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The following work analyses the paid labor of medieval women in the domestic sphere, one of the main female occupations during that period. Regardless of how difficult recovering traces of these practices in the documentation available may be, the aim of this work is to bring to light and draw attention to the importance of household chores for the sustenance and wellbeing of the medieval society. The introduction of categories of analysis such as “maintenance activities”, “care economy” and “female agency” contributes to the discussion and reflection around such issues. Finally, the article examines the experiences of the domestic workers in Catalonia during the Late Middle Ages, focusing on the hiring process and their pay, the chores and the relationships developed between them and their employers., El presente articulo analiza el trabajo retribuido de las mujeres medievales en el ámbito doméstico, una de las principales ocupaciones laborales femeninas. A pesar de la dificultad de rastrear tales prácticas en la documentación, pretendemos visibilizar la importancia de las tareas domésticas para el sustento y bienestar de la sociedad medieval, a partir de la reflexión que pueden aportar categorías de análisis como son las “actividades de mantenimiento”, la “economía de cuidados” y la “agencia femenina”. Por todo ello, el artículo examina las experiencias de sirvientas en la Cataluña bajomedieval en lo que concierne a su contratación y remuneración, sus tareas y las relaciones que se establecían entre amos y sirvientas.

Este ensaio busca construir uma leitura do espaço metropolitano a partir das narrativas do cotidiano de oito domésticas negras, moradoras de Magé, que trabalham como empregadas domésticas em casas dos bairros ricos do Rio de Janeiro. Em particular, essa leitura permitiu observar tanto o papel infraestrutural de certos elementos da arquitetura na construção desse cotidiano – a arquitetura funciona como um dispositivo ordinário, um fundo aparentemente neutro e natural sobre o qual profundas relações de poder herdadas do período colonial se manifestam – quanto certas inter-relações fundamentais entre as memórias dessas mulheres, seus corpos em travessia, seus sonhos e a história da cidade onde habitam. O artigo apresenta essas observações através de oito tempos fundamentais, extraídos das oito entrevistas: um dia comum, que de três em três horas denuncia e entrelaça os corpos na diáspora, o tempo que não tem início nem fim e os territórios herdados., Este ensayo propone realizar una lectura del espacio metropolitano a través de las narrativas cotidianas de ocho mujeres domésticas negras, que viven en Magé y trabajan como empleadas domésticas en apartamentos de los barrios acomodados de Río de Janeiro. En particular, esta lectura permite observar tanto la importancia infraestructural de ciertos elementos de la arquitectura en la construcción de la cotidianidad – la arquitectura funciona como un dispositivo ordinario, un escenario aparentemente neutro y natural sobre el cual se manifiestan las profundas relaciones de poder heredadas del período colonial, así como ciertas interrelaciones fundamentales entre la memoria de estas mujeres, sus cuerpos en travesia, sus sueños y la historia de la ciudad donde viven. El artículo expone estas relaciones a través de ocho momentos fundamentales, extraídos de las ocho entrevistas: un día común, que cada tres horas denuncia y entrelazan sus cuerpos en diáspora, los territorios heredados y el tiempo que no tiene ni principio ni fin., The essay reads the metropolitan space from the daily narratives of eight black domestic workers, residents of Magé, who work in houses in the wealthy neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. In particular, this reading allowed observation of both the infrastructural function of certain elements of architecture in the construction of this daily life – architecture functions as an ordinary device, an apparently neutral and natural background on which deep power relations inherited from the colonial period are manifested – as well as certain fundamental relationships between the memories of these women, their bodies crossing the metropolis, their desires and the history of the city where they live. The article presents these observations through eight fundamental times, extracted from the eight interviews: a common day, which, at every three hours, denounces and intertwines the bodies in the diaspora, the time that has no beginning or end, and the inherited territories.

El trabajo del hogar es un nicho ocupacional opresivo para las mujeres migrantes. Las estrategias que emplean para resistir esta situación han sido poco estudiadas. Este trabajo se interesa por su activismo. Mediante un estudio cualitativo en el sur de España se explora el sentido de dicha acción sociopolítica para las mujeres migrantes. En la primavera de 2020 se entrevistó a once activistas de la Asociación de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores del Hogar de Sevilla. El material se sometió a análisis de contenido. Los significados asociados a su activismo fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías: (1) el horizonte de lucha, (2) las formas de lucha, (3) los niveles de implicación y (4) los retos. Los resultados se limitan a un caso históricamente reciente, y a una muestra pequeña elegida propositivamente; sin embargo, aportan a la comprensión de la agencia de las migrantes, y abre campos de reflexión para las organizaciones de trabajadoras del hogar., Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of “struggle”, (2) the forms of “struggle”, (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women’s agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers’ organizations.

This study reviews Rational Choice theory and Informal Institutions theory and uses new data to explain the persistence and scale of Argentina's informal domestic work sector. The domestic work sector in Argentina represents a typical case in Latin America: almost entirely dominated by women and high informality levels. The sector has had legal recognition for over a decade, but most of the sector's workers work under precarious conditions without access to those stipulated rights. In line with the adoption of new feminist policies during the last decade in Argentina, recent governments have brought more attention to women working in the domestic sector. This study investigates the implementation of a current financial incentive called Registradas which aims to increase registration levels in the domestic work sector. The material was collected during 29 weeks in Buenos Aires through interviews, surveys with employers, and observational studies from a Facebook group with domestic workers. The findings suggest that the two theories complement each other. Employers and employees in the domestic work sector act rationally from self-interest. However, unwritten rules, expectations of others' behavior, and perceptions of domestic work as an occupation also influence both groups' perceptions of choice and cost evaluation. These unwritten rules restrict and disadvantage employees due to power imbalances, gender norms, lack of information about their labor rights, and poverty. Finally, the study found that the program Registradas has had little effect on the sector's informality rates. The RCT suggests that the low impact could be due to formal employment not being a costly beneficial choice for the employers and neither the employees. This conclusion, however, needs to be understood in a context where labor laws and social security are not systematically and effectively enforced. Weak formal institutions thus enable a competing informal institution of informal employment a, Este estudio revisa la teoría de la Elección Racional y la teoría de las InstitucionesInformales, y utiliza nuevos datos para explicar la persistencia y la escala del sector informaldel trabajo doméstico en Argentina. El sector del trabajo doméstico en Argentina representaun caso típico en América Latina: está dominado casi en su totalidad por mujeres y presentaaltos niveles de informalidad. Aunque el sector cuenta con reconocimiento legal desde hacemás de una década, la mayoría de las trabajadoras del sector laboran en condicionesprecarias, sin acceso a los derechos estipulados. En línea con la adopción de nuevaspolíticas feministas durante la última década en Argentina, los últimos gobiernos hanprestado más atención a las mujeres que trabajan en el sector doméstico. Este estudioinvestiga la implementación del incentivo económico actual llamado Programa Registradas,el cual tiene como objetivo aumentar la formalidad del sector doméstico. El material serecopiló durante 29 semanas en Buenos Aires, mediante entrevistas, encuestas aempleadores y estudios observacionales de un grupo de Facebook con trabajadorasdomésticas. Los resultados sugieren que las dos teorías se complementan. Tanto losempleadores como los empleados del sector doméstico actúan racionalmente en función desus propios intereses. Sin embargo, las reglas no escritas, las expectativas sobre elcomportamiento de los demás y la percepción del trabajo doméstico como una ocupacióntambién influyen en la percepción de la elección y la evaluación de costos de ambos grupos.Estas reglas no escritas restringen y perjudican a las empleadas debido a los desequilibriosde poder, las normas de género, la falta de información sobre sus derechos laborales y lapobreza. Finalmente, el estudio encontró que, hasta la fecha, el Programa Registradas noha tenido ningún efecto significativo en la reducción de la tasa de informalidad del sector. Lateoría de la Elección Racional sugiere que el bajo impacto podría deberse a que el em

Con la entrada en vigor del Real Decreto-Ley 16/2022, de 6 de septiembre, para la mejora de las condiciones de trabajo y de Seguridad Social de las personas trabajadoras al servicio del hogar, se ha eliminado el artículo por el cual no se aplicaba la Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales (LPRL) al colectivo objeto de análisis e introducido algunas reformas, pendiente de desarrollo reglamentario. En este trabajo abordamos el contenido preventivo de riesgos laborales de la norma, y hasta qué punto es posible una aplicación íntegra de la LPRL tras la publicación de dicho Real Decreto Ley y qué cuestiones a nuestro juicio deberían tener una nueva regulación o introducir matizaciones al respecto para adaptarse al conjunto de personas empleadas en el hogar., With the entry into force of Royal Decree Law 16/2022, of 6 September, for the improvement of working conditions and social security for domestic workers, the article that did not apply the LPRL to the group under analysis has been eliminated and some reforms have been introduced, pending regulatory development. In this paper we address the occupational risk prevention content of the regulation, and to what extent it is possible to fully apply the LPRL after the publication of this Royal Decree-Law, and which issues should, in our opinion, be re-regulated or be subject to clarifications in order to adapt to the group of domestic workers as a whole.

