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Cet article vise à mieux cerner les modalités d’une construction historiographique, celle de la « fitna d’Ibn al-Zubayr ». La première partie établit un état des lieux de cette catégorie discursive dans des sources diverses. La seconde partie de l’étude porte son attention sur quelques motifs historiographiques de la « fitna d’Ibn al-Zubayr » tels que l’avarice, la décadence religieuse et la violence. This article aims at a better understanding of the modalities of a historiographical construction, that of the “fitna of Ibn al-Zubayr”. The first part draws up a situational analysis of this discursive categorization in several sources. The second part of the study focuses on some historiographical topics such as avarice, religious decadence and violence. يهدف هذا المقال إلى الوصول لفهم أفضل لطرائق البناء التّأريخي لـ«فتنة ابن الزبير». يستعرض القسم الأول حالة البحث الراهنة في هذا التصنيف الخطابي في مصادر متنوعة . أما القسم الثاني من هذا المقال فيسلط الضوء على بعض المواضيع الأدبية والتأريخية في «فتنة ابن الزبير»، مثل البُخل والمروق والعنف.

È opinione oggi largamente diffusa che la visione storica e politica di Dante abbia caratteri fortemente conservatori o addirittura reazionari. In sintesi, la polemica dantesca contro lʼavarizia e la cupidigia nasconderebbe un radicale rifiuto della modernità e della nuova realtà socioeconomica che si stavano affermando ai suoi tempi, in nome di un ritorno al «buon tempo antico» e al mondo immobile e chiuso della tradizione. In questo saggio intendo dimostrare, al contrario, che lʼipotesi elaborata da Dante è tuttʼaltro che conservatrice, ma propone invece un modello rivoluzionario di società fondata sui valori del dono e della caritas opposti allʼutilitarismo che fino da allora si stava imponendo come principio guida della civiltà occidentale. It is a widespread opinion that the historical and political vision of Dante has highly conservative or even reactionary characteristics. In brief, Dante's polemics against avarice and cupidity hides a radical refusal of modernity and the new socio-economic reality that was taking place in his time, in the name of a return to «good old days» and to the immobile and closed world of tradition. This article demonstrates that, on the contrary, the hypothesis elaborated by Dante was everything but conservative. He proposed, instead, a revolutionary society founded on the value of the present and of caritas, as opposed to utilitarianism that had been imposed, since then, as a guideline of Western civilization.

The non-sacramental practice of verbalizing thoughts in the sources of the early Byzantine monasticism. Selected issues in theological and legal terms The article is an analysis of a non-sacramental practice of verbalizing thoughts out of obedience to a master in sources of early Byzantine monasticism from St. Basil the Great to St. John Climac. The article is of a scientific nature with the use of the theological and legal method. The passions cataloged by Evagrius of Pontus are the subject of verbalizing thoughts. This practice was regulated in some types of Byzantine monasteries and in the Rule of St. Benedict.

The non-sacramental practice of verbalizing thoughts in the sources of the early Byzantine monasticism. Selected issues in theological and legal terms The article is an analysis of a non-sacramental practice of verbalizing thoughts out of obedience to a master in sources of early Byzantine monasticism from St. Basil the Great to St. John Climac. The article is of a scientific nature with the use of the theological and legal method. The passions cataloged by Evagrius of Pontus are the subject of verbalizing thoughts. This practice was regulated in some types of Byzantine monasteries and in the Rule of St. Benedict., {"references":["Abramowiczówna, Z. (1960). Słownik grecko - polski, t. 2. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe.","Andrés, D. A. (2002). Coment. sub can. 630. W: Á. Marzoa i in. (red.), Comentario exegético al código de derecho canónico, t. 2, cz. 2, wyd. 3 (1582-1584). 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Montaigne se positionne au premier plan et en arri��re-plan des discours renaissants sur la noblesse et son avilissement �� en une saison si gast��e �� (Essais, II, 18). Cette ��tude suit ses r��flexions sur l���avarice, sur le nom Montaigne, et sur ses inqui��tudes autour du mensonge. L�����tude montre que la singularit�� souvent revendiqu��e des Essais, ce livre consubstantiel �� son auteur, s���exprime par des formes ambigu��s qui laissent �� croire qu���elle se dissipe au moment de son ��nonciation., Montaigne appears both in the foreground and in the background of sixteenth-century French discourses on nobility and its debasement, in ���an age utterly ruined��� (Essais, II, 18). This study follows his reflections on avarice, his musings about his name Montaigne, and his worries about lying : all these show that the Essais ��� this book whose very substance is its author ��� embodies a singularity that apparently dissipates at the point of its expression through ambiguous forms.

Dans cette grande comédie bourgeoise, Molière, s’attaque au vice pérenne de l’avarice. Il montre la déshumanisation de son héros Harpagon, et, en réponse au tyran domestique, les procédés discutables que sont obligés d’employer ceux qui doivent défendre leur bonheur. Mais l’évidente gravité de la situation est surmontée par la volonté affirmée du comique., In this great bourgeois comedy, Molière attacks the perennial vice of avarice. He shows the dehumanization of his protagonist Harpagon, and, in response to the domestic tyrant, the questionable tactics and strategies that those who must defend their happiness are forced to employ. But the obvious gravity of the situation is overcome by comic assertiveness.

