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Shrews are a less studied group of small mammals than rodents. Between 2018 and 2022, we surveyed 23 sites in Lithuania, including natural and anthropogenic habitats, with the aim to assess the proportion of Soricidae in small mammal communities and their diet based on stable isotope analysis. The average representation of Soricidae was 3.1%, about half the long-term average in other habitats in the country. The highest proportions were in meadows and farmsteads, at 4.9% and 5.0% respectively. Shrews were not trapped on farms or in young orchards, and their relative abundance was very low in intensively managed orchards (0.006 individuals per 100 trap days). Neomys fodiens and N. anomalus were unexpectedly found in homesteads, including in outbuildings. Sorex araneus and S. minutus had similar diets. The trophic carbon/nitrogen discrimination factor between invertebrates and shrew hair was 2.74‰/3.98‰ for S. araneus, 1.90‰/3.78‰ for S. minutus in the orchards. The diet of N. fodiens and N. anomalus at the homesteads requires further investigation. We propose that the under-abundance of shrews may be due to contamination by plant protection products and a lack of invertebrates under intensive agricultural practices.

The stability of diversity of syntopic (inhabiting the same habitat in the same time) small mammals in commensal habitats, such as farmsteads and kitchen gardens, and, as a proxy of their diet, their isotopic niches, was investigated in Lithuania in 2019–2020. We tested whether the separation of species corresponds to the trophic guilds, whether their diets are related to possibilities of getting additional food from humans, and whether their diets are subject to seasonal trends. We analyzed diversity, dominance and distribution of hair δ13C and δ15N values. Diversity and dominance was not stable and differed according to human influence. The highest small mammal species richness occurred in commensal habitats that provided additional food. The degree of separation of species was higher in homestead habitats than in kitchen gardens, where a 1.27% to 35.97% overlap of isotopic niches was observed between pairs of species. Temporal changes in δ13C and δ15N values in the hair of the mammals were not equally expressed in different species. The isotopic overlap may depend on dietary plasticity, minimizing interspecific competition and allowing co-existence of syntopic species. Thus, small mammal trophic ecology is likely related to intensity of agricultural activities in the limited space of commensal habitats.

The Late Classic Maya village of Joya de Ceren’s extraordinary preservation by the Loma Caldera eruption circa 660 CE allows for a unique opportunity to study ancient Mesoamerican landscape management and agricultural practices. Various fruit trees, annual and root crops, fiber producers and other useful plants were cultivated within the village center, creating productive house-lot gardens. Extensive agricultural outfields of maize, manioc, squash, common beans, and numerous weedy species also have been documented through intensive paleoethnobotanical recovery methods and demonstrate the practice of multi-cropped or polyculture farming during Prehispanic times. The assorted array of economically useful species reveals the diversity of foodstuffs readily accessible to the inhabitants on a daily basis that were not simply the annual crops planted within the outfields. The long history of paleoethnobotanical research at this exceptionally preserved site provides the opportunity to not only understand what plant species the ancient inhabitants of this village utilized in their daily lives but also how the villagers perceived, managed, and manipulated their landscape in order to ensure a diverse and nutritional diet.

Development initiatives often cite Water Users&rsquo, Associations (WUAs) as fundamental to water governance reform or the broad process of decentralizing responsibilities for management, supply and delivery. But the label of &ldquo, WUA&rdquo, indicates little about those who take on these duties as association members, suggesting all who use water in pursuit of life or livelihood are eligible to participate and benefit through collective action. Grounded in the belief that participatory projects can equitably empower and distribute resources, the enthusiastic introduction of WUAs continues despite critique that anticipated outcomes are overstated. Since borders opened to neoliberal development institutions in the 1990s, WUAs have been created throughout post-Soviet Central Asia. Yet, there has been limited reflection on how associations&rsquo, design and operation interact with physical or social structures to effect resource access across diverse groups. Drawing on fieldwork in Tajikistan, I demonstrate how WUAs reproduce exclusionary outcomes by requiring members to possess farmland in turn threatening rural food security. Held by a minority, farmland dedicated to commercial production stands in contrast to ubiquitous kitchen gardens, where crops sown for self-consumption form a buffer against hunger in the wake of labor migration and income inconsistency. Households&rsquo, inability to become members undermines their claim to water and voice in decision-making, ultimately constraining access to irrigation and a robust harvest.