Entre los perfiles de mayor vulnerabilidad social destaca el de las mujeres inmigrantes que trabajan en el sector doméstico (Federación de Mujeres Progresistas, 2020). Para conocer mejor la situación de dichas mujeres, en primavera de 2021, se realizaron 21 entrevistas a mujeres procedentes de América Latina y 5 entrevistas a informantes claves. Dicho trabajo es la continuidad de un primer estudio realizado sobre las mujeres inmigrantes en el servicio doméstico, en 2017. Este primer estudio tenía como objetivo el análisis de la situación laboral y el impacto de los cambios normativos en las mujeres inmigrantes trabajadoras de hogar. El segundo estudio, realizado en 2021, se ha centrado en el análisis de la vulnerabilidad residencial de dichas mujeres, en el contexto de la pandemia., Depto. de Sociología Aplicada, Fac. de Ciencias de la Información, TRUE, pub

El trabajo del hogar es un nicho ocupacional opresivo para las mujeres migrantes. Las estrategias que emplean para resistir esta situación han sido poco estudiadas. Este trabajo se interesa por su activismo. Mediante un estudio cualitativo en el sur de España se explora el sentido de dicha acción sociopolítica para las mujeres migrantes. En la primavera de 2020 se entrevistó a once activistas de la Asociación de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores del Hogar de Sevilla. El material se sometió a análisis de contenido. Los significados asociados a su activismo fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías: (1) el horizonte de lucha, (2) las formas de lucha, (3) los niveles de implicación y (4) los retos. Los resultados se limitan a un caso históricamente reciente, y a una muestra pequeña elegida propositivamente; sin embargo, aportan a la comprensión de la agencia de las migrantes, y abre campos de reflexión para las organizaciones de trabajadoras del hogar., Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of “struggle”, (2) the forms of “struggle”, (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women’s agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers’ organizations.

El trabajo del hogar es un nicho ocupacional opresivo para las mujeres migrantes. Las estrategias que emplean para resistir esta situación han sido poco estudiadas. Este trabajo se interesa por su activismo. Mediante un estudio cualitativo en el sur de España se explora el sentido de dicha acción sociopolítica para las mujeres migrantes. En la primavera de 2020 se entrevistó a once activistas de la Asociación de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores del Hogar de Sevilla. El material se sometió a análisis de contenido. Los significados asociados a su activismo fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías: (1) el horizonte de lucha, (2) las formas de lucha, (3) los niveles de implicación y (4) los retos. Los resultados se limitan a un caso históricamente reciente, y a una muestra pequeña elegida propositivamente; sin embargo, aportan a la comprensión de la agencia de las migrantes, y abre campos de reflexión para las organizaciones de trabajadoras del hogar., Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of “struggle”, (2) the forms of “struggle”, (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women’s agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers’ organizations.

Con la entrada en vigor del Real Decreto-Ley 16/2022, de 6 de septiembre, para la mejora de las condiciones de trabajo y de Seguridad Social de las personas trabajadoras al servicio del hogar, se ha eliminado el artículo por el cual no se aplicaba la Ley de Prevención de Riesgos Laborales (LPRL) al colectivo objeto de análisis e introducido algunas reformas, pendiente de desarrollo reglamentario. En este trabajo abordamos el contenido preventivo de riesgos laborales de la norma, y hasta qué punto es posible una aplicación íntegra de la LPRL tras la publicación de dicho Real Decreto Ley y qué cuestiones a nuestro juicio deberían tener una nueva regulación o introducir matizaciones al respecto para adaptarse al conjunto de personas empleadas en el hogar., With the entry into force of Royal Decree Law 16/2022, of 6 September, for the improvement of working conditions and social security for domestic workers, the article that did not apply the LPRL to the group under analysis has been eliminated and some reforms have been introduced, pending regulatory development. In this paper we address the occupational risk prevention content of the regulation, and to what extent it is possible to fully apply the LPRL after the publication of this Royal Decree-Law, and which issues should, in our opinion, be re-regulated or be subject to clarifications in order to adapt to the group of domestic workers as a whole.

El trabajo del hogar es un nicho ocupacional opresivo para las mujeres migrantes. Las estrategias que emplean para resistir esta situación han sido poco estudiadas. Este trabajo se interesa por su activismo. Mediante un estudio cualitativo en el sur de España se explora el sentido de dicha acción sociopolítica para las mujeres migrantes. En la primavera de 2020 se entrevistó a once activistas de la Asociación de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores del Hogar de Sevilla. El material se sometió a análisis de contenido. Los significados asociados a su activismo fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías: (1) el horizonte de lucha, (2) las formas de lucha, (3) los niveles de implicación y (4) los retos. Los resultados se limitan a un caso históricamente reciente, y a una muestra pequeña elegida propositivamente; sin embargo, aportan a la comprensión de la agencia de las migrantes, y abre campos de reflexión para las organizaciones de trabajadoras del hogar., Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of “struggle”, (2) the forms of “struggle”, (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women’s agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers’ organizations.

This study reviews Rational Choice theory and Informal Institutions theory and uses new data to explain the persistence and scale of Argentina's informal domestic work sector. The domestic work sector in Argentina represents a typical case in Latin America: almost entirely dominated by women and high informality levels. The sector has had legal recognition for over a decade, but most of the sector's workers work under precarious conditions without access to those stipulated rights. In line with the adoption of new feminist policies during the last decade in Argentina, recent governments have brought more attention to women working in the domestic sector. This study investigates the implementation of a current financial incentive called Registradas which aims to increase registration levels in the domestic work sector. The material was collected during 29 weeks in Buenos Aires through interviews, surveys with employers, and observational studies from a Facebook group with domestic workers. The findings suggest that the two theories complement each other. Employers and employees in the domestic work sector act rationally from self-interest. However, unwritten rules, expectations of others' behavior, and perceptions of domestic work as an occupation also influence both groups' perceptions of choice and cost evaluation. These unwritten rules restrict and disadvantage employees due to power imbalances, gender norms, lack of information about their labor rights, and poverty. Finally, the study found that the program Registradas has had little effect on the sector's informality rates. The RCT suggests that the low impact could be due to formal employment not being a costly beneficial choice for the employers and neither the employees. This conclusion, however, needs to be understood in a context where labor laws and social security are not systematically and effectively enforced. Weak formal institutions thus enable a competing informal institution of informal employment a, Este estudio revisa la teoría de la Elección Racional y la teoría de las InstitucionesInformales, y utiliza nuevos datos para explicar la persistencia y la escala del sector informaldel trabajo doméstico en Argentina. El sector del trabajo doméstico en Argentina representaun caso típico en América Latina: está dominado casi en su totalidad por mujeres y presentaaltos niveles de informalidad. Aunque el sector cuenta con reconocimiento legal desde hacemás de una década, la mayoría de las trabajadoras del sector laboran en condicionesprecarias, sin acceso a los derechos estipulados. En línea con la adopción de nuevaspolíticas feministas durante la última década en Argentina, los últimos gobiernos hanprestado más atención a las mujeres que trabajan en el sector doméstico. Este estudioinvestiga la implementación del incentivo económico actual llamado Programa Registradas,el cual tiene como objetivo aumentar la formalidad del sector doméstico. El material serecopiló durante 29 semanas en Buenos Aires, mediante entrevistas, encuestas aempleadores y estudios observacionales de un grupo de Facebook con trabajadorasdomésticas. Los resultados sugieren que las dos teorías se complementan. Tanto losempleadores como los empleados del sector doméstico actúan racionalmente en función desus propios intereses. Sin embargo, las reglas no escritas, las expectativas sobre elcomportamiento de los demás y la percepción del trabajo doméstico como una ocupacióntambién influyen en la percepción de la elección y la evaluación de costos de ambos grupos.Estas reglas no escritas restringen y perjudican a las empleadas debido a los desequilibriosde poder, las normas de género, la falta de información sobre sus derechos laborales y lapobreza. Finalmente, el estudio encontró que, hasta la fecha, el Programa Registradas noha tenido ningún efecto significativo en la reducción de la tasa de informalidad del sector. Lateoría de la Elección Racional sugiere que el bajo impacto podría deberse a que el em