In these pages we will argue that the two principal characteristics of the episode of the greedies and the prodigals seem to indicate that Dante is interested in emphasizing its function in the dynamic structure of Hell; that is to emphasize the function of avarice-prodigality in the degradation of the human mind as the beginning of the involvement of reason in sin and therefore the beginning of its perversion. In short, we will argue that the episode is set to highlight the beginning of the very progressive and marked transition from the sins of incontinence to the sins of violence that extends from this seventh to the tenth canto. En estas páginas sostendremos que las principales características del episodio de los avaros y los pródigos parecen indicar que a Dante, el autor, le interesa subrayar su función en la estructura dinámica del Infierno; es decir, subrayar la función de la avaricia-prodigalidad en la degradación de la mente humana como inicio de la implicación de la razón en el pecado y, con ello, el inicio de su perversión. Sostendremos, en suma, que el episodio se plantea para poner de relieve el inicio del muy progresivo y secuenciado paso de los pecados de incontinencia a los pecados de violencia que se prolonga justamente desde este séptimo canto hasta el décimo. In queste pagine sosterremo che le principali caratteristiche dell’episodio degli avari e i prodighi sembrano indicare che Dante, l’autore, è interessato a sottolineare la sua funzione nella struttura dinamica dell’Inferno; a sottolineare cioè la funzione dell’avarizia-prodigalità nel degrado della mente umana come inizio del coinvolgimento della ragione nel peccato e quindi inizio della sua perversione. Sosterremo, insomma, che l’episodio è impostato per mettere in rilievo l’inizio del molto progressivo e scandito passaggio dai peccati di incontinenza ai peccati di violenza che si prolunga appunto da questo settimo canto fino al decimo.

La riflessione di Dante sul denaro è un aspetto rilevante della sua filosofia morale e politica e motivo centrale nel suo immaginario poetico. La Firenze del tempo aveva una potente classe borghese e una moneta tra le più prestigiose d’Europa e Dante, da fiorentino, fu testimone dell’insorgere di un’economia di profitto i cui rischi morali non mancò di rilevare. Questo saggio propone una riflessione su come l’atteggiamento di Dante in merito al denaro si rapporti ad alcuni aspetti del pensiero di Emmanuel Levinas e Michel Henry, due filosofi che criticano le economie capitaliste occidentali e ribadiscono l’importanza della prospettiva umanistica nell’analisi delle realtà economiche. Dante’s concern with money is a significant aspect of his moral and political philosophy and a central motif in his poetic imagination. As a citizen of Florence, a city with a powerful bourgeois class and a currency among the most prestigious of Europe, Dante witnessed the onset of a profit economy and did not fail to see its moral risks. This essay reflects on how Dante’s stance on the issue of money can be related to points made by Emmanuel Levinas and Michel Henry, who are critics of western capitalist economies and who insist that economic realities must be analyzed from a humanistic perspective.

L’article analyse deux nouvelles des Trecento Novelle de Sacchetti dont Giotto est le héros. Leurs principaux thèmes s’inspirent du modèle des nouvelles des peintres du Décaméron, mais aussi de la « légende de l’artiste » étudiée par Otto Kurz et Ernst Kris. On démontre ensuite que ces nouvelles ne se bornent pas à célébrer Giotto et à défendre le prestige social de l’artiste, mais qu’elles contiennent également une réflexion sur la nature et les finalités des arts figuratifs.

El artículo sondea los primeros acercamientos de Dante al tema económico, en su etapa florentina: en las dos canciones doctrinales (Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea, Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato) y el poema Fiore. Vemos aquí los atisbos de la crítica del capitalismo que será desarrollada en las obras de la madurez. This article probes Dante’s first approaches to economic issues in his early life in Florence, in two songs, 'Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea' and 'Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato', and the poem 'Fiore'. Here we see glimpses of a critique of capitalism that will be developed in Dante's mature works.

La riflessione di Dante sul denaro è un aspetto rilevante della sua filosofia morale e politica e motivo centrale nel suo immaginario poetico. La Firenze del tempo aveva una potente classe borghese e una moneta tra le più prestigiose d’Europa e Dante, da fiorentino, fu testimone dell’insorgere di un’economia di profitto i cui rischi morali non mancò di rilevare. Questo saggio propone una riflessione su come l’atteggiamento di Dante in merito al denaro si rapporti ad alcuni aspetti del pensiero di Emmanuel Levinas e Michel Henry, due filosofi che criticano le economie capitaliste occidentali e ribadiscono l’importanza della prospettiva umanistica nell’analisi delle realtà economiche. Dante’s concern with money is a significant aspect of his moral and political philosophy and a central motif in his poetic imagination. As a citizen of Florence, a city with a powerful bourgeois class and a currency among the most prestigious of Europe, Dante witnessed the onset of a profit economy and did not fail to see its moral risks. This essay reflects on how Dante’s stance on the issue of money can be related to points made by Emmanuel Levinas and Michel Henry, who are critics of western capitalist economies and who insist that economic realities must be analyzed from a humanistic perspective.

Der vorliegende Aufsatz analysiert Machiavellis Menschenbild. Er argumentiert gegen die vorherrschenden Auffassungen, die es entweder als pessimistisch oder als optimistisch charakterisieren und begrundet die These, dass der Florentiner ein realistisches Menschbild hatte. Machiavelli ist ein „psychologischer Egoist“, der den Menschen als ein Wesen ansieht, dessen Handlungen durch seine Triebe, Wunsche und Leidenschaften motiviert werden, die ihn haufig zu unmoralischem Verhalten verleiten. Die zentralen Antriebe des Menschen sind „Ehrgeiz“ (ambizione) und „Habgier“ (avarizia). Der vorliegende Aufsatz untersucht auch Machiavellis Naturbegriff und zeigt, dass die Unwandelbarkeit der menschlichen Natur fur ihn die zentrale Pramisse ist, die eine wissenschaftliche Analyse von Politik ermoglicht. Trotz der Tatsache, dass die menschlichen Triebe und Fahigkeiten zu allen Zeiten dieselben sind, kann der Mensch durch gute Gesetze, militarisches Training und Religion verandert und zur „Tuchtigkeit“ (virtu) erzogen werden. Die Voraussetzungen fur derartige Veranderungen sind jedoch eine gute gesetzliche und politische Ordnung. Machiavelli rechtfertigt den Staat wegen dessen Fahigkeit, die menschliche Natur umzugestalten und den Menschen zu verbessern. Der Staat ist nicht blos eine Zwangsgewalt, sondern auch eine moralische Institution. Daraus ergibt sich die Konklusion, dass Machiavelli die Politik nicht von der Moral trennt, wie die meisten Wissenschaftler behaupten.

