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Resumen Este artículo analiza cómo a inicios del siglo XIX las autoridades en Nueva Granada y Venezuela percibieron las revoluciones en el Caribe francés. Para ello, rastrea la ruta de una flota francesa que partió de Martinica con el fin de vender más de doscientos prisioneros de guerra negros. Contemporáneos describieron la llegada de esta expedición con analogías entre enfermedad, epidemia y revolución. Se argumenta que las metáforas orgánicas estructuraron las decisiones de las autoridades al rechazar o aceptar la trata de estos deportados. Asimismo, con evidencia de contrabando, se ilustra cómo hicieron uso selectivo de estas metáforas al tratar de prevenir nuevas rebeliones. Abstract This article analyzes how, at the turn of the nineteenth century, officials in Nueva Granada and Venezuela perceived the revolutions in the French Caribbean. Accordingly, it tracks the route of a French fleet that sailed from Martinique to sell more than two hundred black prisoners of war. Contemporaries described the arrival of this expedition with analogies among diseases, epidemics, and revolution. It argues that organic metaphors structured the decisions officials made in accepting, or rejecting, the traffic of these deported people. By showing evidence of smuggling, the article also illustrates how authorities selectively used these metaphors while trying to prevent new rebellions.

Recent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation-states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation-state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation-states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past.

Aquest número monogràfic investiga com els comerciants van contribuir a la construcció d’un nou ordre en temps de guerra, conflicte polític i disrupció de les pràctiques comercials durant l’Era de les Revolucions, dos segles enrere. Aquest aplec d’articles forma part d’una lectura policèntrica de transformacions històriques que –sense negar la primacia de la política i del poder militar– subratlla les negociacions complexes que hi va haver a la base de l’establiment de noves relacions de força. Analitza així les profundes conseqüències globals de la caiguda de l’Imperi Espanyol a Amèrica, particularment pel que fa al declivi del mercantilisme i a la reconfiguració del comerç atlàntic i inter-pacífic. Un element crucial d’aquesta transformació en va ser l’economia de guerra, que va tenir implicacions no tan sols a l’Amèrica espanyola, sinó també en el conjunt del món hispànic i més enllà. Homes de negocis i comerciants globals, tant estrangers com hispànics, estratègicament situats en un espai imperial en fragmentació, les xarxes i negocis dels quals unien Europa, Àsia i les Amèriques, van actuar en el buit creat per la crisi de la monarquia espanyola, en el que va ser un moment fluid i fundacional. Mitjançant l’anàlisi de les xarxes de negocis i personals que van construir, redefinir i renegociar el rol de l’Amèrica hispànica en l’economia global, els treballs d’aquest número investiguen com les Guerres napoleòniques i les Guerres d’Independència contra Espanya van accelerar l’emergència de nous actors, pràctiques, regles del joc i circuits mercantils. Aquesta prosopografia de comerciants trans-regionals i globals, per tant, mostra trajectòries a través de les quals, malgrat la dificultat, aquests comerciants apareixen com una força maièutica en el naixement del món modern., This special issue investigates how in the times of war, political turmoil, and disruption of commercial practices during the Age of Revolutions two centuries ago, merchants appear as demiurges of a new order. This is part of a polycentric reading of epochal transformations that does not deny the primacy of politics and military power in establishing relations of force, but which underlines the complex negotiations at their base. The collection of essays looks at the profound global consequences of the fall of the Spanish American empire, particularly as they related to the decline of mercantilism and the reconfiguration of both Atlantic and inter-Pacific commerce. A crucial element in this transformation was the war economy, which had implications not only in Spanish America, but in the whole of the Hispanic world and beyond. Global merchants or businessmen —foreigners and Hispanic— strategically located in the Hispanic World, whose networks and affairs linked Europe, Asia and the Americas, worked within the vacuum created by the crisis of the Spanish monarchy in what was a fluid and foundational moment. The essays investigate how the Napoleonic Wars and the Wars of Independence against Spain accelerated the emergence of new actors, practices, rules and commercial circuits, by analyzing the personal and business networks that built, redefined and renegotiated the role of Hispanic America in the global economy. This prosopography of merchants thus shows trajectories through which, despite infinite difficulties, global and transregional merchants appear as one of the maieutic forces in the birth of the modern world., Este número monográfico investiga cómo los comerciantes contribuyeron a la construcción de un nuevo orden en tiempos de guerra, conflicto político y disrupción de las prácticas comerciales durante la Era de las Revoluciones, dos siglos atrás. Este conjunto de artículos forma parte de una lectura policéntrica de transformaciones históricas que –sin negar la primacía de la política y del poder militar– subraya las negociaciones complejas que estuvieron en la base del establecimiento de nuevas relaciones de fuerza. Analiza así las profundas consecuencias globales de la caída del Imperio Español en América, particularmente en lo que se refiere al declive del mercantilismo y a la reconfiguración del comercio atlántico e inter-pacífico. Un elemento crucial de esta transformación fue la economía de guerra, que tuvo implicaciones no tan solo en la América española, sino en el conjunto del mundo hispánico y más allá. Hombres de negocios y comerciantes globales, tanto extranjeros como hispánicos, estratégicamente situados en un espacio imperial en fragmentación, y cuyas redes y negocios unían Europa, Asia y las Américas, actuaron en el vacío creado por la crisis de la monarquía española, en lo que fue un momento fluido y fundacional. Mediante el análisis de las redes de negocios y personales que construyeron, redefinieron y renegociaron el rol de la América hispánica en la economía global, los trabajos en este número investigan cómo las Guerras napoleónicas y las Guerras de Independencia contra España aceleraron la emergencia de nuevos actores, prácticas, reglas del juego y circuitos mercantiles. Esta prosopografía de comerciantes trans-regionales y globales, por consiguiente, muestra trayectorias a través de las cuales, a pesar de la dificultad, dichos comerciantes aparecen como una fuerza mayéutica en el nacimiento del mundo moderno.