In this article, we propose to problematize the sexual division of labor from an angle that has not been studied much. The central approach is that the processes of feminization and masculinization of work, far from being discon-nected, are constituted, and entwined as practices and social representations that, in their heterogeneity, contribute to the consolidation of labor precari-ousness. Through an ethnographic approach from the anthropology of work, we compare two case studies: paid domestic workers from the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and oil workers from Argentine Patagonia. This allowed us to outline how the processes of labor precariousness are configured from the sexual division of labor in capitalism, En el presente artículo nos proponemos problematizar la división sexual del trabajo desde un ángulo poco abordado. El planteamiento central es que los procesos de feminización y masculinización del trabajo, lejos de estar desco-nectados entre sí, se constituyen y se entraman como prácticas y represen-taciones sociales que, en su heterogeneidad, abonan a la consolidación de la precarización laboral. Mediante un enfoque etnográfico de la antropología del trabajo, comparamos dos estudios de caso: las trabajadoras domésticas remuneradas de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y los trabajadores pe-troleros de la Patagonia argentina. Esto nos permitió delinear la configura-ción de los procesos de precarización laboral a partir de la división sexual del trabajo en el capitalismo.

This research investigates the main challenges of Filipino women domestic workers in the labour market in Jordan. The study suggests that the common challenges of Filipino domestic workers can be discussed under the two main headings. First, the challenges occur due to the poor legal regulation (Kafala System). Second, Filipino women face several common obstacles such as overtime work without payment, being paid less than contract, working on their day off, alienation in the workplace, physical and sexual harassment while they work in the labour market. The research findings indicate that migrant women workers face double disadvantages due to gender variable and the poor legal regulations in Jordan; these challenges have been remained for a long time. The paper aims to analyse the common difficulties of women migrant workers in domestic care; it also provides recommendations to mitigate the challenges of migrant workers in the labour market. Finally, the paper seeks to contribute to ongoing discussions regards to providing a decent work environment for women migrant workers., Bu araştırma, ev hizmetlerinde istihdam edilen göçmen kadınların iş yaşamında karşılaştığı temel sorunları, Ürdün’de yaşayan Filipinli göçmen kadın işçiler örneği üzerinden incelemektedir. Bu çalışma ayrıca, 2019 yılının sonlarına doğru başlayıp 2022 yılının ilk aylarında etkisini yitirmeye başlayan COVID-19 krizi ve bununla birlikte alınan koruyucu önlemlerin göçmen kadın çalışanlar üzerindeki etkisine de değinmektedir. Araştırmanın temel amacı üstte belirtilen sorunları daha görünür kılmak ve bu sorunlara olası çözüm önerileri sunmaktır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışmanın ev işlerinde çalışan göçmen kadınlara insana yakışır iş ortamının sağlanması konusunda katkı sunması beklenmektedir. Ürdün’de Filipinli kadınların karşılaştığı sorunlar iki ana başlıkta incelenmektedir: birincisi, ilgili yasal mevzuattan dolayı ortaya çıkan sorunlar; ikincisi ise işin pratiği esnasında vuku bulan; fazla mesai saatleri, maaşların sözleşmede gösterilenden eksik olması, ücretli izin günü hakkının kullanılamaması, kendine ait alan yoksunluğu, işçinin emeğine ve kendisine yabancılaşması, fiziksel ve cinsel istismar gibi temel sorunlardır. Araştırmanın sonuçlarına göre; Filipinli göçmen kadın çalışanlar, işgücü piyasasında hem göçmen hem de kadın oldukları için iki kez sömürülmekte ve emek piyasasındaki dezavantajlı konumları uzun yıllardır devam etmektedir.

This research investigates the main challenges of Filipino women domestic workers in the labour market in Jordan. The study suggests that the common challenges of Filipino domestic workers can be discussed under the two main headings. First, the challenges occur due to the poor legal regulation (Kafala System). Second, Filipino women face several common obstacles such as overtime work without payment, being paid less than contract, working on their day off, alienation in the workplace, physical and sexual harassment while they work in the labour market. The research findings indicate that migrant women workers face double disadvantages due to gender variable and the poor legal regulations in Jordan; these challenges have been remained for a long time. The paper aims to analyse the common difficulties of women migrant workers in domestic care; it also provides recommendations to mitigate the challenges of migrant workers in the labour market. Finally, the paper seeks to contribute to ongoing discussions regards to providing a decent work environment for women migrant workers., Bu araştırma, ev hizmetlerinde istihdam edilen göçmen kadınların iş yaşamında karşılaştığı temel sorunları, Ürdün’de yaşayan Filipinli göçmen kadın işçiler örneği üzerinden incelemektedir. Bu çalışma ayrıca, 2019 yılının sonlarına doğru başlayıp 2022 yılının ilk aylarında etkisini yitirmeye başlayan COVID-19 krizi ve bununla birlikte alınan koruyucu önlemlerin göçmen kadın çalışanlar üzerindeki etkisine de değinmektedir. Araştırmanın temel amacı üstte belirtilen sorunları daha görünür kılmak ve bu sorunlara olası çözüm önerileri sunmaktır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışmanın ev işlerinde çalışan göçmen kadınlara insana yakışır iş ortamının sağlanması konusunda katkı sunması beklenmektedir. Ürdün’de Filipinli kadınların karşılaştığı sorunlar iki ana başlıkta incelenmektedir: birincisi, ilgili yasal mevzuattan dolayı ortaya çıkan sorunlar; ikincisi ise işin pratiği esnasında vuku bulan; fazla mesai saatleri, maaşların sözleşmede gösterilenden eksik olması, ücretli izin günü hakkının kullanılamaması, kendine ait alan yoksunluğu, işçinin emeğine ve kendisine yabancılaşması, fiziksel ve cinsel istismar gibi temel sorunlardır. Araştırmanın sonuçlarına göre; Filipinli göçmen kadın çalışanlar, işgücü piyasasında hem göçmen hem de kadın oldukları için iki kez sömürülmekte ve emek piyasasındaki dezavantajlı konumları uzun yıllardır devam etmektedir.

Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of “struggle”, (2) the forms of “struggle”, (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women’s agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers’ organizations., El trabajo del hogar es un nicho ocupacional opresivo para las mujeres migrantes. Las estrategias que emplean para resistir esta situación han sido poco estudiadas. Este trabajo se interesa por su activismo. Mediante un estudio cualitativo en el sur de España se explora el sentido de dicha acción sociopolítica para las mujeres migrantes. En la primavera de 2020 se entrevistó a once activistas de la Asociación de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores del Hogar de Sevilla. El material se sometió a análisis de contenido. Los significados asociados a su activismo fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías: (1) el horizonte de lucha, (2) las formas de lucha, (3) los niveles de implicación y (4) los retos. Los resultados se limitan a un caso históricamente reciente, y a una muestra pequeña elegida propositivamente; sin embargo, aportan a la comprensión de la agencia de las migrantes, y abre campos de reflexión para las organizaciones de trabajadoras del hogar.

In a sector of work in which women represent more than 90% of the people employed, it is undeniable that the regulation must overcome the filter of the principle of equality and non-discrimination based on sex. The study presented aims to address the legislative protection of the family home service, integrating the gender dimension after Royal DecreeLaw 16/2022, of September 6, for the improvement of working conditions and Social Security of home workers. It will analyze to what extent the objectives that the legislator intended to cover are being achieved, as well as the deficiencies and reluctance that still exist that do not even lead to proposing the disappearance of this special system as a possible solution., En un sector del trabajo en el que las mujeres representan más del 90% de las personas empleadas, resulta innegable que su regulación debe superar el filtro del principio de igualdad y no discriminación por razón de sexo. El estudio que se presenta tiene por objetivo abordar, desde el punto de vista de la actuación inspectora, la protección legislativa del servicio al hogar familiar integrando la dimensión de género tras el Real Decreto-ley 16/2022, de 6 de septiembre, para la mejora de las condiciones de trabajo y de Seguridad Social de las personas trabajadoras al servicio del hogar. Se analiza en qué medida se están logrando los objetivos que pretendía cubrir el legislador, así como las carencias y reticencias que aún subsisten, que nos llevan incluso a proponer como posible solución la desaparición de este sistema especial.