International audience; On 4 April 1438, the Feast of Saint Ambrose of Milan, Enea Silvio Piccolomini gave an oration, or rather a sermon, on Saint Ambrose to the Fathers at the Council of Basel. A couple of months before, the council had initiated the procedure for deposing Pope Eugenius IV and electing a new pope. In the sermon, Piccolomini gives a sketch of the life of Saint Ambrose, with special emphasis on his literary activities, his example of poverty as opposed to the vice of greed, and his independence vis-à-vis princes, i.e. the Roman Emperor. He also defends the use of classical pagan authors. His main sources are Paulinus’ biography of Saint Ambrose, the Historia Tripartita, some letters of Jerome, a number of classical authors, numerous quotes from the bible (several via Jerome), and the contemporary humanist, Poggio Bracciolini. In contrast with medieval hagiography, he does not greatly dwell of Ambrose’s miracles.

Lisansüstü tezlerin elektronik ortamda toplanması, düzenlenmesi ve erişime açılması konusuna ilişkin yök'ün 18.06.2018 tarihli yönergesine istinaden artık bu tarihten sonra gizlilik şartı aranmayan bütün tezler erişime açılacaktır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, dev bir külliyat olan İnsanlık Komedyası'nın bazı romanlarında Honoré de Balzac'ın para konusunu nasıl işlediğini tematik olarak incelemektir. Araştırmamız nitel özelliktedir. Para konusunu irdelemeye başlamadan önce, yazarımızın hayatını incelemek, yazarımızı daha yakından tanımaya çalıştık. İnsanlık Komedyası adı altında edebiyata kazandırdığı birbirinden farklı eserlerle hiç şüphesiz para temasını Balzac'tan dinlemek okuyucu için dönemi tanımak adına çok gerçekçi bir çalışma olacaktır. Bazı karakterlerini bir diğer romanında da bizle buluşturan ve sonunu merakla beklediğimiz eserlerini bir araya getirdik. Bu eserler Goriot Baba, Eugénie Grandet, Parfümcü Cesar Birotteau'nun Yükselişi ve Düşüşü, Sönmüş Hayaller ve Kibar Fahişelerin İhtişamı ve Çöküşü. Melankolisini, para sıkıntısı ve bunalımlarını karakterlerinde yaşattığını düşündüğümüz Balzac'ın romanlarını ele alırken, gerek kendi yorumlarımızla gerekse alıntılarla konunun bütünlüğünden çıkmadan tezimizi hazırlamayı planladık. Balzac, kendi eserlerinde döneminin eğilimlerini, davranış ve tutumlarını, hukuki ve para meselelerindeki ayna vazifesini üstlenirken, 19.yüzyıl Fransız toplumunu merak edenler için, bu eserlerin muhteşem gücünü fark ettik. Bir tarihçi gibi kronik ve sosyolojik olarak ilerleyen eserlerinde, okuyucunun da v merak edeceğini varsaydığımız "Bu yazar kimdir?" sorusunu yanıtlamaya ve belki de eserlerinden çok kendi hayatının merak edildiği bir yazar olması sebebiyle de tezimizde kendisine çokça yer vermeye çalıştık. Taşra, Paris karşıtlığı üzerinden, hemen her eserinin ana konusu olarak seçilen "para, hırs ve düzenbazlık", belirli bir yüzyıla mahsus olmayan ve tüm zamanların meselesi olduğunu bize düşündürdüğü için Balzac eserlerine bu şekilde yaklaşmayı uygun gördük. Sonuç olarak yazarımız kendi kadar dikkat çeken karakterleriyle 19.yüzyıl realist romanın öncüsü olmakla kalmamış, fark etmeden otobiyografik romanlar yazdığını da okuyucuya hissettirmiştir. This study's aim to examine thematically how Honoré de Balzac deals with money subject in some novels of the Human Comedy being a huge body of writings. Our research is qualitative. Before discussing money subjects, we have had opportunity to get closely acquainted with our author, Balzac by his autobiography. With different works from each other written by Balzac under the name of Human Comedy, presented to world literature, we have been convinced to do a scientific realistic research while treating "money theme" thanks to Balzac; this is because it would be background study for also readers. We have dealth with some novels having intercorrelated fictitious characters and so we could follow their finals. These studies are on Le Père Goriot, Eugénie Grandet, César Birotteau, Illusions perdues and Splendeurs et Misères des courtisanes. We have planned for a thesis wihout distrupting the integrity of topic both with personal statements and footnotes while we convey the Balzac's subjects reflecting his own melancholy, economic problem and crisis. When we study on Balzac's, we have realized the spectacular power of his novels on readers who wonder about French society in the 19st century because we have hypothesized that Balzac has taken a task like a social mirror reflecting his own period's tendancies, attitude and behaviour, judicial and money matters. In his chronic and sociologic work, on the point of the reader's common question "Who is this author?" we have tried to ix respond it and we have given place to Balzac's life greatly in our thesis; because we are aware that this author's life is an issue of concern as much as his novels. The themes characterised as province and Paris, money, greed and duplicity chosen as the main theme in most of novels, it is possible that they are the topics belonged to all times; not a century, not a time; therefore we have approached it in this way. As a consequence, with the striking characters as himself, Balzac has been not only the masterpiece of realist novel in the 19th. century but also made readers felt that he performed the autobiographic works knowingly or unknowingly.

A proposal fora psychologicaldefinition of Money Addiction or Money Dependence.

