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How can we explain the politics of euro adoption in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland? How did the euro crisis influence their positions regarding euro adoption? This article builds on the domestic politics literature and argues: (i) countries that had joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism-2 early had an easier time adopting the euro compared with those that did not; (ii) having a pro-euro government is a necessary but not sufficient condition to adopt the euro; (iii) the political ideology of the ruling elites is important; (iv) the existence of veto points in the domestic political system influences the entire process; (v) although the three countries have made central banks technically independent, the appointment process remains highly political and complex, which has led to conflicts between the central banks and the governments – negatively influencing euro adoption policies; and (vi) the issue does not have much salience in public opinion and thus does not usually feature high on the agenda of the political elites in the three countries. These three countries to date have not adopted the euro for various domestic political reasons. They have at different times been laggards by default or laggards by choice.

Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, this study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.

Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, this study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.

Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, this study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.

Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, this study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.

Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, this study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change.

Using recent survey data from Lithuania, it is suggested that post-communist countries such as Lithuania, admittedly a 'worst case' example, have specific legacies of serious health and safety problems. On a range of general health and occupational safety and health indicators, some three years after joining the European Union, Lithuania is currently a poor performer, and on key indicators the poorest in the European Union. Yet, formally, Lithuania has comprehensive health and safety legislation in line with EU requirements. Survey data suggest, however, a work regime of intensification and an absence of a participative working environment in which employees have a 'voice' in the safety management process. European-style legislative reforms appear to be having only limited positive measurable effects on health and safety performance. Moreover, the new EU occupational safety and health strategy for 2007 to 2012 fails to take account of the deteriorated working environments in the workplaces of post-communist new member states such as Lithuania.

An increased focus on consumer collective redress marks the shift from substance- to enforcement-oriented perspective in the EU consumer policy. The EU action in this regard is currently at the stage of feasibility study but it seems to be moving towards a mechanism protecting collective rather than individual interests of consumers. In spite of these developments, a comprehensive strategy towards the concept of collective interest of consumers is missing at the EU level. We argue that a relative disregard of the procedural functions which the concept performs, as exemplified also by the already existing EU instruments for consumer redress, may lead to under-enforcement of consumer rights. As a possible remedy we put forward a proposal how to make the concept of consumer collective interest a workable tool. From an evolutionary perspective, we also examine how the concept of public interest was construed by the Polish judiciary during the socialist regime to prove that the way the public interest was conceptualised in the past affects the present understanding of the consumers’ collective interest. As Poland represents a New Member State and has experienced economic and political transformation, our case study demonstrates how political and economic conditions shape the concept of collective interest. The overall goal of the paper is to show that clear understanding of the idea of collective interest of consumers, which currently varies from one MS to another, is essential for the creation of the internal market in collective redress

An increased focus on consumer collective redress marks the shift from substance- to enforcement-oriented perspective in the EU consumer policy. The EU action in this regard is currently at the stage of feasibility study but it seems to be moving towards a mechanism protecting collective rather than individual interests of consumers. In spite of these developments, a comprehensive strategy towards the concept of collective interest of consumers is missing at the EU level. We argue that a relative disregard of the procedural functions which the concept performs, as exemplified also by the already existing EU instruments for consumer redress, may lead to under-enforcement of consumer rights. As a possible remedy we put forward a proposal how to make the concept of consumer collective interest a workable tool. From an evolutionary perspective, we also examine how the concept of public interest was construed by the Polish judiciary during the socialist regime to prove that the way the public interest was conceptualised in the past affects the present understanding of the consumers’ collective interest. As Poland represents a New Member State and has experienced economic and political transformation, our case study demonstrates how political and economic conditions shape the concept of collective interest. The overall goal of the paper is to show that clear understanding of the idea of collective interest of consumers, which currently varies from one MS to another, is essential for the creation of the internal market in collective redress

Using recent survey data from Lithuania, it is suggested that post-communist countries such as Lithuania, admittedly a 'worst case' example, have specific legacies of serious health and safety problems. On a range of general health and occupational safety and health indicators, some three years after joining the European Union, Lithuania is currently a poor performer, and on key indicators the poorest in the European Union. Yet, formally, Lithuania has comprehensive health and safety legislation in line with EU requirements. Survey data suggest, however, a work regime of intensification and an absence of a participative working environment in which employees have a 'voice' in the safety management process. European-style legislative reforms appear to be having only limited positive measurable effects on health and safety performance. Moreover, the new EU occupational safety and health strategy for 2007 to 2012 fails to take account of the deteriorated working environments in the workplaces of post-communist new member states such as Lithuania.

The post-communist New Member States of Eastern Europe have experienced significant forms of labour exploitation, with deterioration in labour standards and the working environment. This is leading to increasing labour force ‘exit’ on a scale not hitherto anticipated. Migrant workers from the Baltic states, paid lower wages and with poorer working conditions, have been at the centre of a number of high-profile labour disputes in the EU-15. This article uses Latvia as a case study in order to discuss the implications of increasing labour migration for the New Member States and for labour standards in the wider EU.

On May 1, 2004, ten countries will join the European Union. Will the transition proceed smoothly? The main concern related to new countries joining the EU, from the point of view of the financial sector, is what impact the enlargement will have on the functioning of financial markets in new member states. Will competition in financial services increase and place a strain on institutions in accession countries or in the EU as well? Will there be visible impact at all? The new member states consist of eight former transition economies and of Malta and Cyprus. I will focus on developments in the transition countries, and especially in the Czech Republic, which I know best. I will also try to make reference to other accession countries to show that the results of developments over the last thirteen years, at least in the financial sector, are not so different. This brief presentation cannot do more than deliver only a basic description of the past development of financial markets in the transition countries and of their current standing. Hopefully the data from this presentation can serve as background information for those interested in further studies.