The following work analyses the paid labor of medieval women in the domestic sphere, one of the main female occupations during that period. Regardless of how difficult recovering traces of these practices in the documentation available may be, the aim of this work is to bring to light and draw attention to the importance of household chores for the sustenance and wellbeing of the medieval society. The introduction of categories of analysis such as “maintenance activities”, “care economy” and “female agency” contributes to the discussion and reflection around such issues. Finally, the article examines the experiences of the domestic workers in Catalonia during the Late Middle Ages, focusing on the hiring process and their pay, the chores and the relationships developed between them and their employers., El presente articulo analiza el trabajo retribuido de las mujeres medievales en el ámbito doméstico, una de las principales ocupaciones laborales femeninas. A pesar de la dificultad de rastrear tales prácticas en la documentación, pretendemos visibilizar la importancia de las tareas domésticas para el sustento y bienestar de la sociedad medieval, a partir de la reflexión que pueden aportar categorías de análisis como son las “actividades de mantenimiento”, la “economía de cuidados” y la “agencia femenina”. Por todo ello, el artículo examina las experiencias de sirvientas en la Cataluña bajomedieval en lo que concierne a su contratación y remuneración, sus tareas y las relaciones que se establecían entre amos y sirvientas.

Labour exploitation has long been considered from two opposing perspectives, either as an omnipresent feature in the employment market or as an extreme occurrence in labour relationships. Recent studies, however, claim that exploitation can be better understood as a continuum of heterogeneous practices. Our paper contributes to this debate by focusing on the case of migrant workers in Spain. The main objective is to access and bring to the surface the ‘hidden voices’ of migrant workers employed in four sectors: agriculture, construction, domestic service and hospitality. Using in-depth interviews and focus groups has allowed us to go beyond the dominant narratives on the phenomenon by embracing the privileged perspective of migrant workers on labour exploitation. This paper shows that labour exploitation cannot be fully understood without considering the relation that exists between two factors: the first operates at the structural level and relates to the extent to which discrimination, harm and exploitation of specific groups are intrinsic in the legitimate legal-economic system; whilst, the second factor revolves around migrant workers’ wilful agentive capacity for being recruited into exploitative situations and simultaneously their capacity for coping with exploitative practices and for working towards solutions aimed at improving their quality of life.

The following work analyses the paid labor of medieval women in the domestic sphere, one of the main female occupations during that period. Regardless of how difficult recovering traces of these practices in the documentation available may be, the aim of this work is to bring to light and draw attention to the importance of household chores for the sustenance and wellbeing of the medieval society. The introduction of categories of analysis such as “maintenance activities”, “care economy” and “female agency” contributes to the discussion and reflection around such issues. Finally, the article examines the experiences of the domestic workers in Catalonia during the Late Middle Ages, focusing on the hiring process and their pay, the chores and the relationships developed between them and their employers., El presente articulo analiza el trabajo retribuido de las mujeres medievales en el ámbito doméstico, una de las principales ocupaciones laborales femeninas. A pesar de la dificultad de rastrear tales prácticas en la documentación, pretendemos visibilizar la importancia de las tareas domésticas para el sustento y bienestar de la sociedad medieval, a partir de la reflexión que pueden aportar categorías de análisis como son las “actividades de mantenimiento”, la “economía de cuidados” y la “agencia femenina”. Por todo ello, el artículo examina las experiencias de sirvientas en la Cataluña bajomedieval en lo que concierne a su contratación y remuneración, sus tareas y las relaciones que se establecían entre amos y sirvientas.

El estudio que de seguida se presenta tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar una relectura de la más reciente jurisprudencia comunitaria a fin de conocer cuál ha sido y es el grado de afectación en las novedades legislativas habidas en el ordenamiento jurídico español respecto a la configuración de la protección social por desempleo de quienes prestan servicios en el hogar familiar. Para alcanzar tal finalidad se ha procedido a la revisión normativa, jurisprudencial y de doctrina judicial existente sobre esta materia a nivel comunitario y nacional., The study that is presented below has as its fundamental objective to carry out a rereading of the most recent community jurisprudence to know what has been and is the degree of affectation in the legislative novelties in the Spanish legal system regarding the configuration of protection. social unemployment of those who provide services in the family home. To achieve this goal, a regulatory, jurisprudential and existing judicial doctrine review on this matter has been carried out at the community and national levels.

The study explores the lived experiences of Ethiopian women migrants returned from the Middle East and Gulf countries. We employed the life history method to explore the lived experiences of return migrants. Semi-structured questions, specifically focusing on the study participants' dreams and real experiences covering pre- and post-migration periods, were used to collect data. Findings of the study reveal the following: most of the study participants migrated to host countries after facing a crisis situation. Initially, they aspired to support their parents, secure a better life for their child, and save some money to the betterment of their future life. For most of them, the reality is quite different from their expectations. Living as migrant women, they were exposed to many challenges (e.g., heavy workloads, harassment, and rape) while they found very limited opportunities to fulfill their dreams. Despite this, however, obtaining good opportunities accompanied by migrants' agency could enable returnees achieve betterment in terms of material possession and social status when they come back home as the story of one of the study participants demonstrated.

Presently, over 700,000 Californian workers — primarily immigrant women and women of color — provide homecare for nearly three million older adults and people with disabilities. Researchers examined homecare in California by surveying 500 workers and 103 consumers, conducting in-depth interviews with workers and consumers, and reviewing homecare agencies and residential facilities for the elderly.Lives & Livelihoods: California’s Private Homecare Industry in Crisis finds that the California homecare industry is facing critical issues that strain workers and consumers alike, amid growing demand that further intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic. Among other findings, the report notes how the lack of infrastructure in homecare leaves both consumers and workers struggling. Over half of consumers determined employment terms on their own or turned to their friends and family for guidance. Only 22% of workers reported ever taking paid sick leave. Nearly two-thirds of homecare workers did not earn enough to cover their daily expenses and 74% reported they did not have any type of personal retirement savings.Many families need financial support through public investment in order to pay their homecare workers a living wage. Three quarters of consumers stated they would like to pay higher wages and 85% of consumers strongly supported a universal long-term care insurance program in California.Meaningful and timely public investment in the state’s homecare workforce and infrastructure is imperative to the sustainability of the industry over the next decade and beyond. Report authors provide the following recommendations: 1) Make it easier for consumers to find care and workers to find fair employers 2) Formalize the industry and make workers rights real through education, tools, and increased enforcement efforts 3) Address the crisis of low wages, and 4) Increase public investment in long-term care to help consumers access and afford homecare and other long-term car

Domestic work is a sector characterized by various forms of injustice, prompting some women to embark on a pathway towards activism. Based on the Sociopolitical Development (SPD) framework, this study aims to explore female Latin American migrants' experiences of injustice in the domestic work sector in Spain and how they challenge them, particularly when they become involved in organized collective action. To this end, in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 women of Latin American origin who actively participate in the Association of Domestic Workers of Seville. The qualitative analysis found that being a domestic worker, having experiences of exploitation, discovering rights, receiving rights training, sharing stories of oppression, and engaging in sociopolitical actions are key experiences in guiding migrant women from the acritical and adaptive stages of SPD towards the pre-critical, critical, and liberation ones. Knowledge about these significant life-changing events may be useful for designing interventions aimed at fostering different ways in which oppressed groups can challenge injustice.