From the Middle Ages to Victorian era, the image of Jewish characters in English literature was mainly based on social stereotypes. Jewish characters are represented as dehumanised social creatures whose individual, personal traits border on madness and monstrosity. In that way literary fiction, together with the society creates images of the Jews which reveal processes of othering. Chaucer was the first author who used social stereotypes in creation of the villainous Jewish characters in his short story The Prioress’s Tale which was published in his collection The Canterbury Tales. The trend continued in Renaissance. Shakespeare’s character Shylock was one of the most famous Jewish villains in the world of literature. His main characteristics were avarice, slyness, greed and hatred towards Christians. His character was even included in the Nazi propaganda against the Jewish people in World War II. Marlowe’s character Barabas was the same as Shylock. Barabas’s name is important because of the connection with the Bible and the famous Jewish murderer. Victorian era brought the first positive Jewish character, Riah. His characteristics separated him from the other Jewish characters, such as altruism, sincerity and honesty. Riah is the character in the novel Our Mutual Friend, written by Dickens. The same author wrote the novel Oliver Twist. One of the main characters in the novel was Fagin. Fagin was similar to Shakespeare’s Shylock. His doings and relations with other people proved that Jewish stereotypes were actual in the Victorian era as well. A comparative reading of Chaucer’s The Prioress’s Tale and Dickens’s Oliver Twist proved that images of Jewish characters remained the same for five hundred years. The same jobs, actions and behaviour labelled Jewish characters from Middle Ages to Victorian era. Chaucer’s Jewish characters were prototypes for other Jewish characters in English literature including Dickens’s character Fagin, who is considered the most stereotypical Jewish character in the history of English literature. Od srednjeg vijeka do Viktorijanskog doba, prikaz likova Židova u engleskoj književnosti bazirao se na stereotipima. Likovi Židova prikazani su kao dehumanizirana društvena bića čija individualna svojstva graniče s ludosti i monstruoznosti. Na taj način književna fikcija zajedno s društvom stvaraju prikaz Židova koji otkriva procese drugotnosti. Chaucer je bio prvi autor koji je iskoristio društvene stereotipe u stvaranju zločinačkih židovskih likova u svojoj kratkoj priči The Prioress’s Tale koja je objavljena u njegovoj kolekciji The Canterbury Tales. Trend se nastavio u Renesansi. Shakespeareov lik Shylock bio je jedan od najpoznatijih židovskih zlikovaca u književnom svijetu. Njegove glavne karakteristike bile su škrtost, prepredenost, pohlepa i mržnja upućena prema kršćanima. Njegov lik bio je čak dio nacističke propagande protiv Židova u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Baraba, lik kojeg je stvorio Marlowe, bio je poput Shylocka. Barabino ime je bitno zbog poveznice s Biblijom i poznatim židovskim ubojicom. U Viktorijanskom dobu pojavio se prvi pozitivan židovski lik, Riah. Njegove karakteristike bile su suprotne onima koji su imali ostali likovi Židova poput iskrenosti, altruizma i poštenja. Riah je lik iz romana Our Mutual Friend kojeg je napisao Dickens. Isti autor napisao je roman Oliver Twist. Jedan od glavnih likova u romanu bio je Fagin. Fagin je bio sličan Shakespeareovom Shylocku. Njegova djela i odnosi s drugim ljudima dokazala su da su stereotipi o Židovima bili aktualni i u Viktorijanskom dobu. Usporedno čitanje Chaucerove priče The Prioress’s Tale i Dickensovog romana Oliver Twist dokazalo je da su prikazi likova Židova ostali isti kroz petsto godina. Isti poslovi, postupci i ponašanje etiketirali su likove Židova od Srednjeg vijeka do Viktorijanskog doba. Chaucerovi likovi Židova bili su prototipi za ostale likove Židova u engleskoj književnosti uključujući Dickensovog lika Fagina koji se smatra jednim od najstereotipnijih likova Židova u povijesti engleske književnosti.

The article deals with Cicero’s usage of ‘avaritia’. The research aims at the system analysis of the concept on the basis of the quantitative method. There are more than 150 examples of the usage of ‘avaritia’ and its derivatives (‘avarus’, ‘avare’) in Cicero’s works. The term is used most frequently in Cicero’s orations (approximately 100 times), especially in the invectives ‘Against Verres’ (55 examples), least of all — in his epistles (6 times). Avarice for Cicero is one of the most serious vices. It means an exaggerated opinion of money. Alongside with the negative moral categories (‘luxuria’ ‘luxuries’, ‘crudelitas’, ‘superbia’, etc.) and the positive ones opposed to avarice (the ethical notions of the Stoic philosophy (‘honestum’ / ‘honestas’, ‘virtus’, ‘officium’, ‘justitia’, ‘liberalitas’, ‘cogitatio’, ‘temperantia’, etc.) and primordially Roman ethical, political and juridical terms (‘dignitas’, ‘jus’, ‘lex’, etc.) the concept of ‘avaritia’ forms the core of the ethical, philosophical and political conceptual apparatus of Cicero’s works., {"references":["Berry, C. J. (1994). The Idea of Luxury: A Conceptual and Historical Investigation. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 292","Coffee, N. (2017). Gift and Gain. How Money Transformed Ancient Rome. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 312","Frazel, T. D. (2009). The Rhetoric of Cicero's 'In Verrem'. Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 264","Gorman, R. J., Gorman, V. B. (2017). Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 484","Patterson, J (2015). Representing Avarice in Late Renaissance France. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 319","Sandnes, K. O. (2004). Belly and Body in the Pauline Epistles. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 336","Litchfield, H. W. (1914). National exempla virtutis in Roman literature. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, V. 25. P. 1-71.","Stevenson, T. (2014). Julius Caesar and the Transformation of the Roman Republic. London and New York, Routledge, 212","Bragova, A. M. (2016). Ciceron o padenii nravov i neobkhodimosti nravstvennoi reformi v Rimskoi respublike I v. do nashei yeri (Cicero on moral decline and necessity of the ethic reform in the Roman republic of the 1st c. B. C.). Studia humanitatis, (2)","Bragova, A. M. (2017). Ciceron o roskoshi (Cicero on luxury). Juvenis scientia, (5), 40-41"]}

Greed, or avarice, is one of the cardinal sins. Protestant Swedish Finn folklore demonstrates expressions of greed, even if the actual term is not mentioned. In folk religion Christian norms and values are combined with elements of folk belief. Theologians certainly clarify the gospel, but how lay people have implemented it should also be considered. With the help of proverbs and folklore legends from rural Swedish-Finland in the nineteenth century, this paper reflects on the idea of the Sabbath, or holiday, and work, in combination with considerations of envy and ‘the limited good’. Greed can be regarded as an expression for work in the wrong time and in the wrong way.