The independence movements in the Americas in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were all born of alliances between elites and the subaltern, most of whom were nonwhites. This article compares the roles of Brazilian nonwhites in the independence struggle to the activities of those in British and Spanish America. The focus is on three groups: slaves, free people of color, and indigenous people. Some members of these groups took the initiative to join revolutionary movements, but many were forcibly recruited. Each group had their own agendas, but few of their demands were reflected in the new constitutions that were adopted. The independence movements in the Americas in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were all born of alliances between elites and the subaltern, most of whom were nonwhites. This article compares the roles of Brazilian nonwhites in the independence struggle to the activities of those in British and Spanish America. The focus is on three groups: slaves, free people of color, and indigenous people. Some members of these groups took the initiative to join revolutionary movements, but many were forcibly recruited. Each group had their own agendas, but few of their demands were reflected in the new constitutions that were adopted.

Resumen Este artículo plantea una reflexión sobre la importancia histórica de la dimensión bélica de los procesos de desintegración y colapso de las monarquías ibéricas en América y de establecimiento de los Estados nacionales a partir del ámbito mexicano como estudio de caso. Una de sus intenciones es mostrar la pertinencia del concepto “cultura de guerra” para evaluar los múltiples impactos de aquellos conflictos en las sociedades iberoamericanas del primer cuarto del siglo XIX y las formas en que individuos, grupos y comunidades modificaron sociabilidades, organización y conductas a partir de la violencia y la movilización armada. Con el énfasis puesto en las prácticas, las experiencias y las intenciones de los sujetos involucrados en la guerra revolucionaria de Nueva España que resultaron en la independencia de México, la propuesta evalúa las perspectivas de los combatientes, los no combatientes y los impulsos institucionales de control, vigilancia y seguridad del nuevo orden. Abstract This article offers a discussion on the historical importance of the war dimension of the processes of disintegration and collapse of the Iberian monarchies in America and the establishment of national states, using Mexico as a case study. One of its intentions is to show the relevance of the concept “ war culture” to evaluate the multiple impacts of those conflicts in the Ibero-American societies of the first quarter of the 19th century and the ways in which individuals, groups and communities modified sociability, organization and behaviors through violence and armed mobilization. With an emphasis on the practices, experiences and intentions of the subjects involved in the revolutionary war in New Spain that produced the Mexican Independence, the proposal evaluates the perspectives of combatants, non-combatants and the institutional impulses of control, vigilance and security of the new order.