Presently, over 700,000 Californian workers — primarily immigrant women and women of color — provide homecare for nearly three million older adults and people with disabilities. Researchers examined homecare in California by surveying 500 workers and 103 consumers, conducting in-depth interviews with workers and consumers, and reviewing homecare agencies and residential facilities for the elderly.Lives & Livelihoods: California’s Private Homecare Industry in Crisis finds that the California homecare industry is facing critical issues that strain workers and consumers alike, amid growing demand that further intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic. Among other findings, the report notes how the lack of infrastructure in homecare leaves both consumers and workers struggling. Over half of consumers determined employment terms on their own or turned to their friends and family for guidance. Only 22% of workers reported ever taking paid sick leave. Nearly two-thirds of homecare workers did not earn enough to cover their daily expenses and 74% reported they did not have any type of personal retirement savings.Many families need financial support through public investment in order to pay their homecare workers a living wage. Three quarters of consumers stated they would like to pay higher wages and 85% of consumers strongly supported a universal long-term care insurance program in California.Meaningful and timely public investment in the state’s homecare workforce and infrastructure is imperative to the sustainability of the industry over the next decade and beyond. Report authors provide the following recommendations: 1) Make it easier for consumers to find care and workers to find fair employers 2) Formalize the industry and make workers rights real through education, tools, and increased enforcement efforts 3) Address the crisis of low wages, and 4) Increase public investment in long-term care to help consumers access and afford homecare and other long-term car

Domestic work is a sector characterized by various forms of injustice, prompting some women to embark on a pathway towards activism. Based on the Sociopolitical Development (SPD) framework, this study aims to explore female Latin American migrants' experiences of injustice in the domestic work sector in Spain and how they challenge them, particularly when they become involved in organized collective action. To this end, in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 women of Latin American origin who actively participate in the Association of Domestic Workers of Seville. The qualitative analysis found that being a domestic worker, having experiences of exploitation, discovering rights, receiving rights training, sharing stories of oppression, and engaging in sociopolitical actions are key experiences in guiding migrant women from the acritical and adaptive stages of SPD towards the pre-critical, critical, and liberation ones. Knowledge about these significant life-changing events may be useful for designing interventions aimed at fostering different ways in which oppressed groups can challenge injustice.

El estudio que de seguida se presenta tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar una relectura de la más reciente jurisprudencia comunitaria a fin de conocer cuál ha sido y es el grado de afectación en las novedades legislativas habidas en el ordenamiento jurídico español respecto a la configuración de la protección social por desempleo de quienes prestan servicios en el hogar familiar. Para alcanzar tal finalidad se ha procedido a la revisión normativa, jurisprudencial y de doctrina judicial existente sobre esta materia a nivel comunitario y nacional., The study that is presented below has as its fundamental objective to carry out a rereading of the most recent community jurisprudence to know what has been and is the degree of affectation in the legislative novelties in the Spanish legal system regarding the configuration of protection. social unemployment of those who provide services in the family home. To achieve this goal, a regulatory, jurisprudential and existing judicial doctrine review on this matter has been carried out at the community and national levels.

En la presente comunicación se pretende abordar la realidad vivida durante un periodo de casi ochocientos días de cierre fronterizo (desde el 13 de marzo de 2020 al 17 de mayo de 2022) en un colectivo tan peculiar en la ciudad de Ceuta como es el de las trabajadoras transfronterizas, empleadas de hogar y de nacionalidad marroquí. Cuestiones, como la normativa específica de extranjería, así como la regulación social básica sectorial de un colectivo tan singular, desde el inicio de su regulación hasta su actual vigencia. Perspectivas diferentes como la de la propia Administración (Seguridad Social y Extranjería), así como de las trabajadoras afectadas han sido recogidas igualmente en el presente documento, en los precisos momentos de la reapertura de la frontera y consecuente restauración paulatina del tránsito entre ambos países., This communication aims to address the reality experienced during a period a period of almost eight hundred days of border closure (from March 13, 2020 to May 17, 2022) to a group as peculiar in the city of Ceuta as that of cross-border domestic workers and Moroccan nationals. Issues, such as the specific regulations on immigration, as well as the basic sectoral social regulation of such a unique group, from the beginning of its regulation to its current validity. Different perspectives such as that of the Administration itself (Social Security and Immigration), as well as of the affected workers have also been collected in this document, at the precise moment of the reopening of the border and consequent gradual restoration of transit between both countries.

This article addresses the social and labor problems of domestic workers in Guanajuato, Mexico. The COVID-19 contingency made evident how unprotected this group of workers is, many stopped receiving all or part of their income, had to face the pandemic without health insurance, and deal with the uncertainty of not knowing when they could return to work normally. Although there is a program to enroll them in social security, there has been little response due to the lack of awareness and gender inequality that prevails in society. The objective of this article was to understand the social and labor context of domestic workers in Guanajuato through qualitative, documentary, and explanatory research. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, and the information was analyzed using an interpretive method, the results confirmed that domestic workers are one of the most unprotected sectors and are far from having adequate working conditions and labor benefits that guarantee integrity, development, health, and safety of themselves and their families., Este artigo aborda os problemas sociais e trabalhistas dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, México. A contingência COVID-19 mostrou como este grupo de trabalhadores está desprotegido, com muitos tendo perdido toda ou parte de sua renda, tendo que enfrentar a pandemia sem seguro saúde, e tendo que lidar com a incerteza de não saber quando poderiam retornar ao trabalho normalmente. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o nível de precariedade laboral dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, descobrir como a falta de benefícios os afeta, e expor as situações que eles enfrentaram com a COVID-19. Esta pesquisa é baseada em pesquisas qualitativas, documentais e explicativas. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e as informações foram analisadas utilizando um método interpretativo. Os resultados confirmaram que os trabalhadores domésticos são um dos setores mais desprotegidos e estão longe de ter condições de trabalho e benefícios trabalhistas adequados que garantam a integridade, o desenvolvimento, a saúde e a segurança de si mesmos e de suas famílias., En este artículo se abordan los problemas sociales y laborales de las trabajadoras domésticas en Guanajuato, México. La contingencia por COVID-19 evidenció qué tan desprotegido está este grupo de trabajadoras, muchas dejaron de percibir total o parcialmente su ingreso, tuvieron que hacerle frente a la pandemia sin un seguro de gastos médicos y lidiar con la incertidumbre de no saber cuándo podrían regresar a trabajar normalmente. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el nivel de precariedad laboral que tienen las trabajadoras del hogar de Guanajuato, saber cómo les afecta la falta de prestaciones y exponer las situaciones que han enfrentado con el COVID-19. Esta investigación se aborda desde una investigación cualitativa, documental y explicativa. Se hicieron entrevistas semiestructuradas y se analizó la información con un método interpretativo, los resultados permitieron confirmar que las trabajadoras del hogar son uno de los sectores más desprotegidos y están lejos tener condiciones de trabajo adecuadas y las prestaciones laborales que avalen la integridad, desarrollo, salud y seguridad de ellas y sus familias.

Domestic work is a sector characterized by various forms of injustice, prompting some women to embark on a pathway towards activism. Based on the Sociopolitical Development (SPD) framework, this study aims to explore female Latin American migrants' experiences of injustice in the domestic work sector in Spain and how they challenge them, particularly when they become involved in organized collective action. To this end, in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 women of Latin American origin who actively participate in the Association of Domestic Workers of Seville. The qualitative analysis found that being a domestic worker, having experiences of exploitation, discovering rights, receiving rights training, sharing stories of oppression, and engaging in sociopolitical actions are key experiences in guiding migrant women from the acritical and adaptive stages of SPD towards the pre-critical, critical, and liberation ones. Knowledge about these significant life-changing events may be useful for designing interventions aimed at fostering different ways in which oppressed groups can challenge injustice.

This article addresses the social and labor problems of domestic workers in Guanajuato, Mexico. The COVID-19 contingency made evident how unprotected this group of workers is, many stopped receiving all or part of their income, had to face the pandemic without health insurance, and deal with the uncertainty of not knowing when they could return to work normally. Although there is a program to enroll them in social security, there has been little response due to the lack of awareness and gender inequality that prevails in society. The objective of this article was to understand the social and labor context of domestic workers in Guanajuato through qualitative, documentary, and explanatory research. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, and the information was analyzed using an interpretive method, the results confirmed that domestic workers are one of the most unprotected sectors and are far from having adequate working conditions and labor benefits that guarantee integrity, development, health, and safety of themselves and their families., Este artigo aborda os problemas sociais e trabalhistas dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, México. A contingência COVID-19 mostrou como este grupo de trabalhadores está desprotegido, com muitos tendo perdido toda ou parte de sua renda, tendo que enfrentar a pandemia sem seguro saúde, e tendo que lidar com a incerteza de não saber quando poderiam retornar ao trabalho normalmente. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o nível de precariedade laboral dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, descobrir como a falta de benefícios os afeta, e expor as situações que eles enfrentaram com a COVID-19. Esta pesquisa é baseada em pesquisas qualitativas, documentais e explicativas. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e as informações foram analisadas utilizando um método interpretativo. Os resultados confirmaram que os trabalhadores domésticos são um dos setores mais desprotegidos e estão longe de ter condições de trabalho e benefícios trabalhistas adequados que garantam a integridade, o desenvolvimento, a saúde e a segurança de si mesmos e de suas famílias., En este artículo se abordan los problemas sociales y laborales de las trabajadoras domésticas en Guanajuato, México. La contingencia por COVID-19 evidenció qué tan desprotegido está este grupo de trabajadoras, muchas dejaron de percibir total o parcialmente su ingreso, tuvieron que hacerle frente a la pandemia sin un seguro de gastos médicos y lidiar con la incertidumbre de no saber cuándo podrían regresar a trabajar normalmente. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el nivel de precariedad laboral que tienen las trabajadoras del hogar de Guanajuato, saber cómo les afecta la falta de prestaciones y exponer las situaciones que han enfrentado con el COVID-19. Esta investigación se aborda desde una investigación cualitativa, documental y explicativa. Se hicieron entrevistas semiestructuradas y se analizó la información con un método interpretativo, los resultados permitieron confirmar que las trabajadoras del hogar son uno de los sectores más desprotegidos y están lejos tener condiciones de trabajo adecuadas y las prestaciones laborales que avalen la integridad, desarrollo, salud y seguridad de ellas y sus familias.