Migrating from Greek mythology to scripture and ecclesiastical writing, sirens are best known for the perils they put on the road of Odysseus, and conversely, on that of the crucified Christ and on that of the pilgrim, two significations that Odysseus, the eternal voyageur tied to the mast, came to symbolize in the Middle Ages. Long acknowledged in past scholarship, the siren motif was perceived of as a multi-layered image, whose negative Homeric connotations suited an even vaster range of destructive meanings, moral, social and political. More than sheer misogyny, the hybrid sirens represent violation of social order, mainly that of the manly world. It is therefore no coincidence to find them dwelling in the biblical debauched town of Babylon, and in the land of Edom, destined to be destroyed, alongside hybrid centaurs, both in the Septuagint and in the Vulgate. These beasts gained much popularity throughout the Middle Ages, and embody the ultimate significance of evil in the medieval bestiary, as well as in a wide-ranging exegetical literature. This development may stand for the immense dispersion of the siren motif in Romanesque sculpture. Meant at an edifying purpose, sirens associated with urban destruction, lust, and avarice, signify the menace of sin they seduce humanity to fall into. The virtuous Christian, recognizing the long-enduring classical motif in its new Christian context should take the paradigm of Odysseus in his Christological typology, and restrain from evil. Though constituting a rather popular motif of Romanesque sculpture in general, sirens seem to inhabit many of the churches of the Auvergne and the Velay regions of France, along pilgrimage shrines, located lengthwise the Via Podiensis and crosswise routes, thus forming a marked feature of the local imagery. More than sheer enthusiasm for the antique, as past scholarship would have it, sirens seem to have chanted a very specific local chant in Auvergne-Velay. Constituting a major motif, which testifies to a profound understanding of their contextual implications, they represent a multifaceted image, denoting didactic, apotropaic, liturgical, social, and political messages. The context of pilgrimage and pilgrimage roads seems to have constituted a perfect setting for this multitude of sirens. The Via Podiensis was known as particularly uninviting. The mountainous topography, infested with thieves and brigands, provided lucrative opportunities of ambushing pilgrims on their way. It is the purpose of this paper to uncover the versatile imports of the siren antique motif in Romanesque Auvergne-Velay, by pointing out their meticulous perplexing delineation in the context of actual hardships pilgrims and congregants endured within pilgrimage shrines and roads. The first part of this paper will survey the range of allegorical significances of sirens from Homer to Jerome and to medieval exegeses, followed by a description of sirens in Auvergne-Velay. Then, I would like to suggest a new reading of the particular rendering of sirens in the small church of Pont-du-Château and in the pilgrimage church of Notre-Dame of Orcival, which may bear a local historical significance, resulting from the conflicting situations of pilgrims, on their way to worship the celestial realm.

This paper is an approach to the concept of money through four ways: philosophical, reverential, immortal and, finally, forth is based on avarice. Variousauthors such us Simmel, Maeztu and Goethe, among others, support the dissertation. Este artículo consiste en una aproximación a la noción de dinero a través de cuatro vías: filosófica, reverencial, inmortal y, finalmente, una cuarta basada en la avaricia. Diferentes autores como Simmel, Maeztu y Goethe, entre otros, prestan cobertura a la disertación.

El planteamiento de este artículo parte del excretor de monedas, personaje que se encuentra en la tabla del Infierno musical de El Jardín de las Delicias de Hieronymus Bosch. El objetivo que se plantea es estudiar si esta figura ha trascendido al arte escatológico contemporáneo como modelo y, por lo tanto, se la puede considerar como antecedente de este tipo de prácticas. La hipótesis de la que se parte es que, si bien existe cierto encuentro entre la imaginería fecal contemporánea y el excretor de monedas, este hecho no se debe a una recuperación deliberada de Bosch, sino a la coincidencia de un tema específico y su interpretación. Por lo tanto, no es factible hablar de una permanencia expresa y consciente del modelo bosquiano en el arte escatológico contemporáneo, sino que debería considerarse como precedente en un sentido cronológico., The approach of this article departs from the coin pooper, a figure depicted in Musicians’ Hell panel of The Garden of Earthly Delights by Hieronymus Bosch. The purpose is to study whether this character has transcended to contemporary scatological art as a model, and hence whether it may be considered as an antecedent of such practices. The assumption is made that, even though a certain encounter is evident between contemporary faecal imagery and the coin pooper, it is not due to a deliberated recuperation of Bosch but because of the coincidence of a specific issue and its interpretation. Thus, we could not speak of an express and conscious permanence of the Boschian model in contemporary scatological art but it should be considered as a precedent in a chronological sense.

The approach of this article departs from the coin pooper, a figure depicted in Musicians’ Hell panel of The Garden of Earthly Delights by Hieronymus Bosch. The purpose is to study whether this character has transcended to contemporary scatological art as a model, and hence whether it may be considered as an antecedent of such practices. The assumption is made that, even though a certain encounter is evident between contemporary faecal imagery and the coin pooper, it is not due to a deliberated recuperation of Bosch but because of the coincidence of a specific issue and its interpretation. Thus, we could not speak of an express and conscious permanence of the Boschian model in contemporary scatological art but it should be considered as a precedent in a chronological sense., El planteamiento de este artículo parte del excretor de monedas, personaje que se encuentra en la tabla del Infierno musical de El Jardín de las Delicias de Hieronymus Bosch. El objetivo que se plantea es estudiar si esta figura ha trascendido al arte escatológico contemporáneo como modelo y, por lo tanto, se la puede considerar como antecedente de este tipo de prácticas. La hipótesis de la que se parte es que, si bien existe cierto encuentro entre la imaginería fecal contemporánea y el excretor de monedas, este hecho no se debe a una recuperación deliberada de Bosch, sino a la coincidencia de un tema específico y su interpretación. Por lo tanto, no es factible hablar de una permanencia expresa y consciente del modelo bosquiano en el arte escatológico contemporáneo, sino que debería considerarse como precedente en un sentido cronológico.