Resumo Este artigo versa sobre o viajante e pensador londrino John Walking Stewart (1747-1822), figura pouco estudada entre os historiadores. Quase todos os registros encontrados sobre o andarilho consideram-no, tanto em sua época como na posteridade, um “excêntrico”. De acordo com Benjamin Rush, o próprio autor teria dito que, “enquanto o centro da conduta ordinária for o erro”, ele estaria em “estado de excentricidade para sempre”. Seus textos são permeados por temas como o vitalismo, o espinosismo e o fascínio pela Índia, o que levou os historiadores a o qualificarem como um antecessor do “vegetarianismo romântico”, do “pós-estruturalismo”, do “socialismo owenita” e do “pós-humanismo”. Apoiado na escassa historiografia sobre o assunto, nos escritos do autor (em especial, Apocalypse of Nature e The Revelation of Nature) e nas diversas fontes primárias a que tivemos acesso (principalmente seu obituário, os textos de seu amigo De Quincey e de seu parente Brande), este artigo propõe-se a compreender e superar o paradigma da excentricidade na interpretação da vida e obra de Stewart, auxiliando no entendimento tanto do autor em seu próprio tempo, quanto da própria natureza do Iluminismo Tardio. Pretende-se, em resumo, oferecer outros caminhos de compreensão da vida e da obra de Walking Stewart. Abstract This article focuses on an author scarcely studied by historians: the traveler and thinker John “Walking” Stewart (1747-1822). Almost all available records (produced during his lifetime or later on) portray him as an “eccentric”. According to Benjamin Rush, the author himself would have said that “as long as the center of ordinary conduct is error”, he would remain in “eccentricity forever”. His texts are permeated by themes such as vitalism, Spinozism and a fascination with India, which led historians to qualify him as a predecessor of “romantic vegetarianism”, “post-structuralism”, “Owenite socialism”, and “Post-humanism”. Based on existing historiography on the subject, texts by the author (in particular, Apocalypse of Nature and The Revelation of Nature), and several primary sources (mainly his obituary and texts by his friend De Quincey and his relative Brande), this article aims to understand and to overcome the paradigm of eccentricity in the interpretation of Stewart’s life and works. This effort will allow us to better understand the importance of the author and the very nature of Late Enlightenment. The key intention is, therefore, to offer alternative ways of understanding the life and the works of “Walking” Stewart.

This article explores the political languages which Greek revolutionaries employed between roughly 1821 and 1828, and the multiple ways in which these languages found their way into the political projects they put into force (or sought to do so). It does so by considering the revolution as an open-ended political crisis during which revolutionaries were forced to address – theoretically and practically – the fundamental issues of political power: its source, its location and its organisation. As it shows, the frameworks for political action (or “scripts”) the revolutionaries drew on varied and fed into alternative visions of statehood (national, federal, local). By uncovering and understanding these alternatives, as well as why some predominated over others, the article aims to: propose an alternative genealogy of “the political” in the Greek revolution; shed new light on the liberalism(s) of the Revolution; and bring the perspective of the Greek world into the discussion about the importance of the revolutionary wave of the 1820s.

This thesis presents an analysis of the 1797 fleet mutinies at Spithead and the Nore based on an application of methodologies drawn from social, economic, and cultural history. Using both quantitative and qualitative sources, I present a new interpretation of these momentous events that reveals the centrality of perceptions of fairness and ‘good usage’ to their causation, course, and legacy with implications for historiographies of labour relations and popular protest. I have analysed the evidence used in previous studies to support the interpretation that the mutinies were revolutionary in their intentions and concluded that this does not provide a credible case. For the first time, I have quantified the impact of the stagnation of sailors’ wages between 1653 and 1797 on their purchasing power and conclude that this was a, but not the, cause of mutiny. Through the study of mutineer writings, rhetoric, and behaviour, I argue that insult and hurt pride were key motivators of mutiny and that relative rather than absolute naval conditions were pivotal causes of dissatisfaction. I assert that complex social inversions were employed by mutineer leaders to create legitimacy and encourage obedience towards their regime while minimising the need for violence or coercion. The practical challenges inherent to daily life during mutiny are contended to have encouraged continuity and moderation on both sides. Far from a ‘terror’, the judicial response to the mutinies was, I conclude, both pragmatic and conciliatory, while also within precedent for naval justice and reflective of judicial practice in civil society. The public perceptions of the mutinies are found to have been hotly contested and rehabilitation of the navy had to wait for redemption provided by victory at sea. Frequent comparisons are drawn between naval practice and the wider attitudes and prevailing circumstances in British society on shore.