Domestic work is a sector characterized by various forms of injustice, prompting some women to embark on a pathway towards activism. Based on the Sociopolitical Development (SPD) framework, this study aims to explore female Latin American migrants' experiences of injustice in the domestic work sector in Spain and how they challenge them, particularly when they become involved in organized collective action. To this end, in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 women of Latin American origin who actively participate in the Association of Domestic Workers of Seville. The qualitative analysis found that being a domestic worker, having experiences of exploitation, discovering rights, receiving rights training, sharing stories of oppression, and engaging in sociopolitical actions are key experiences in guiding migrant women from the acritical and adaptive stages of SPD towards the pre-critical, critical, and liberation ones. Knowledge about these significant life-changing events may be useful for designing interventions aimed at fostering different ways in which oppressed groups can challenge injustice.

El estudio que de seguida se presenta tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar una relectura de la más reciente jurisprudencia comunitaria a fin de conocer cuál ha sido y es el grado de afectación en las novedades legislativas habidas en el ordenamiento jurídico español respecto a la configuración de la protección social por desempleo de quienes prestan servicios en el hogar familiar. Para alcanzar tal finalidad se ha procedido a la revisión normativa, jurisprudencial y de doctrina judicial existente sobre esta materia a nivel comunitario y nacional., The study that is presented below has as its fundamental objective to carry out a rereading of the most recent community jurisprudence to know what has been and is the degree of affectation in the legislative novelties in the Spanish legal system regarding the configuration of protection. social unemployment of those who provide services in the family home. To achieve this goal, a regulatory, jurisprudential and existing judicial doctrine review on this matter has been carried out at the community and national levels.

En la presente comunicación se pretende abordar la realidad vivida durante un periodo de casi ochocientos días de cierre fronterizo (desde el 13 de marzo de 2020 al 17 de mayo de 2022) en un colectivo tan peculiar en la ciudad de Ceuta como es el de las trabajadoras transfronterizas, empleadas de hogar y de nacionalidad marroquí. Cuestiones, como la normativa específica de extranjería, así como la regulación social básica sectorial de un colectivo tan singular, desde el inicio de su regulación hasta su actual vigencia. Perspectivas diferentes como la de la propia Administración (Seguridad Social y Extranjería), así como de las trabajadoras afectadas han sido recogidas igualmente en el presente documento, en los precisos momentos de la reapertura de la frontera y consecuente restauración paulatina del tránsito entre ambos países., This communication aims to address the reality experienced during a period a period of almost eight hundred days of border closure (from March 13, 2020 to May 17, 2022) to a group as peculiar in the city of Ceuta as that of cross-border domestic workers and Moroccan nationals. Issues, such as the specific regulations on immigration, as well as the basic sectoral social regulation of such a unique group, from the beginning of its regulation to its current validity. Different perspectives such as that of the Administration itself (Social Security and Immigration), as well as of the affected workers have also been collected in this document, at the precise moment of the reopening of the border and consequent gradual restoration of transit between both countries.

This article addresses the social and labor problems of domestic workers in Guanajuato, Mexico. The COVID-19 contingency made evident how unprotected this group of workers is, many stopped receiving all or part of their income, had to face the pandemic without health insurance, and deal with the uncertainty of not knowing when they could return to work normally. Although there is a program to enroll them in social security, there has been little response due to the lack of awareness and gender inequality that prevails in society. The objective of this article was to understand the social and labor context of domestic workers in Guanajuato through qualitative, documentary, and explanatory research. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, and the information was analyzed using an interpretive method, the results confirmed that domestic workers are one of the most unprotected sectors and are far from having adequate working conditions and labor benefits that guarantee integrity, development, health, and safety of themselves and their families., Este artigo aborda os problemas sociais e trabalhistas dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, México. A contingência COVID-19 mostrou como este grupo de trabalhadores está desprotegido, com muitos tendo perdido toda ou parte de sua renda, tendo que enfrentar a pandemia sem seguro saúde, e tendo que lidar com a incerteza de não saber quando poderiam retornar ao trabalho normalmente. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o nível de precariedade laboral dos trabalhadores domésticos em Guanajuato, descobrir como a falta de benefícios os afeta, e expor as situações que eles enfrentaram com a COVID-19. Esta pesquisa é baseada em pesquisas qualitativas, documentais e explicativas. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e as informações foram analisadas utilizando um método interpretativo. Os resultados confirmaram que os trabalhadores domésticos são um dos setores mais desprotegidos e estão longe de ter condições de trabalho e benefícios trabalhistas adequados que garantam a integridade, o desenvolvimento, a saúde e a segurança de si mesmos e de suas famílias., En este artículo se abordan los problemas sociales y laborales de las trabajadoras domésticas en Guanajuato, México. La contingencia por COVID-19 evidenció qué tan desprotegido está este grupo de trabajadoras, muchas dejaron de percibir total o parcialmente su ingreso, tuvieron que hacerle frente a la pandemia sin un seguro de gastos médicos y lidiar con la incertidumbre de no saber cuándo podrían regresar a trabajar normalmente. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el nivel de precariedad laboral que tienen las trabajadoras del hogar de Guanajuato, saber cómo les afecta la falta de prestaciones y exponer las situaciones que han enfrentado con el COVID-19. Esta investigación se aborda desde una investigación cualitativa, documental y explicativa. Se hicieron entrevistas semiestructuradas y se analizó la información con un método interpretativo, los resultados permitieron confirmar que las trabajadoras del hogar son uno de los sectores más desprotegidos y están lejos tener condiciones de trabajo adecuadas y las prestaciones laborales que avalen la integridad, desarrollo, salud y seguridad de ellas y sus familias.

In Hong Kong, extended households are declining while households with helpers are increasing. More and more couples resort to hiring helpers instead of living with elderly parents to outsource domestic work. Currently, it is not clear whether elderly parents and helpers would have the same impact on couples' time use. To fill this gap, the study examines couples' paid work time and domestic work time, as well as the gender gap in time use in different household types (i.e. couple-only households, households with elderly parents, and households with helpers). It uses the couple data from the first wave of Hong Kong Panel Study of Social Dynamics in 2011 and conducts the inverse propensity weighting with regression adjustment (IPWRA) analysis. The results show that couples' total domestic work is reduced to a greater extent in the helper household than that in the elderly-parent household. But this difference disappears if couples live with relatively younger, healthy, and retired parents. Although the impact of younger, healthy, and retired parents and hired helpers would reduce couples' total domestic work time similarly, they are different in the sense of "help for whom": hired helpers reduce the gender gap in paid work time and domestic work time, mainly by influencing wives' time use; elderly parents reduce couples' domestic work time in a less gendered way, favoring both husbands and wives. Elderly parents and helpers could reduce couples' domestic workload more or less, but whether gender equality is promoted through outsourcing is worth more attention.

