Search

T~j~HE DISSONANCE between "classical" ecological theory and empirical investigation has led, during the past decade, to the development of a school of ecological thought known as "sociocultural" ecology.l As is well known, the "classical" ecologists assumed human society to be organized around two basic processes, competition and communication. Each of these processes gives rise to different orders in society: competition to the biotic or ecological, and communication to the moral or social.2 Since biotic, subsocial factors determine the ecological structure of human communities, quite as they do the distribution of plants and animals, their analysis and measurement was thought to be the special task of the ecologist. Such a view, however, virtually ignored the factor of culture, which differentiates human from animal societies. Because of this, the "sociocultural" ecologists now seriously question the importance which was attached to "biotic," "subsocial," "impersonal," "natural," and "strictly economic" factors. They insist that ecological theory must be modified to take cognizance of the fact than human activities are organized within a sociocultural framework, and that competition operates within, rather than without, this system.3 Determination of the relative validity of either the "classical" or the "sociocultural" theory must be made by empirical research. The findings of a research project reported in this paper are offered as a contribution toward the resolution of this problem, and in anticipation they may be said to support the latter theory.4 The project concerns the residential movement and distribution of New Haven Italians from i890 to 1940, and the relationship of this movement to their incorporation into the social system of the city. New Haven is a predominantly industrial city with a population of i60,605 in 1940, of which approximately three-fifths were immigrants and their children. The Italians were the largest of the immigrant groups, with the first and second generations comprising nearly 27 per cent of the city's population. The first year in which a sizable number of Italians resided in the city was i890, when they totalled 2,330, or nearly three per cent of the population. New Haven has been divided ecologically by Davie into twenty-five natural areas based upon social and physical criteria.5 Three of these are the central business, the industrial, and the university (Yale) sections of the city. In addition to these, there are twenty-two "natural" areas which are primarily residential. These have, in turn, been classified into six major class areas which possess varying degrees of status-value. Area I has the highest status-value, and the other * Paper read at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Society held in New York, December 28-30, I949. ' See the following for expressions of the "sociocultural" point of view: Warner E. Gettys, "Human Ecology and Social Theory," Social Forces, i8 (May, 1940), 469-476; August B. Hollingshead, "A Reexamination of Ecological Theory," Sociology and Social Research, 31 (Jan.-Feb., 1947), 194-204; Walter Firey, Land Use in Central Boston, Cambridge, '947. 2 R. E. Park, "Human Ecology," American Journal of Sociology, XLII (July, 1936), I-15; R. E. Park, "Reflections on Communication and Culture," American Journal of Sociology, XLIV (Sept., 1938), 187-205. 'Hollingshead, op. cit. 4 See Christen T. Jonassen, "Cultural Variables in the Ecology of an Ethnic Group," American Sociological Review, 14 (Feb., I949), 32-4I, for further empirical evidence supporting the "sociocultural" theory. 'Maurice R. Davie, "The Pattern of Urban Growth," in G. P. Murdock (ed.), Studies in the Science of Society, New Haven, I937, pp. 133-i62.

HIS paper is concerned with a little explored area of social theory: the structural strains and supports between a contained community and the larger society of which it is a part and on which it is dependent. Presumably, the body of theory used for analyzing a community must be translated, qualified, or changed when that community exists within a larger society. Examples of such communities are fraternal orders such as the Masons, secret or extreme political parties, ethic islands whether rural or urban, organized political or economic interest groups, or a specific profession such as medicine.' From a broad inquiry into such structural relations between the contained community and the larger one, it may later be possible to derive important hypotheses about the forces that maintain both of them. The community studied is the professional community, which is different in important respects from the other examples.2 Only two sets of links have been chosen for exploration: (1) socialization and social control, and (2) client choice or evaluation of the professional. Characteristic of each of the established professions, and a goal of each aspiring occupation, is the "community of profession." Each profession is a community without physical locus and, like other communities with heavy in-migration, one whose founding fathers are linked only rarely by blood with the present generation. It may nevertheless be called a community by virtue of these characteristics: (1) Its members are bound by a sense of identity. (2) Once in it, few leave, so that it is a terminal or continuing status for the most part.3 (3) Its members share values in common. (4) Its role definitions vis-a-vis both members and non-members are agreed upon and are the same for all members. (5) Within the areas of communal action there is a common language, which is understood only partially by outsiders. (6) The Community has power over its members. ( 7) Its limits are reasonably clear, though they are not physical and geographical, but social. (8) Though it does not produce the next generation biologically, it does so socially through its control over the selection of professional trainees, and through its training processes it sends these recruits through an adult socialization process. Of course, professions vary in the degree to which they are communities, and it is not novel to view them as such.4 * Paper read at the annual meeting of the Eastern Sociological Society, March, 1956. Morris Zelditch has given various helpful comments to the author. 1 See, for example, Georg Simmel, "The Secret and the Secret Society," in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, translated by Kurt Wolff, Glencoe: The Free Press, 1950, pp. 307-379; William F. Whyte, Street Corner Society, Chicago: University of Chicago, 1943; Louis Kriesberg, "National Security and Conduct in the Steel Gray Market," Social Forces, 34 (March, 1956), pp. 268-277, and "Customer versus Colleague Ties Among Retail Furriers," Journal of Retailing, 29-30 (Winter, 1954-5), pp. 173-176; The Executive Life, ed. Fortune, Garden City: Doubleday, 1956; Allan W. Eister, "The Oxford Group Movement," Sociology and Social Research, 34 (November, 1949); David Riesman, "Some Informal Notes on American Churches and Sects," Confluence, 4 (July, 1955), pp. 127-159; Paula Brown, "Bureaucracy in a Government Laboratory," Institute of Industrial Relations Reprint No. 36, Los Angeles: University of California, 1954; etc. 2 Other areas are analyzed in William J. Goode, Robert K. Merton, and Mary Jean Huntington, The Professions in Modern Society, New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1957 (in press). 3 But see the qualifications stated by Albert J. Reiss, "Occupational Mobility of Professional Workers," American Sociological Review, 20 (December, 1955), pp. 693-700. 4 See the extended discussion of "Discipline," p. 394 ff. in A. M. Carr-Saunders and P. A. Wilson, The Professions, Oxford: Clarendon, 1933; Morris L. Cogan, "Toward a Definition of Profession," Harvard Educational Review, 23 (Winter, 1953), p. 35; Roscoe Pound, The Lawyer from Antiquity to Modern Times, St. Paul: West, 1953, pp. 4-10; Abraham Flexner, "Is Social Work a Profession?" School and Society, 1 (1915), pp. 901-911; Louis D. Brandeis, Business-A Profession, Boston: Small