Em setembro de 1822, D. Pedro, Príncipe Regente do Brasil e herdeiro da Coroa Portuguesa, declara o rompimento das relações políticas com o Império Português, assim findando o Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves. Diferentemente das independências hispano-americanas, o caso brasileiro revelou-se singular ao preservar no Novo Mundo o sistema de governo monárquico, além de manter unidas as províncias luso-americanas no novo Estado independente em formação. Esta dissertação de mestrado busca examinar a conjuntura sociopolítica e as circunstâncias subjacentes à concretização deste desenlace, diante da existência de diversas forças atuantes. Amparado por relevante bibliografia e por fontes primárias, o trabalho analisa três marcos de influência histórica: a “Era das Revoluções”; a Transferência da Corte para o Brasil; e as Relações com as Cortes de Lisboa. O trabalho analisa ainda o papel da linguagem na escalada das tensões políticas após a extinção dos censores régios e a sua contribuição para a desfecho secessionista. In September 1822, Dom Pedro, Brazil’s Prince Regent and heir of the Portuguese Crown, severed the political relationship with the Portuguese Empire, thereby ending the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves. Unlike the hispano-american independences, the Brazilian case was unique insofar as it preserved in the New World the monarchic form of government, while also maintained united the luso-american provinces under one single independent State in the making. This master dissertation seeks to examine the socio-political state of affairs and circumstances that underlie the unfolding of such an outcome, amidst the existence of a number of acting forces. Supported by relevant bibliography and primary sources, this work analyses three main aspects of historical influence: The “Age of Revolutions”; the Transfer of the Portuguese Court to Brazil and the Relationship with the Lisbon Cortes. It also analyses the role of language in the rise of political tensions following the abolition of royal censorship and its contribution to the secessionist outcome.

This article gives an overview of the historiographic revolution that the study of the Enlightenment has gone through in the last fifteen years in the Western world and assesses part of the recent bibliography on the Spanish and Spanish American Enlightenments. It is also a critical analysis not only of Jonathan Israel’s perspective on the Spanish American Enlightenment, but mainly, in a more general sense, of the a-critical application of the categories ‘Enlightenment’ and ‘Counter- Enlightenment’ to Spain and, particularly, to the Spanish American case. As the Spanish American Enlightenment shows, this was a social and intellectual process with a series of peculiarities or specificities that complicate the indiscriminate application of the aforementioned categories. A critical review of Israel’s interpretation of the Spanish American Enlightenment and especially the ambiguous character of the Spanish American Counter-Enlightenment brings to the fore the need for a more subtle and profound debate on these issues.

Am 6.September 1839 zog eine Menschenmenge von ungefähr 5000 Mann vom Zürcher Oberland in die Stadt Zürich ein und stürzte die radikal-liberale Kantonsregierung. Der Grund für diese Umwälzung fußt im Versuch seitens des Erziehungsrates, den hegelianischen Theologen David Friedrich Strauß gegen den Willen der Kirchenbehörde auf den Lehrstuhl für Dogmatik der Universität Zürich zu berufen. Das ad hoc gegründete Zentralkomitee bestehend aus Vertretern der Kirche und konservativen Politikern kanalisierte den Widerstand gegen diese regierungsrätlichen Bestrebungen. Der Auslöser für den Aufstand war letztlich das Gerücht, die Regierung habe fremde Truppen zur Wahrung der Ordnung aufgeboten. Aufgrund des konservativen Charakters des als „Züriputsch“ in die Geschichte eingegangenen Ereignisses verwehrte die Schweizer Historiographie diesem eine revolutionäre Würde und stigmatisierte es weitgehend. Im Gegenzug etablierte sich das negativ konnotierte Wort „Putsch“ auch außerhalb des deutschsprachigen Raumes. Der vorliegende Artikel beabsichtigt, die damalige Publizistik im Nachbeben des Ereignisses einer historisch-semantischen Analyse zu unterziehen, die einerseits der entsprechenden Bezeichnung unter Beachtung von Semasiologie und Onomasiologie und andererseits des historischen Narrativs Rechnung tragen soll., On September 6, 1839 a crowd of about 5,000 people started marching from the Zurich highlands towards the city of Zurich and finally overthrew the liberal-radical government. This was due to the government’s intention to appoint the Hegelian theologian David Friedrich Strauß to the chair of dogmatics at the University of Zurich against the will of the Church authorities. Representatives of the Church and conservative politicians had founded a Central Committee in order to channel the protest against the political leaders’ intentions. In addition, the rebellion was triggered off by the rumour that the government was about to mobilise foreign troops to maintain order. Due to the conservative character of the „Züriputsch“, as this event went down in history, Swiss historiography denied it a sort of revolutionary dignity and stigmatised it to a large extent. Instead the negatively connoted term „Putsch“ took root in the German-speaking world and beyond. The present article aims at analysing the publications in the aftermath of the event, from the point of view of historical semantics. It considers the terms used to describe the events in Zurich, as well as the independent career of the term „Putsch“ with respect to the German Revolution of 1848/49. Finally, some observations on the metahistorical narratives are made.

