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Objective To assess progress in meeting young people's sex education needs in Britain by examining the current situation and changes over the past 20 years in sources of information about sexual matters and unmet information needs.\ud \ud Design Cross-sectional probability sample surveys.\ud \ud Setting British general population.\ud \ud Participants 3869 men and women aged 16–24 years, interviewed 2010–2012 for the third National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (Natsal-3), compared with 16–24 year-olds in Natsal-1 (1990–1991; 792 men and women) and Natsal-2 (1999–2001; 2673 men and women).\ud \ud Main outcome measures Reported source of information about sexual matters, unmet information needs and preferred source of additional information.\ud \ud Results Between 1990 and 2012, the proportion citing school lessons as their main source of information about sexual matters increased from 28.2% (95% CI 24.6 to 32.1) to 40.3% (95% CI 38.6 to 42.1). In 2010–2012, parents were reported as a main source by only 7.1% (95% CI 5.8 to 8.7) of men and 14.1% (95% CI 12.6 to 15.7) of women and, for women, were less commonly reported than in 1999–2001 (21.7%; 95% CI 19.6 to 24.0). Most young people reported not knowing enough when they first felt ready for sexual experience (68.1% men, 70.6% women), and this did not change substantially over time. They wanted more information about psychosexual matters (41.6% men, 46.8% women), as well as sexually transmitted infections (27.8% men, 29.8% women) and, for women, contraception (27.5%). Young people primarily wanted this information from school, parents or health professionals.\ud \ud Conclusions Over the past 20 years, young people have increasingly identified school lessons as their main source of information about sex, although they continue to report needing more information on a broad range of topics. The findings support the expressed need for improved sex and relationships education in schools alongside greater involvement of parents and health professionals.

Objectives To examine variation in source of information about sexual matters by sociodemographic factors, and associations with sexual behaviours and outcomes.\ud \ud Design Cross-sectional probability sample survey.\ud \ud Setting British general population.\ud \ud Participants 3408 men and women, aged 17–24 years, interviewed from 2010–2012 for third National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles.\ud \ud Main outcome measures Main source of information (school, a parent, other); age and circumstances of first heterosexual intercourse; unsafe sex and distress about sex in past year; experience of sexually transmitted infection (STI) diagnoses, non-volitional sex or abortion (women only) ever.\ud \ud Results Citing school was associated with younger age, higher educational level and having lived with both parents. Citing a parent was associated, in women, with lower educational level and having lived with one parent. Relative to other sources, citing school was associated with older age at first sex (adjusted HR 0.73 (95% CI 0.65 to 0.83) men, 0.73 (0.65 to 0.82) women), lower likelihood of unsafe sex (adjusted OR 0.58 (0.44 to 0.77) men, 0.69 (0.52 to 0.91) women) and previous STI diagnosis (0.55 (0.33 to 0.91) men, 0.58 (0.43 to 0.80) women) and, in women, with lower likelihood of lack of sexual competence at first sex; and experience of non-volitional sex, abortion and distress about sex. Citing a parent was associated with lower likelihood of unsafe sex (0.53 (0.28 to 1.00) men; 0.69 (0.48 to 0.99) women) and, in women, previous STI diagnosis.\ud \ud Conclusions Gaining information mainly from school was associated with lower reporting of a range of negative sexual health outcomes, particularly among women. Gaining information mainly from a parent was associated with some of these, but fewer cited parents as a primary source. The findings emphasise the benefit of school and parents providing information about sexual matters and argue for a stronger focus on the needs of men.

The dominant aim of this thesis is to define a concept of natural expression the precise extension of which is left undetermined, being subject to empirical investigation. Nevertheless, paradigm examples with respect to which the question is raised: 'Are they natural expressions?' include smiling and other facial expressions. In pursuit of this aim suggestions are made concerning the logical form of sentences about expression (expression is not, in my view, best regarded as a relation), comparisons are drawn between the interpretation of utterances and the interpretation of non-linguistic expressions (and both contrasted to explanation), and, subsequently, between the latter and what Davidson calls the 'causal redescription of actions'. The task of defining expression is then conceived of as partly consisting in the specification of the cognitive effects such that when an action is truly described 'in terms of' them, it is expressive. In the ensuing analysis, much of the work is done by adapting Christopher Peacocke's notion of 'prima-facie evidence'. The notion of 'physiognomic perception', ie. the way in which we see eg. anger in eg. a scowl, is critically discussed and related to the foregoing. The relevance of correlations between emotion and behaviour to natural expression is then assessed. In the penultimate chapter I argue that expressive behaviour is natural if there exists innate dispositions to exhibit it under certain conditions and innate capacities to interpret it correctly. The relevance of this to radical interpretation, concept-acquisition, and the explanation of action is considered. The contributions of some social scientists to this area are critically examined and broad prescriptions are made concerning the nature of the evidence to be taken into account in determining the naturalness of a given type of behaviour. I conclude with a tentative endorsement and formulation of 'immanent realism' with respect to other minds.