El artículo se centra en el caso de las trabajadoras domésticas inmigrantes (criadas, niñeras y cuidadoras) en Grecia y en el impacto del trabajo doméstico en su integración en la sociedad griega/Grecia. Según los resultados de las entrevistas en profundidad, basadas en las conclusiones del proyecto "Voices of Immigrant Women" (VIW) (Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364), las mujeres migrantes están atrapadas en un marco de condiciones laborales invisibles y de explotación y se enfrentan a la discriminación en el trabajo. Son múltiples los casos en los que el empleador trata a las trabajadoras domésticas migrantes de forma inhumana, gritando y gesticulando, ejerciendo abusos físicos y verbales, así como contratándolas con contratos falsos o contratos de trabajo que la trabajadora nunca ha leído, lo que las hace vulnerables y susceptibles de sufrir diversas formas de explotación. La situación se agrava aún más por el control que se ejerce sobre la empleada, dificultando su acceso a otras ocupaciones y prolongando así su permanencia en el trabajo doméstico. En este contexto laboral, la mayoría de las mujeres migrantes son indiferentes a la colectividad y a la solidaridad y están aisladas de sus compatriotas y de otros trabajadores. La servidumbre les deja limitadas las oportunidades de empoderamiento para la movilidad social ascendente, siendo escasos los casos en los que la salida del trabajo doméstico ha supuesto un aumento de las oportunidades de las mujeres para convertirse en agentes principales de sus propias vidas y salvaguardarse de la explotación y de los trabajos informales y mal pagados, para vivir en libertad e independencia., The article focuses on the case of female migrant domestic workers (maids, nannies and caregivers) in Greece and on the impact of domestic work on their integration in Greek society/Greece. According to the results of in-depth interviews, based on the findings of the “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project (Erasmus+2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364), female migrants are entrapped in a frame of invisible and exploitative working conditions and face discrimination at work. There are multiple cases where an employer treats migrant domestic workers inhumanely, by shouting and gesticulating, exercising physical and verbal abuse as well as hiring them with false contracts or labour contracts that the worker has never read, which renders them vulnerable and susceptible to various forms of exploitation. Thesituation is further burdened by the control exercised over the employee, hindering their access to other occupations and thus prolonging their stay in domestic work. In this working context, most female migrants are indifferent to collectivity and solidarity and are isolated from their compatriots and other workers. Servitude leaves them with limited opportunities of empowerment for upward social mobility, there being only few cases where escape from domestic work has led to an increase of women’s opportunities to become the primary agents of their own lives and safeguard themselves from exploitation and informal and low-paid jobs, to live in freedom and independence.

Migrant domestic workers (MDWs) make up a global market of 12 million temporary migrant laborers, famous among scholars for being one of the most vulnerable populations of workers worldwide. Most often recruited from poor villages, these women work solely for one household in wealthier societies with no time off for several years at a time, largely invisible to the outside world. Despite decades of advocacy on their behalf, MDWs remain vulnerable to extensive abuse, including debt traps, overworking, and even assault. This dissertation examines the many systemic causes of abuse for these workers. I investigate how deeply held biases regarding gender, race, and poverty hold these women hostage before they even begin work. I explore a complicated market that lives on opacity and poor communication as its lifeblood. I expose how a political system, rather than taking responsibility for its citizens and workers, delegates its power to the private sector, effectively cutting off appeal to law and, in many cases, rights. Finally, I expound on the various tactics that these vulnerable women use to defend themselves and make their lives bearable — and that result in a different kind of empowerment than most scholars recognize.There are many home nationalities and host societies for MDWs, but Indonesian MDWs in the Asia-Pacific region specifically have been poignantly described as “modern-day slaves.” To date, however, most scholars have focused on Filipinas, who in past studies have proven to be better educated and more politically aware than most other migrants. Research on other nationalities exists, but is far more limited. I find this gap in the literature untenable, as the experiences of Filipinas almost certainly cannot translate wholesale to the experiences of other MDW nationalities. Indonesians, for example, remain aware of their rights less than half as often as Filipinas, have a less experienced sending state/government defending them, and endure substantially hi

Abuse and exploitation of migrant workers in Gulf States is common and well-documented, and women domestic workers are at special risk. Sending states – often relatively poorer South Asian states – are limited in the ways that they can protect the rights of their citizens when they are labouring abroad. One strategy that sending states have deployed is the adoption of “emigration bans” or “emigration conditions.” Emigration bans restrict citizens from taking up temporary labour market contracts, usually in specific states, but sometimes in general. “Emigration conditions” require would-be migrants to meet specific requirements in order to be permitted, by the sending state, to take up a labour market contract abroad. In this article, I examine whether it is morally permissible for source countries to prohibit migration to countries where they risk being exploited or abused. I examine the reasons states give to justify emigration bans and conditions: the “structured vulnerability” reason; the “gendered structured vulnerability” reason; and the “gendered paternalism” reason. Overall, I agree that the reasons motivating the bans and conditions are good ones – though I offer some criticism of the reason I describe as “gendered paternalism”. But, since there is only limited evidence of the effectiveness of bans and conditions in achieving substantive benefit for labour migrants, and on the contrary evidence of the real harm they can sometimes generate, I argue that, absent positive evidence of their success in achieving their objectives, they ought to be rejected in practice even if they are permissible in principle.

The full or partial exclusion of domestic workers from EU Working Time Directive 2003/88/EC is a longstanding practice in many Member States that has been tolerated by the Commission for a long time. Since 2017, there is some change in sight. While domestic workers remained at the margin of attention in the Commission’s earlier communications and implementation reports of Directive 2003/88/EC, the issue has gradually gained visibility. This indicates a remarkable shift, which has up to now not yet attracted due attention. This article analyses the shifting position of EU institutions towards domestic worker’s rights. The subsequent investigation of selected national regulation raises doubts as to its compatibility with EU law. Different ways of selected Member States (Austria, Germany, Italy, the UK) to prevent the application of the Working Time Directive to domestic workers are analysed. EU working time law and national implementation deficits for domestic workers are analysed in the context of the international scholarly discussion and the ILO’s ‘decent work’ agenda. Although not free from contradictions, this development is retraced as a move from the invisibility of domestic workers in EU labour law towards the Commission’s open demand in 2017 that Member States comply with Directive 2003/88/EC for this group of precarious workers.

The full or partial exclusion of domestic workers from EU Working Time Directive 2003/88/EC is a longstanding practice in many Member States that has been tolerated by the Commission for a long time. Since 2017, there is some change in sight. While domestic workers remained at the margin of attention in the Commission’s earlier communications and implementation reports of Directive 2003/88/EC, the issue has gradually gained visibility. This indicates a remarkable shift, which has up to now not yet attracted due attention. This article analyses the shifting position of EU institutions towards domestic worker’s rights. The subsequent investigation of selected national regulation raises doubts as to its compatibility with EU law. Different ways of selected Member States (Austria, Germany, Italy, the UK) to prevent the application of the Working Time Directive to domestic workers are analysed. EU working time law and national implementation deficits for domestic workers are analysed in the context of the international scholarly discussion and the ILO’s ‘decent work’ agenda. Although not free from contradictions, this development is retraced as a move from the invisibility of domestic workers in EU labour law towards the Commission’s open demand in 2017 that Member States comply with Directive 2003/88/EC for this group of precarious workers.

Abuse and exploitation of migrant workers in Gulf States is common and well-documented, and women domestic workers are at special risk. Sending states – often relatively poorer South Asian states – are limited in the ways that they can protect the rights of their citizens when they are labouring abroad. One strategy that sending states have deployed is the adoption of “emigration bans” or “emigration conditions.” Emigration bans restrict citizens from taking up temporary labour market contracts, usually in specific states, but sometimes in general. “Emigration conditions” require would-be migrants to meet specific requirements in order to be permitted, by the sending state, to take up a labour market contract abroad. In this article, I examine whether it is morally permissible for source countries to prohibit migration to countries where they risk being exploited or abused. I examine the reasons states give to justify emigration bans and conditions: the “structured vulnerability” reason; the “gendered structured vulnerability” reason; and the “gendered paternalism” reason. Overall, I agree that the reasons motivating the bans and conditions are good ones – though I offer some criticism of the reason I describe as “gendered paternalism”. But, since there is only limited evidence of the effectiveness of bans and conditions in achieving substantive benefit for labour migrants, and on the contrary evidence of the real harm they can sometimes generate, I argue that, absent positive evidence of their success in achieving their objectives, they ought to be rejected in practice even if they are permissible in principle.