Цель статьи разъяснить предпосылки, происхождение и применение раннехристианских наставлений в богословии св. ап. Павла путем анализа и экзегетического разбора 1-8 стихов 4 главы Первого послания к Фессалоникийцам на основе филологических сведений и экзегетических работ признанных исследователей в этой сфере последнего столетия., Te purpose of this article is to explain the preconditions, origins, and applications of early Christian moral counsels in the theology of St. Paul based on an exegetical analysis of the first eight verses of the fourth chapter of I Tessalonians. Te author relies on the best modern dictionaries of New Testament Greek as well as on exegetical works of the well-known scholars of the 20th century

L’article illustre les apports et les limites de l’anthropologie sociale pour l’étude de la littérature médiévale, et montre la nécessité d’une historicisation des concepts issus de cette discipline. Pour ce faire, il étudie la question du don dans quatre textes des xiie-xiiie siècles qui articulent un mésusage du don et l’intervention d’un être surnaturel. Le recours à la théorie de Marcel Mauss s’avère possible et fructueux dans le cas de textes promouvant une culture de l’honneur comparable à celle des sociétés étudiées par l’anthropologue ; dans les autres cas, la question du don doit être replacée dans le contexte des conceptions chrétiennes relatives aux biens matériels, aux échanges et à la charité. L’analyse fait apparaître que les textes ordonnent, dans la sphère de l’imaginaire, plusieurs fonctions sociales. D’une part, face à un dominant ayant manqué à ses devoirs de largesse, de charité ou de rétribution, se positionne un héros démuni : chevalier, clerc ou jongleur. D’autre part, face aux carences des biens et des acteurs terrestres, chaque texte met en scène un être surnaturel revêtu d’une fonction compensatoire, qui peut relever du merveilleux, du diabolique ou du divin.

Artiklen argumenterer for at den europæiske tradition for religionssatire opstod på tærsklen til det 12. århundrede, hvor en gruppe satirikere - for første gang i Europas historie - åbent gik til angreb på den kristne kirke. Artiklen argumenterer endvidere for at denne angrebsivrige satire ikke kan medregnes til den karnevalistiske tradition, som Mikhail Bakhtin har gjort berømt. Den udgør i stedet en selvstændig tradition, som er blevet videreført og videreudviklet af bl.a. Erasmus af Rotterdam, Jonathan Swift, Denis Diderot, Francois Voltaire, Heinrich Heine og mange flere. At the threshold of the twelfth century a seminal event occurred in European literature. For the first time in European history, satirical texts openly attacked the Christian Church exposing it as imbued with avarice, corruption, bribery, and greed for money. Satirical texts such as the "Treatise of Garcia of Toledo", which describes how clerics worship the ‘martyrs’ Silver and Gold, and the so-called "Money-Gospel" in which the pope praises the bliss of wealth, gave birth to a new and distinctly anticlerical form of satire. Although this new anticlerical satire at first only constituted a small and anonymous underground movement, it was later continued and developed by satirists such as Erasmus, Molière, Swift, Diderot, Voltaire and Heine. In this way, anticlerical satire became a major tradition in modern European literature. The article first describes how the European tradition for anticlerical satire was born out of an increasingly skeptical attitude towards clerical cupidity and simony in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Secondly, it analyses the above mentioned satires by focusing on the grotesque differences between Christian ideals and clerical practice in the satires. Finally, it argues that this new anticlerical satire constituted a tradition of its own, which was fundamentally different from the carnivalistic tradition, made famous by Mikhail Bakhtin.

Le thème de l’avarice appartient à une tradition de représentation religieuse et théâtrale, qui va des Écritures aux Moralités, en passant par la comédie gréco-latine, jusqu’à son apogée sur la scène classique. L’usurier juif Shylock est une expression très aboutie de cette mémoire représentative de l’avarice. L’intrigue, en relayant l’inquiétude de l’époque quant à la stabilité des valeurs économiques, politiques et culturelles, suspend ce personnage entre le comique et le tragique. Shylock confronte traits comiques antiquisants, allégorie religieuse du théâtre médiéval et topoi ethniques à une révision de la conception de l’usure et de l’intérêt, autrefois dénigrés par la morale chrétienne. Cette construction d’une nouvelle figure de l’avarice déstabilise le genre comique par une revalorisation (ou une dévalorisation ?) de ces concepts moraux et économiques et par une hybridation des genres. The theme of greed belongs to a long tradition of religious and moral literature that goes from the Holy Bible to Morality plays, through Greco-Roman comedy, and peaks in classical drama. Shylock, the Jewish usurer, is perfectly representative of this dramatic memory of avarice. In a plot fraught with contemporary doubts on economic, political and cultural values’ stability, Shakespeare’s miser and usurer balances between comedy and tragedy. Shylock synthesizes ancient and medieval features of comedy and allegory and ethnical topoi, and brings forth a revised conception of usury and interest, which is set apart from Christian morality. The conventions of comic drama are shaken by this construction of a new figure of avarice: not only a new value is given (or is all value denied?) to these moral and economic concepts, but drama genres are also hybridized. Therefore, a close observation of Shakespeare’s art of playwriting is crucial to a better understanding of how he spelled out a puzzling and threatening social context.

Die Hauptthese des Interviews lautet: Für eine gemeinwohlorientierte Politik ist es von großer Bedeutung, dass in der demokratischen Öffentlichkeit die richtigen Fragen gestellt werden. Ausgerechnet von Moraldiskursen aber geht die Gefahr aus, einer systematisch falschen Fragestellung den Weg zu weisen, nämlich dort, wo sie der Tendenz unterliegen, institutionelle Probleme als vermeintliche Charakterprobleme zu personalisieren. Neben Personeneigenschaften müssen wir die Anreizprobleme in Organisationen sowie die Anreizprobleme des Ordnungsrahmens zentral ins Blickfeld rücken. Sonst bleibt der demokratische Diskurs unter seinen Möglichkeiten, wenn es darum geht, die Zukunftsprobleme der Marktwirtschaft institutionell in Angriff zu nehmen. This interview is centered around the following main proposition: For politics to promote the common good, it is of vital importance that the democratic public asks the right questions. Moral discourse, however, can run the danger of systematically asking the wrong questions. This is the case where it tends to personalize problems which are in effect institutional problems. Besides the moral characteristics of individuals, public attention has to be drawn to incentive problems within organizations as well as to incentive problems of the institutional order that frames individual action. Without avoiding these two blind spots, public discourse will continue to have difficulty in coming to grips with the institutional answers to the numerous challenges posed by market economies.