Los movimientos migratorios entre las dos orillas del Atlántico han sido de gran relevancia, tanto por su cantidad como por su heterogeneidad, desde el momento en que estos territorios se pusieron en contacto. El flujo constante de personas, así como de mercancías e ideas en este ámbito oceánico, propició que en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII los círculos republicanos ingleses y americanos estrecharan sus vínculos, con algunas mujeres como activistas notables. La escritora inglesa Catharine Macaulay (1731-1791), además de escribir sobre los cruciales acontecimientos del momento, cruzó el océano con el deseo de estar cerca y vivirlos en primera persona. Por otro lado, debido a intereses comunes mantuvo una intensa relación epistolar durante más de veinte años con la escritora americana Mercy Otis Warren (1728-1814). A pesar de las limitaciones que encontraron en ámbitos primordialmente masculinos, como el de la historia y la política, la contribución de estas mujeres no se limitó al esperable apoyo, sino que sus inquietudes se plasmaron en algunos importantes escritos para la causa republicana. Pese a ello y paradójicamente, estos movimientos revolucionarios no conllevaron cambios significativos en la situación y los derechos de las mujeres. Migratory movements between both sides of the Atlantic have been highly relevant, both in terms of their numbers and heterogeneity, right from the moment that contact was established. The constant flow of people, as well as of goods and ideas, in the Ocean scenario during the second half of the eighteenth century fostered the strengthening of bonds between English and American republican circles, with some women as notable activists. The English writer Catharine Macaulay (1731-1791), besides writing about the crucial events of the time, crossed the Atlantic with the desire of being there and experiencing everything first hand. Additionally, an intense epistolary exchange, the result of shared interests, kept her in contact with the American writer Mercy Otis Warren (1728-1814) for more than twenty years. Despite the restrictions these two women found in fields, such as history and politics, considered chiefly male, their contribution was not just the expected support, but also some important writings in which they expressed their concerns about the republican cause. Notwithstanding all this, and paradoxically, these revolutionary movements did not bring about significant changes in the situation and rights of women.

El artículo consiste en un conjunto de reflexiones sobre el estado y las posibilidades de renovación de los estudios sobre nación y nacionalismo a partir de los problemas de una investigación sobre los procesos de construcción nacional en España, Francia, Reino Unido y Portugal durante la era de las revoluciones. De esta forma, aborda la ya señalada necesidad de la desnacionalización de nuestros instrumentos teóricos y la utilidad de la incorporación de perspectivas comparadas, transnacionales, desde abajo y con una perspectiva individual, particularmente útiles y a la vez complicadas para el periodo seleccionado. Finalmente, propone la utilización de narrativas personales y la búsqueda efectiva del papel de la nación en la vida de los sujetos individuales como vías de renovación. L'article consisteix en un conjunt de reflexions sobre l'estat i les possibilitats de renovació dels estudis sobre nació i nacionalisme a partir dels problemes d'una recerca sobre els processos de construcció nacional a Espanya, França, Regne Unit i Portugal durant l'era de les revolucions. D'aquesta forma, aborda la ja assenyalada necessitat de la desnacionalización dels nostres instruments teòrics i la utilitat de la incorporació de perspectives comparades, transnacionals, des de baix i amb una perspectiva individual, particularment útils i alhora complicades per al període seleccionat. Finalment, proposa la utilització de narratives personals i la cerca efectiva del paper de la nació en la vida dels subjectes individuals com a vies de renovació. The article consists in some reflections and proposals about the state of knowledge and possibilities of renovation of Nations and Nationalism Studies, drawing on the problems from a research on the nation-building processes in Spain, France, United Kingdom and Portugal during the Age of Revolutions. Thus, it approaches the already noted need to de-nationalize our theoretical tools, and the utility of incorporating comparative, transnational, bottom-up and individual perspectives, particularly useful and at once complicated for the selected period. Finally, it proposes the usage of personal narratives and the search of the actual nation's role in the individual subjects' lives as ways of renovation.