The full or partial exclusion of domestic workers from EU Working Time Directive 2003/88/EC is a longstanding practice in many Member States that has been tolerated by the Commission for a long time. Since 2017, there is some change in sight. While domestic workers remained at the margin of attention in the Commission’s earlier communications and implementation reports of Directive 2003/88/EC, the issue has gradually gained visibility. This indicates a remarkable shift, which has up to now not yet attracted due attention. This article analyses the shifting position of EU institutions towards domestic worker’s rights. The subsequent investigation of selected national regulation raises doubts as to its compatibility with EU law. Different ways of selected Member States (Austria, Germany, Italy, the UK) to prevent the application of the Working Time Directive to domestic workers are analysed. EU working time law and national implementation deficits for domestic workers are analysed in the context of the international scholarly discussion and the ILO’s ‘decent work’ agenda. Although not free from contradictions, this development is retraced as a move from the invisibility of domestic workers in EU labour law towards the Commission’s open demand in 2017 that Member States comply with Directive 2003/88/EC for this group of precarious workers.

Abuse and exploitation of migrant workers in Gulf States is common and well-documented, and women domestic workers are at special risk. Sending states – often relatively poorer South Asian states – are limited in the ways that they can protect the rights of their citizens when they are labouring abroad. One strategy that sending states have deployed is the adoption of “emigration bans” or “emigration conditions.” Emigration bans restrict citizens from taking up temporary labour market contracts, usually in specific states, but sometimes in general. “Emigration conditions” require would-be migrants to meet specific requirements in order to be permitted, by the sending state, to take up a labour market contract abroad. In this article, I examine whether it is morally permissible for source countries to prohibit migration to countries where they risk being exploited or abused. I examine the reasons states give to justify emigration bans and conditions: the “structured vulnerability” reason; the “gendered structured vulnerability” reason; and the “gendered paternalism” reason. Overall, I agree that the reasons motivating the bans and conditions are good ones – though I offer some criticism of the reason I describe as “gendered paternalism”. But, since there is only limited evidence of the effectiveness of bans and conditions in achieving substantive benefit for labour migrants, and on the contrary evidence of the real harm they can sometimes generate, I argue that, absent positive evidence of their success in achieving their objectives, they ought to be rejected in practice even if they are permissible in principle.

Migrant domestic workers (MDWs) make up a global market of 12 million temporary migrant laborers, famous among scholars for being one of the most vulnerable populations of workers worldwide. Most often recruited from poor villages, these women work solely for one household in wealthier societies with no time off for several years at a time, largely invisible to the outside world. Despite decades of advocacy on their behalf, MDWs remain vulnerable to extensive abuse, including debt traps, overworking, and even assault. This dissertation examines the many systemic causes of abuse for these workers. I investigate how deeply held biases regarding gender, race, and poverty hold these women hostage before they even begin work. I explore a complicated market that lives on opacity and poor communication as its lifeblood. I expose how a political system, rather than taking responsibility for its citizens and workers, delegates its power to the private sector, effectively cutting off appeal to law and, in many cases, rights. Finally, I expound on the various tactics that these vulnerable women use to defend themselves and make their lives bearable — and that result in a different kind of empowerment than most scholars recognize.There are many home nationalities and host societies for MDWs, but Indonesian MDWs in the Asia-Pacific region specifically have been poignantly described as “modern-day slaves.” To date, however, most scholars have focused on Filipinas, who in past studies have proven to be better educated and more politically aware than most other migrants. Research on other nationalities exists, but is far more limited. I find this gap in the literature untenable, as the experiences of Filipinas almost certainly cannot translate wholesale to the experiences of other MDW nationalities. Indonesians, for example, remain aware of their rights less than half as often as Filipinas, have a less experienced sending state/government defending them, and endure substantially hi

Today domestic workers’ treatment across the globe differs substantially depending on the availability of the appropriate legal regime and the actual implementation of these laws. It is undeniable that there are huge differences in enacting laws to ensure respect for the rights of domestic workers between Ethiopia and South Africa. On the contrary, although Ethiopia has obligations under the International Labour Organization (hereinafter referred to as the ILO) conventions and national laws, so far, Ethiopia has not adopted any legislative measures to recognize domestic workers. However, one thing certainly describes both countries in a similar vogue; that is, regardless of differences in terms of having legal regimes to protect domestic workers, a practical and close examination of the life of domestic workers on the ground in both countries appears the same it is oppressive and characterized by exploitation. Though South Africa performed better concerning formulating enactments that are pertinent to ensure the protection of the rights of domestic workers that could perhaps serve as caveats for Ethiopia yet, practically both countries are not living up to their obligations and international standards especially the ILO Convention No. 189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers and its Antecedents, and other international human rights treaties.

The regulation number 13 of 2003 concerning Labour (Labour Law) has regulated the basic principles for the creation of productive, harmonious and just working conditions. However, the law does not substantively regulate domestic workers. We use the normative research with a statute approach. The presence of Minister of Labour Regulation Number 2 of 2015 concerning Protection of Domestic Workers which is expected to reach things that are not regulated in the labour law is in fact far from what was expected. Domestic workers can't hope for this ministerial regulation because there are differences between the rights of workers in the labour law and the rights of domestic workers in the Minister of Manpower Regulation Nomor 2 of 2015 which can be said to be discriminatory. Domestic workers are categorized into the scope of the informal sector causing limited rights that can be obtained.

This paper analyzes the process of organization and fight of activists and union members of the Sindicato das Trabalhadoras Domésticas de Campinas - SP, as well as the construction of these domestic workers as political agents. It investigates the trajectories of some of these women, through the collection of reports acquired Via interviews with union leaders and activists, to test the hypothesis that paid domestic work in Brazil expresses a central conflict in its society, involving: productive work and reproductive and racial, gender and class inequalities. Deepening the hypothesis, the centrality of such conflict would be, paradoxically, a significant factor for the invisibility of this activity and the absence of rights for this working class., Este trabalho analisa o processo de organização e de luta de ativistas e sindicalistas do Sindicato de Trabalhadoras Domésticas de Campinas – SP, assim como a construção dessas trabalhadoras domésticas como sujeitas políticas. Para tanto, investiga as trajetórias de algumas dessas mulheres, por meio da coleta de relatos adquiridos por entrevistas com dirigentes sindicais e ativistas, para testar a hipótese de que o trabalho doméstico remunerado no Brasil expressa um conflito central da sociedade brasileira, envolvendo: trabalho produtivo e reprodutivo e desigualdades de raça, gênero e classe. Aprofundando a hipótese, teríamos que a centralidade de tal conflito seria, paradoxalmente, um fator significativo para a invisibilidade dessa atividade e a ausência de direitos dessa classe trabalhadora.

This paper analyzes the process of organization and fight of activists and union members of the Sindicato das Trabalhadoras Domésticas de Campinas - SP, as well as the construction of these domestic workers as political agents. It investigates the trajectories of some of these women, through the collection of reports acquired Via interviews with union leaders and activists, to test the hypothesis that paid domestic work in Brazil expresses a central conflict in its society, involving: productive work and reproductive and racial, gender and class inequalities. Deepening the hypothesis, the centrality of such conflict would be, paradoxically, a significant factor for the invisibility of this activity and the absence of rights for this working class., Este trabalho analisa o processo de organização e de luta de ativistas e sindicalistas do Sindicato de Trabalhadoras Domésticas de Campinas – SP, assim como a construção dessas trabalhadoras domésticas como sujeitas políticas. Para tanto, investiga as trajetórias de algumas dessas mulheres, por meio da coleta de relatos adquiridos por entrevistas com dirigentes sindicais e ativistas, para testar a hipótese de que o trabalho doméstico remunerado no Brasil expressa um conflito central da sociedade brasileira, envolvendo: trabalho produtivo e reprodutivo e desigualdades de raça, gênero e classe. Aprofundando a hipótese, teríamos que a centralidade de tal conflito seria, paradoxalmente, um fator significativo para a invisibilidade dessa atividade e a ausência de direitos dessa classe trabalhadora.

The regulation number 13 of 2003 concerning Labour (Labour Law) has regulated the basic principles for the creation of productive, harmonious and just working conditions. However, the law does not substantively regulate domestic workers. We use the normative research with a statute approach. The presence of Minister of Labour Regulation Number 2 of 2015 concerning Protection of Domestic Workers which is expected to reach things that are not regulated in the labour law is in fact far from what was expected. Domestic workers can't hope for this ministerial regulation because there are differences between the rights of workers in the labour law and the rights of domestic workers in the Minister of Manpower Regulation Nomor 2 of 2015 which can be said to be discriminatory. Domestic workers are categorized into the scope of the informal sector causing limited rights that can be obtained.