L'émergence d'un « 'esprit' capitaliste » (Weber) en Angleterre et en France au tournant des XVIe-XVIIe siècles a favorisé la reconfiguration des rapports entre avaritia et cupiditas, qui déterminent tout le champ sémantique de l'usure et de l'intérêt. Cette thèse postule que cette évolution est sensible dans la comédie française et anglaise de l'époque, plus particulièrement chez les dramaturges qui ont marqué l'imaginaire collectif en mettant en scène des personnages avares. À partir d'un type comique issu à la fois du théâtre antique et du canon religieux bien établi dans l'Occident chrétien, l'appréhension nouvelle de l'argent comme objet et comme signe permet de construire une véritable figure moderne de l'avarice. Les protagonistes de chaque pièce, Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) et Harpagon, sont suspendus entre un or quasi divin, et l'univers plus ou moins connu de l'argent, medium en passe de devenir l'équivalent universel de tout bien, qu'ils pensent maîtriser grâce à leur trésor. S'ils s'intègrent parfaitement à la fluidité moderne des échanges économiques, culturels et sociaux, ils participent aussi à leur dévalorisation, par une activité et un discours proprement usuraires. Leur entourage tente de soumettre cette « labilité » des valeurs (Simmel) suscitée par l'économie de l'usurier-avare à un nouvel ordre, cosmique, éthique ou politique. Le conflit se résout devant la justice, instance discriminatoire externe et prétexte à la mise en abyme du jugement social. L'analyse des dénouements permet dès lors de comprendre le travail de chaque auteur sur la forme et la fonction de la comédie, à travers le texte, les genres, ou une esthétique de l'espace. Elle montre que chacun s'attache à valoriser l'apport de son art au public, dans une période de crise socio-économique., The emergence of a capitalist ‘spirit’ (Weber) in England and France at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries played a leading role in reconfiguring the relation between avaritia and cupiditas which determine the whole semantic field of usury and interest. This thesis postulates that this evolution is perceptible in French and British comedy at that time, in particular for some of the playwrights who staged miserly characters imprinted in our collective imagination. Starting from a comic type as common in Greek and Roman drama as it was in the well-established religious canon in the Christian West, a new understanding of money as object and as sign leads to the construction of a truly modern figure of avarice. Shylock, Volpone (Mosca) and Harpagon, hang on to a almost divine idea of gold and the more or less known world of money, medium they think they control through their treasure, and which is about to become the universal equivalent of any good. Those characters fit perfectly into this modern dynamic of economic, cultural and social exchanges, but they also contribute, with their strictly usurious speech, to its depreciation. Their entourage tries to tame this « lability » of values (Simmel) generated by the economy of the usurer-miser to a new order – a cosmic, ethical or political order. Conflicts are resolved by a court of law, external discriminatory authority and pretext for the mise-en-abyme of social judgment. The analysis of these denouements allows one to understand the work of each author in the comic form and function, through the text, the genres, or an aesthetic of space. It shows how much each author strived to value the contribution of his art to the public, in a time of socio-economic crisis., Réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, [À l'origine dans / Was originally part of : Thèses et mémoires - FAS - Département de littérature comparée]

National audience; This article deals with an individual characteristic that has been poorly documented in the marketing literature: miserliness or spending avoidance despite the absence of financial problems. A qualitative methodology based on individual interviews with tightwads and tightwads partners, as well as an analysis of forum discussions on the web, helped us describe three different types of misers: the frugal, the tightwad and the smart shoppers. We conclude with specific profile-related managerial recommendations.; Cet article s'intéresse à une caractéristique personnelle peu étudiée dans la littérature en marketing : la radinerie ou le fait de dépenser le moins d'argent possible en l'absence de difficultés financières. Au travers d'une démarche qualitative reposant sur des entretiens avec des radins et des conjoints de radins et sur l'analyse de conversations sur des forums de discussion sur Internet, nous décrivons et distinguons trois profils de radins : les économes, les avares et les consommateurs malins. Nous concluons avec des recommandations managériales propres à chacun de ces profils.

URL: http://sefad.selcuk.edu.tr/sefad/article/view/93, Mevlânâ, bütün eserlerinde, özellikle de Mesnevî’de Allah’ın kendisine halife olarak yarattığı insanın bu sıfatı hak edebilmesinin, nefsini terbiye ederek “şirk, küfür, kibir, gazap, kin, zulüm, düşmanlık, hırs, tama, haset, acelecilik” gibi şeytanî vasıflardan kurtulmasıyla mümkün olduğunu örneklerle vurgular. Bir eğitim metodu olarak çoğunlukla vermek istediği mesajı zıddıyla öğretmeyi tercih eden Mevlânâ, insanın yaradılışta kendisine verilen bu değere layık olabilmesi ve meleklere eş mükemmel bir tıynete ulaşması için; “itaat, şükür, alçak gönüllülük, hilm, adalet, sevgi, kanaat, sabır” gibi müspet sıfatlarla donanması gerekliliği üzerinde durarak müspet ve menfi sonuçları da açıkça verir. İnsanın bu müspet sıfatları öne çıkarmasını sağlayacak çarpıcı teşbih ve nasihatlerle, kâmil insan olmasında ve gerçek kulluk şuuruna erişmesinde rehberlik eder. Şüphesiz bu şuura ulaşmayı engelleyecek menfi karakter özelliklerinden biri, belki de en başta geleni “hırs”tır. Mevlânâ, Mesnevî’de bu konuyu “dünya hırsı, mal-mülk hırsı, mevki hırsı, yeme hırsı” gibi çeşitli alt başlıklara dair hikâyeler, teşbihler ve sosyal hayattan örneklerle ele almaktadır. Yazımızda, bu örnekler tespit edilerek, Mevlânâ’nın; insanın bu kötü huydan kurtulabilmesi için sunduğu telkin, ikaz ve öğütlerine dikkat çekmektedir., Mawlana (Rumi) emphasises in all of his works, especially in the Mathnawi with examples, that it is possible for humans, whom God created as His caliph, to deserve this title by disciplining the self and getting rid of evil qualities such as “polytheism, blasphemy, conceit, wrath, spite, persecution, enmity, greed, avarice, grudge and haste. Mawlana, who prefers to teach the opposite through its opposite as a teaching method, states that humans should be equipped with favourable qualities such as “obedience, thankfulness, modesty, gentleness, fairness, love, contentment and patience” in order to be worthy of the value granted to them in Creation and acquire a character that is equal to those of angels and clearly demonstrates the positive and negative results. Mawlana guides humans in attaining to be mature people with true awareness of being God’s servants by using striking metaphors and recommendations which will highlight these positive human qualities. “Greed” is naturally one of the most negative character traits or perhaps the foremost one that will prevent attaining this consciousness. Mawlana handles this issue in Mathnawi with stories, metaphors and examples from social life belonging to various subtitles such as “greed for the mundane, greed for property and livestock, and greed to eat”. In our paper, these examples will be determined, and attention will be drawn to the suggestions, warnings and advice that Mawlana offers for humans to get rid of this bad habit.

