge of the future is how to empower international and regional organizations such as the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Regional Security System (RSS) in the Caribbean, to accept a greater role in the mitigation and resolution of crisis within their respective spheres of influence. The downsizing of the U.S. Military and the implementation of a collective security strategy for the future, further implies that alliances and conflict resolution dominated by coalition warfare, will continue to be an integral component of the National Security Strategy of the United States. Revitalizing the entire spectrum of peacetime engagement programs now with the objective of empowering regional leaders to take a greater role in regional conflict resolution is one way to begin supporting this strategy. Collective security strategy will also require the U.S. to examine the current Unified Command Plan and impose changes designed to facilitate the integration of regional partners in the resolution of future conflicts. One such change for the Western Hemisphere should be the designation of an 'Americas Unified Command' replacing United States Southern Command. America's Command would encompass the entire Western Hemisphere including Canada and Mexico. The goal for these policy changes ultimately are well equipped and highly trained allies, capable of self-defense or providing military support anywhere in the hemisphere.

In times of major crisis, the nations of the Western Hemisphere have traditionally put aside their differences and united in a common cause. Such was the case during World War II when the Americas came together in collective defense well before becoming actively involved in that terrible conflict. The defense of the hemisphere was a top priority then as it is today. Historically, the Monroe Doctrine has been the cornerstone of U.S. security policy in the region. An outside threat to one country was viewed as a threat by all its neighbors. Thus, when aggression in Europe and Asia began to spread across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans between 1939 and 1941, Washington, in partnership with many nations in Latin America, took steps to deal with what was becoming a world-wide conflict. In April 1939, the Joint Army-Navy Board determined that the only way in which the hemisphere could be assailed was from a base of operation on the coast of West Africa. The board estimated that subsequent operations could project combat power to Brazil. The fall of France in 1940, the anomalous status of French colonies in Africa during 1940-41, and German successes in North Africa in 1941-1942 gave substance to this view. As the crisis intensified continental security became more critical for the Americas., Published in Joint Force Quarterly (JFQ), p73-75, Spring 1996.

Monoclonal antibodies, generated against the New World Leishmania have been used to identify taxons, dissect complex antigenic profiles, study host cell-parasite interactions, detect parasites in tissues of the host, develop species-specific serodiagnostic assays and to study the immunopathology of the disease. Keywords: Leishmania; Trypanosomes; Monoclonal antibodies; Specific antigens; Serodiagnosis; Immunopathology.

Genus specific monoclonal antibodies have been generated to 14 different isolates of New World Leishmania. These antibodies have been used to identify closely related subspecies; to recover genus-specific antigens for the development of sero-diagnostic assays; and to identify parasites in infected tissues; to quantitate antigen expression on the surface membrane by flow cytometry. Keywords: Leishmania; Monoclonal antibodies; Amastigotes; Serodiagnosis; Flow cytometry; Immunopathology.

Provides global and regional requirements which will contribute to development of Army long-range doctrine, manning, force design and materiel requirements. Determines a range of environments which wil likely confront the nation and the Army and identifies factors that will have major implications for the Army. Develops Army-wide strategic requirements and recommends general directions that the Army can take to meet strategic requirements. Region-specific to the Western Hemisphere, both North and South America, excluding the U.S. (Author), See also Volume 4, AD-A125 414.

For events originating on the Western hemisphere, the delay before onset of the solar flare protons is shown to be well correlated (r about 0.80) with the rise time of the associated radio-burst at 2-3 GHz or the rise time of the h sub alpha flare. The peak flux time of the protons is shown to be very well correlated (r about 0.90) with the delay before onset, and fairly well correlated (r about 0.70) with the flare or radio rise time. These results allow a prediction of the proton event time characteristics from real time radio burst data. (Author)