L'article consisteix en un conjunt de reflexions sobre l'estat i les possibilitats de renovació dels estudis sobre nació i nacionalisme a partir dels problemes d'una recerca sobre els processos de construcció nacional a Espanya, França, Regne Unit i Portugal durant l'era de les revolucions. D'aquesta forma, aborda la ja assenyalada necessitat de la desnacionalización dels nostres instruments teòrics i la utilitat de la incorporació de perspectives comparades, transnacionals, des de baix i amb una perspectiva individual, particularment útils i alhora complicades per al període seleccionat. Finalment, proposa la utilització de narratives personals i la cerca efectiva del paper de la nació en la vida dels subjectes individuals com a vies de renovació., The article consists in some reflections and proposals about the state of knowledge and possibilities of renovation of Nations and Nationalism Studies, drawing on the problems from a research on the nation-building processes in Spain, France, United Kingdom and Portugal during the Age of Revolutions. Thus, it approaches the already noted need to de-nationalize our theoretical tools, and the utility of incorporating comparative, transnational, bottom-up and individual perspectives, particularly useful and at once complicated for the selected period. Finally, it proposes the usage of personal narratives and the search of the actual nation’s role in the individual subjects’ lives as ways of renovation., El artículo consiste en un conjunto de reflexiones sobre el estado y las posibilidades de renovación de los estudios sobre nación y nacionalismo a partir de los problemas de una investigación sobre los procesos de construcción nacional en España, Francia, Reino Unido y Portugal durante la era de las revoluciones. De esta forma, aborda la ya señalada necesidad de la desnacionalización de nuestros instrumentos teóricos y la utilidad de la incorporación de perspectivas comparadas, transnacionales, desde abajo y con una perspectiva individual, particularmente útiles y a la vez complicadas para el periodo seleccionado. Finalmente, propone la utilización de narrativas personales y la búsqueda efectiva del papel de la nación en la vida de los sujetos individuales como vías de renovación.

For a more recent version of this publication, please see: https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/37837 - This dissertation deals with the question how Americans, Frenchmen, and Dutchmen reconsidered their ideas and ideals of citizenship during the immediate aftermath of the Haitian Revolution and the Terror in Jacobin France; and how, consequently, a shared, transatlantic, revolutionary citizenship discourse diverged into nationalized conceptions of citizenship. In the opening years of the 1790s, there was a convergence of citizenship ideals held by Americans, Dutchmen, and Frenchmen who felt part of a revolutionary movement which seemed to transcend their own situation. The momentous and, to many, shocking events of the Terror in Jacobin France and the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue raised questions about equality and participation which led many to reconsider the desirability of some of the more radical principles of revolutionary citizenship. The slave revolt in Saint-Domingue and the Terror became transnationally shared points of reference, colouring events at home, and influencing a range of arguments in domestic political debates. This experience shattered the ideological unity of an Atlantic revolutionary movement – and moment – and led to a divergence and nationalization of citizenship discourses.The Haitian Revolution incited the invocation of a discourse of civilizational progress and backwardness to circumvent and counter the invoked logic of the rights of man and citizen. Many of these civilizational arguments for exclusion crystallized in the 1790s, precisely because it was in this decade that citizenship was redefined in a universalistic and egalitarian key. The exclusion of certain groups from citizenship required justifications responsive to the revolutionary principle of the equal rights of man. Saint-Domingue became, and would long remain, a key reference point in such schemes of argumentation. It was widely invoked as the ultimate proof that citizenship should not be attributed to those who are not (yet) civilized or enlightened. The French ‘experiment’ with universalism on Saint-Domingue contributed to a picture of the French Revolution as a revolution run wild, preaching radical and civilizational equality. These sentiments towards French radicalism contributed to the falling apart of transatlantic citizenship ideals once shared. The Terror in Jacobin France led many to substantially reconsider the revolutionary, democratic-republican ideal of participatory citizenship. American Federalists, French Thermidorians, as well as a considerable number of Batavian revolutionaries came to hold deep suspicions about politicized popular societies. They feared a faction-ridden citizenry, and sought to exclude certain social classes from participation in politics. In their view, popular societies were an infringement on the principle of the indivisible unity of the people. By the end of the 1790s, the American and Dutch publics began to disassociate themselves from a French and transatlantic ideal of revolutionary citizenship and articulate more nationalized models of citizenship. Explicating the interaction between the American, French, and Dutch national communication communities and the Terror and the Haitian Revolution implies a reconsideration of the age of revolutions as a turning point in the history of citizenship. The 1790s were a breeding ground for a set of arguments for limited citizen participation and the danger of factional popular societies, exclusive imperial citizenship based on civilizational inequality, and the idea that nation-states should follow their own path in devising their citizenship arrangements and regimes. This set of arguments has long shaped debates about the idea and ideal of citizenship.