THE IDEA of parent-child fixation doubtT less comes from Freud though he seldom or never used the term. For him, the Oedipus Complex was an instinctive and therefore specific and universal form of libido fixation. FlUgel uses the term often and may be largely responsible for its widespread currency." However, the literature contains little rigorous or systematic discussion of the concept. It is commonly used without definition, as if everyone knew its meaning; its implications are not developed; very little careful research has been done. As is true of so much social theory, the general idea of parent-child fixation is found in folklore and colloquial expressions.2 Freud recognized this and found a good Greek myth to typify it. However, one does not need to go to the Greeks. Parental fixation is suggested by such folk phrases as "mama's darling," "sissy," "tomboy," "apron strings," "too big for his britches," "chip off the ole block," "just like his father (or mother)," "my dad can lick your dad," "my dad is the richest, smartest, strongest, etc., man in the world," "all I am I owe to my dear old mother," "childhood is the happiest time of one's life," and so on. Many proverbs express similar ideas somewhat more sententiously. While not so dramatic as a gory Greek myth, much of this folk-talk probably is closer to social reality. Many adult users of these sayings believe the child "inherits" the traits in question. Most studies of problem children at the turn of the century were based on heredity and instinct under the influence of the recapitulation theory and the then current concepts of biological evolution. A little later, mental testing, Mendelian genetics, the semi-mystical instinct theories of MacDougall, and the instinctual psychoanalysis of Freud all contributed to delay the present trend toward a sociological explanation of personality formation and deformation. In i896, E. W. Bohannon made an extensive study of "peculiar" children. He implied that their traits were almost wholly inherited. In this study, he discovered something which led to his famous paper, "The Only Child in a Family" (i898). Many mothers, school teachers, social workers, and even some social psychologists are still suffering from the effects of this paper, even as they still suffer from Freud and mental testing. Bohannon thought "only" children were the result of procreative weakness and probably were biologically handicapped thereby.3 Whatever may have been true in the nineties, it is almost certainly true today that "only" children are not due to procreative weakness. It probably is true that most of the social and biological traits of Bohannon's children were due to socioeconomic status and parent-child relations rather than to anything biologically or sociologically inherent in the "only child" situation. We now know that "only" children are not doomed either to social maladjustment or biological inferiority.4 1J. C. Fligel, The Psycho-Analytical Study of the Family. London: International Psycho-Analytical Press, 1921, esp. 226 ff. As early as page 5I, he states that parent-fixation is a common usage for the Oedipus-Electra (cross-sex) form of fixation. 2 some time, I have been working on a paper which attempts to show that many psychopathic and some sociopathic concepts have counterparts in the partial truths of folklore, adage, proverb, slang, and cliche. Much of these sayings is obvious nonsense but there is also muGh sound observation in this "folk psychopathology and therapy." A similar relation exists between folk "weatherwisdom" and meteorology. See W. J. Humphreys, Weather Proverbs and Paradoxes. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1923. 'E. W. Bohannon, "A Study of Peculiar and Exceptional Children," Pedagogical Seminary and Journal of General Psychology. October, 1896, 4: 3-60; "The Only Child in a Family," ibid., April, I898, 5:475-496. 4Norman Fenton, "The Only Child," Journal of General Psychology. December, I928, 446-456. The best general summary of the literature on this subject I have seen is in Jessie Bernard, American

Feminist scholars have proposed that two types of links exist between research methods and gender. Female scholars have been thought to be more likely than males to choose qualitative methods because such methods are compatible with relational and emotional skills stereotypically associated with women. Qualitative approaches also have been thought to be especially appropriate for study of gender issues and women's experiences and to be an effective strategy for correcting androcentric biases in construction of social theory. We examine articles in 10 sociology journals in 1974-83. Most articles have been quantitative, but female authors have used qualitative methods more often than males. Writing about gender increased rather than decreased the likelihood of having used quantitative methods for both women and men. We suggest that papers focusing on gender and also using qualitative methods represented double nonconformity and hence were unlikely candidates for publication in mainstream journals.