A instituição do purgatório proporciona uma terceira via para o destino das almas após a morte. Muito impulsionada pelo surgimento de novos estratos sociais, associados ao comércio, traduzia a necessidade de mudança, pois cada vez mais, rejeitavam-se idéias e explicações de caráter simplista e a sociedade voltava-se contra os modelos estritamente antagônicos. Em 1303, Giotto é convidado a pintar uma sequência de afrescos para Enrico Scrovegni, usurário paduano e filho do recém-falecido Reginaldo Scrovegni; este citado por Dante devido a sua extrema avareza. Enrico, após a morte do pai, talvez tenha pensado em alguma forma de apressar a chegada de Reginaldo ao Paraíso. Da Cappella Scrovegni, com seu conjunto iconográfico extenso e variado, queremos focar nossa atenção no afresco cujo tema é a Injustiça. The institution of the Purgatory provides a third way for the destination of the souls after death. It was driven by the appearance of the new social stratum, associated with trade, and translated the need of change, because each time more, the ideas and explanations of simplistic character were refused and the society turned against the antagonistic models. In 1303, Giotto is invited to paint a fresco cycle for Enrico Scrovegni, paduan usurer and son of the recently deceased Reginaldo Scrovegni; mentioned by Dante due to his extreme avarice. Enrico, after the death of his father, maybe had thought something to hurry Reginaldo's arrival in Paradise. From the Scrovegni Chapel, with its extensive and varied iconographic cycle, we want to focus our attention on the fresco, whose theme is Injustice.

traduction d'Inna Merkoulova; International audience

Traduction de Rodica Paliga; International audience

In this book chapter, Dr. Davis examines the depiction of a dissimulated desire for material improvement (mejora) as it is expressed in the epic poetry of imperial Spain, particularly in Alonso de Ercilla's La Araucana. She shows that within the aristocratic context of the times, the desire for personal betterment or "mejora" is always contingent upon the need to demonstrate one's accomplishments as a king's man who has served the imperial monarchy in arduous battles and difficulties, sometimes in an effort to conquer distant lands. Davis argues that the contrast between these two demands gives rise to an important tension that is perceptible in the text and that leads to an exhaustion the reader senses in the narrative voice toward the end of the long epic poem.

International audience

Dans ce premier roman, le h��ros conna��t une initiation, entre �� perte ��, aspiration �� se fondre dans le monde, et �� avarice ��, instinct de conservation qui change cette pulsion de mort en une parole d��miurgique. Le motif de la fleur permet d���explorer les moyens d���une r��solution de la contradiction., In this first novel, the hero undergoes an initiation, a mix between ���loss,��� a desire to disappear into the world, and ���avarice,��� the self-preservation instinct that changes this death drive into demiurgic speech. The motif of the flower allows us to explore how to resolve the contradiction.

La Philosophie de l’argent de Georg Simmel s’enquiert autant des modalités par lesquelles les processus monétaires peuvent être pervertis que de la façon dont l’argent peut lui-même pervertir les termes d’une culture. Après avoir analysé ce que l’on peut considérer chez Simmel au titre des structures perverses contredisant la dynamique interactionniste et vitaliste, notre article en chantier vise à étudier de plus près ce qu’il en est d’une modalité sociale d’agir motivée par une culture spécifique de l’argent, soit le cynisme. Cette attitude, plus qu’une seule disposition psychologique à l’origine d’un certain rapport à l’argent, se voit conditionnée socialement par une interférence d’un média fétichisé, dans les élaborations sociologiques d’acteurs sociaux quant aux faits de valeur., In The Philosophy of Money, Georg Simmel examined both the modalities by which monetary processes may be perverted and the manner in which money may, in turn, pervert a culture. Having analysed what may be considered in Simmel’s thought to deal with perverse structures contradicting interactionist and vitalist dynamics, this article (in progress) aims to examine more closely a social modality of action motivated by a specific money culture : that is, cynicism. More than simply a psychological disposition underpinning a certain relationship with money, this attitude is socially conditioned by the interference of a fetishized media within sociological elaborations of social actors in relation to value facts., En su Filosofía del dinero George Simmel se interroga tanto acerca de las modalidades por medio de las cuales los procesos monetarios pueden ser pervertidos, como acerca de la manera como el dinero puede en sí mismo pervertir los términos de una cultura. Después de haber analizado lo que puede ser considerado en Simmel como las estructuras perversas que contradicen la dinámica integracionista y vitalista, nuestro artículo, en desarrollo, apunta a estudiar más de cerca lo que podría ser una modalidad social de actuar, motivada por una cultura específica del dinero, es decir el cinismo. Esta actitud, más que una disposición psicológica que origina cierta relación con el dinero, se ve condicionada socialmente por una interferencia del medio fetichista en las elaboraciones sociológicas de actores sociales en cuanto a hechos de valor.