For a more recent version of this publication, please see: https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/37837 - This dissertation deals with the question how Americans, Frenchmen, and Dutchmen reconsidered their ideas and ideals of citizenship during the immediate aftermath of the Haitian Revolution and the Terror in Jacobin France; and how, consequently, a shared, transatlantic, revolutionary citizenship discourse diverged into nationalized conceptions of citizenship. In the opening years of the 1790s, there was a convergence of citizenship ideals held by Americans, Dutchmen, and Frenchmen who felt part of a revolutionary movement which seemed to transcend their own situation. The momentous and, to many, shocking events of the Terror in Jacobin France and the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue raised questions about equality and participation which led many to reconsider the desirability of some of the more radical principles of revolutionary citizenship. The slave revolt in Saint-Domingue and the Terror became transnationally shared points of reference, colouring events at home, and influencing a range of arguments in domestic political debates. This experience shattered the ideological unity of an Atlantic revolutionary movement – and moment – and led to a divergence and nationalization of citizenship discourses.The Haitian Revolution incited the invocation of a discourse of civilizational progress and backwardness to circumvent and counter the invoked logic of the rights of man and citizen. Many of these civilizational arguments for exclusion crystallized in the 1790s, precisely because it was in this decade that citizenship was redefined in a universalistic and egalitarian key. The exclusion of certain groups from citizenship required justifications responsive to the revolutionary principle of the equal rights of man. Saint-Domingue became, and would long remain, a key reference point in such schemes of argumentation. It was widely invoked as the ultimate proof that citizenship should not be attributed to those who are not (yet) civilized or enlightened. The French ‘experiment’ with universalism on Saint-Domingue contributed to a picture of the French Revolution as a revolution run wild, preaching radical and civilizational equality. These sentiments towards French radicalism contributed to the falling apart of transatlantic citizenship ideals once shared. The Terror in Jacobin France led many to substantially reconsider the revolutionary, democratic-republican ideal of participatory citizenship. American Federalists, French Thermidorians, as well as a considerable number of Batavian revolutionaries came to hold deep suspicions about politicized popular societies. They feared a faction-ridden citizenry, and sought to exclude certain social classes from participation in politics. In their view, popular societies were an infringement on the principle of the indivisible unity of the people. By the end of the 1790s, the American and Dutch publics began to disassociate themselves from a French and transatlantic ideal of revolutionary citizenship and articulate more nationalized models of citizenship. Explicating the interaction between the American, French, and Dutch national communication communities and the Terror and the Haitian Revolution implies a reconsideration of the age of revolutions as a turning point in the history of citizenship. The 1790s were a breeding ground for a set of arguments for limited citizen participation and the danger of factional popular societies, exclusive imperial citizenship based on civilizational inequality, and the idea that nation-states should follow their own path in devising their citizenship arrangements and regimes. This set of arguments has long shaped debates about the idea and ideal of citizenship.