This paper develops biosocial models of adolescent sexuality that combine traditional sociological models with models derived from a biological theory of hormone effects. Data are presented from a representative sample of 102 males and 99 females, drawn from grades 8, 9, and 10 in public schools in a southern U.S. city, and ranging in age from 13 to 16 years old. Although the sociological models alone look quite satisfactory, the combined models are stronger and give a different picture of the determinants of adolescent sexuality. The combined models show not only additive contributions of sociological and biological variables, but interactions between sociological and hormonal variables. Some sociological relationships are shown to be spurious. In other cases, sociological predictors are shown to be endogenous to biological predictors.

1 OCIOMETRY IS AN axis with two poles. The arm towards one pole is directed towards the discovery of the deeper levels of society's strucK ture. The other is directed towards promoting change of society based upon the dynamic facts found in its structure. Since one cannot anticipate the structure of society, the sociometrist must be an experimental realist and plunge into the task of uncovering the actually functioning structures in which people relate themselves to one another. It is an unavoidable task, yet one surely worth the effort, if we are ever to gain control over the social processes in which we all participate and to which the destiny not only of ourselves as individuals is bound up, but also the destiny of man as a species if he is to better his lot and build a harmonious society. Social process is used in this paper to define the temporal development of interpersonal relationships (of attraction or repulsion between persons) as contrasted with structure, which is herein used to designate the spatial facts of such relationships. Social process is the way by which structure comes to exist. In contrast to structure, which may be conceived spatially, social process is the manner by which sociation occurs, develops, and results in structure, the psychosocial organization of relationships maintaining between individuals. The task of transforming society to fit man, rather than transforming man to fit society as it is now constituted, would be aided by a sociometric movement which would take investigators into every kind of grouping found in our society, extracting patiently and thoroughly the authentic structure in which its members live and work and act upon and through one another so that we should know by what structures thought and action come to fruition and by what other structures thought and action are cut off from even the possibility of contributing to societys advance. This may appear a large order. It is a large order. But it is a necessary order. A society such as man may hope for, and as individuals even work for, cannot come about through a knowledge of economics alone or cultures alone or politics alone, nor indeed of all these and still others tied into one bundle of knowledge. What would be lacking from such a sackful of facts and theoretical laws? What would be lacking is the knowledge of how any economic, political, or cultural fact affects advantageously or otherwise the

Cartter, Allan M. 1966 An Assessment of Quality in Graduate Education. Washington, D.C.: American Council of Education. Cole, Stephen and Jonathan R. Cole. 1967 "Scientific output and recognition: a study in the operation of the reward system in science." American Sociological Review 32 (June). Crane, Diana. 1965 "Scientists at major and minor universities: a study of productivity and recognition." American Sociological Review 30 (October):710. Kessler, M. M. 1965 "The M.I.T. Technical Information Project." Physics Today 18 (March):28-36. Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and Wagner Thielens, Jr. 1958 The Academic Mind. Glencoe, Illinois, The Free Press. Merton, Robert K. 1957 Social Theory and Social Structure. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press. 1968 "The Matthew effect in science." Science 159 (January):56-63. Waterman, A. T. 1966 Science 151 (January):61-64. Zuckerman, Harriet A. 1965 Nobel Laureates in the United States. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Columbia University. 1967a "Patterns of name-ordering among authors of scientific papers." Read at Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association in 1967. 1967b "Nobel laureates in science: patterns of productivity, collaboration, and authorship." American Sociological Review 32 (June) :400.

A complete theoretical model defines the outcomes of its operations. This analysis sets forth the outcomes of so-called deviant social action, in a logical typology of deviant behavior, no one of the classes of which is vacuous. Merton originally proposed four deviant modes of adaptation in social action; extension of his analysis reveals a total of fourteen types of deviant behavior. This typology of deviant outcomes of social action constitutes a parttheory necessary to any closed theoretical models of deviant behavior. A THEORETICAL typology of behavior can be tested for its internal logic. It can also be tested for its ability to model that portion of reality for which it stands. On both of these grounds Merton's model of deviant behavior is subjected to tests in this paper. We conclude that his typology provides a magnificent basis for moving forward to a sociologically relevant extension, which includes ten additional types of deviant behavior supplementing the four depicted by Merton. Here, this typology is developed step-by-step, starting with Merton's original paradigm. In successive stages, a substantive modification based on his own discussion of