For a more recent version of this publication, please see: https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/37837 - This dissertation deals with the question how Americans, Frenchmen, and Dutchmen reconsidered their ideas and ideals of citizenship during the immediate aftermath of the Haitian Revolution and the Terror in Jacobin France; and how, consequently, a shared, transatlantic, revolutionary citizenship discourse diverged into nationalized conceptions of citizenship. In the opening years of the 1790s, there was a convergence of citizenship ideals held by Americans, Dutchmen, and Frenchmen who felt part of a revolutionary movement which seemed to transcend their own situation. The momentous and, to many, shocking events of the Terror in Jacobin France and the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue raised questions about equality and participation which led many to reconsider the desirability of some of the more radical principles of revolutionary citizenship. The slave revolt in Saint-Domingue and the Terror became transnationally shared points of reference, colouring events at home, and influencing a range of arguments in domestic political debates. This experience shattered the ideological unity of an Atlantic revolutionary movement – and moment – and led to a divergence and nationalization of citizenship discourses.The Haitian Revolution incited the invocation of a discourse of civilizational progress and backwardness to circumvent and counter the invoked logic of the rights of man and citizen. Many of these civilizational arguments for exclusion crystallized in the 1790s, precisely because it was in this decade that citizenship was redefined in a universalistic and egalitarian key. The exclusion of certain groups from citizenship required justifications responsive to the revolutionary principle of the equal rights of man. Saint-Domingue became, and would long remain, a key reference point in such schemes of argumentation. It was widely invoked as the ultimate proof that citizenship should not be attributed to those who are not (yet) civilized or enlightened. The French ‘experiment’ with universalism on Saint-Domingue contributed to a picture of the French Revolution as a revolution run wild, preaching radical and civilizational equality. These sentiments towards French radicalism contributed to the falling apart of transatlantic citizenship ideals once shared. The Terror in Jacobin France led many to substantially reconsider the revolutionary, democratic-republican ideal of participatory citizenship. American Federalists, French Thermidorians, as well as a considerable number of Batavian revolutionaries came to hold deep suspicions about politicized popular societies. They feared a faction-ridden citizenry, and sought to exclude certain social classes from participation in politics. In their view, popular societies were an infringement on the principle of the indivisible unity of the people. By the end of the 1790s, the American and Dutch publics began to disassociate themselves from a French and transatlantic ideal of revolutionary citizenship and articulate more nationalized models of citizenship. Explicating the interaction between the American, French, and Dutch national communication communities and the Terror and the Haitian Revolution implies a reconsideration of the age of revolutions as a turning point in the history of citizenship. The 1790s were a breeding ground for a set of arguments for limited citizen participation and the danger of factional popular societies, exclusive imperial citizenship based on civilizational inequality, and the idea that nation-states should follow their own path in devising their citizenship arrangements and regimes. This set of arguments has long shaped debates about the idea and ideal of citizenship.

…le confieso que tanto como deseo la libertad y la independencia del Nuevo Mundo, otro tanto temo la anarquía y el sistema revolucionario. No quiera Dios que estos hermosos países tengan la [misma] suerte de Saint-Domingue, teatro de sangre y de crímenes, so pretexto de establecer la libertad; antes valiera que se quedaran un siglo más bajo la opresión bárbara e imbécil de España! –Francisco de Miranda, Carta a Turnbull, 1798 Desde el punto de vista de la historiografía venezolana y de la ven...

Este artigo trata das relações entre movimentos sociais e políticos ocorridos na África Ocidental em fins do século XVIII e início do século XIX, em especial o jihad sudanês, e os processos de transformação global do Ocidente nesse mesmo período. Abre-se um diálogo com os trabalhos de Erick Hobsbawm e Eugene Genovese, analisando criticamente suas abordagens sobre a influência das sociedades do oeste africano nos eventos que têm lugar no mundo atlântico durante a chamada "era das revoluções". O artigo discute, ainda, a perspectiva a partir da qual vêm sendo estudadas as rebeliões escravas nas Américas, que pouco considera o contexto africano e ressalta apenas as influências das mudanças revolucionárias na Europa Ocidental. Nesse sentido, também questiona a historiografia que analisa o surgimento do "Atlântico Negro", a qual não atribui a devida importância aos determinantes originados no interior da África, fundamentais nesse processo. This paper investigates the relationship between West Africa social and political movements in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth centuries, especially the Sudanese jihad, and the processes of Western global transformation during the same period. It opens a dialogue with the work of Eric Hobsbawn and Eugene Genovese, critically analyzing their approach of the influence of Western Africa's societies on the events taking place in the Atlantic world through the so-called "age of revolutions." The article also questions the perspective adopted in studies of slave rebellions in the Americas, which barely consider the African context, and highlight only the influence of Western Europe's revolutionary changes. In that sense, the paper also questions the historiography of the "Black Atlantic" emergence, which does not attribute due importance to determining factors originating within Africa, crucial in that process.