34 pág., 1 mapa, gráf., The resilience of a social–ecological system largely depends on its capacity to learn by absorbing new information to cope with change. But, how resilient are traditional knowledge systems? We explore the resilience of the traditional agricultural knowledge system of home gardeners in the Iberian Peninsula (n = 383). We use multivariate analysis to explore the co-existence of agricultural information derived from two different knowledge systems: (i) knowledge and use of landraces (representative of traditional agricultural knowledge) and (ii) knowledge and use of commercial crop varieties (representative of modern agricultural knowledge). Our analyses show a positive association between both types of knowledge: overall gardeners who are more knowledgeable about commercial crop varieties are also more knowledgeable about landraces. Despite this overall tendency, results from hierarchical cluster analysis showed different groups of traditional and modern knowledge holders. Our results suggest that (a) traditional knowledge is not a frozen and static corpus of knowledge and (b) modern and traditional agricultural knowledge are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Both maintenance of some aspects of the traditional knowledge and incorporation of some aspect of the modern knowledge seem to be core elements of home gardeners’ body of agricultural knowledge which is constantly evolving in response to changing environmental and socioeconomic conditions. Changes in traditional knowledge can be seen as a part of the general self-organizing process of this knowledge system., Research was funded by the Programa de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades del Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (Spain) (SEJ2007-60873/SOCI and CSO2011-27565).

The Government of Uzbekistan (GoU) has recently adopted a policy to mechanize the cotton harvest as part of its drive to modernize the agricultural sector. Under Uzbekistan’s state-order system it is compulsory for many farmers to grow cotton. They are contractually obligated to produce stipulated quantities that are annually set by the government, and must sell these to the GoU at a price fixed by the government. Almost all cotton in Uzbekistan is harvested by hand, even though mechanization existed during the Soviet period. An estimated 2.2–3 millio

Previous research on tropical home gardens stresses their ecological, economic, and social functions. This article a) describes home gardens (n = 252) in three rural areas of the Iberian Peninsula, b) explores motivations for gardening, and c) computes the gross financial benefits of crops in home gardens. Different from tropical gardens, the studied gardens specialize in edible plants, species with other uses being marginally present. Motivations for gardening relate more to people's way of living (i.e., hobby, keeping traditions) than to economic reasons. The average gross financial value of home gardens in our sample is 1,691 €/year/gardener, equivalent to almost three minimal monthly salaries in Spain. Home gardens seem to also provide noneconomic benefits that help explain the maintenance of those agroecosystems.

(Cultivo de espécies alimentares em quintais urbanos de Rio Branco, Acre, Brasil). Os quintais são espaços de resistência no ambiente urbano que garantem a interação do homem com elementos do mundo natural. As plantas alimentares cultivadas em quintais urbanos são importantes na complementação da dieta alimentar dos moradores da cidade. Este trabalho teve como objetivo realizar um levantamento das espécies vegetais de uso alimentar cultivadas em quintais urbanos de Rio Branco. Foram realizadas entrevistas presenciais com uso de questionário específi co registrando as espécies vegetais de uso alimentar, área do quintal e fatores socioeconômicos dos moradores em 132 quintais urbanos de Rio Branco entre 2009 e 2010. Os bairros selecionados para este estudo foram Aeroporto Velho, Placas e Novo Horizonte, todos situados na periferia do município. Foram detectadas 77 espécies de uso alimentar pertencentes a 34 famílias botânicas, com destaque para as famílias Solanaceae (12,6%) e Myrtaceae (11,3%), sendo 62,0% de espécies frutíferas e 38,0% de hortaliças. Do total de espécies registradas 82,3% são exóticas, sendo 34,1% e 18,9% associadas ainda ao uso medicinal e ornamental. Não foram identificadas associações estatísticas significativas entre a riqueza de espécies e os fatores socioeconômicos. A análise de variância não paramétrica apresentou diferenças significativas entre bairros revelando que o bairro Placas possui maior riqueza de espécies. A riqueza de espécies correlacionou positivamente com a área dos quintais. O cultivo das plantas alimentares em quintais urbanos de Rio Branco auxilia no tratamento de doenças e promove a conservação da agrobiodiversidade, bem estar aos moradores pela melhoria da paisagem, ambiência microclimática e espaço de lazer.

13 p., [EN] As an example of the importance of gender relations in the use of natural resources, several authors have analyzed the role of women in homegardens. Gendered differences in homegarden management have been difficult to disentangle due to the often–shared nature of gardening. Here, we use an innovative approach to analyze gendered differences in the characteristics and management of homegardens. Specifically, we use information on the prevalence of different household members in gardening activities to classify homegardens as women’s, men’s, or shared. Then, we compare several garden characteristics across the three types of homegardens. For the case study, we use data from homegardens in three rural areas of the Iberian Peninsula. We found that household members generally share homegarden responsibilities in these three regions and that many homegarden characteristics vary with the distribution of gardening tasks. Specifically, we discovered that gardens managed mainly by men were larger, more distant from the dwelling, and better exposed than gardens managed by women. Men and women also used different management techniques; organic fertilizers and traditional pest controlmanagement systems predominated in gardensmanaged bywomen. Men and women also differed in how they reportedly use garden products, with women favoring household consumption versus sale or gifting. Last, gardens managed mainly by women had a larger diversity of uses for species and a larger diversity of species per unit area. Cultural norms of what is considered appropriate behavior for men and women help explain differences in garden characteristics and their plant composition and structure., [ES] En un intento de entender la importancia de las relaciones de género en el uso de los recursos naturales, varios autores han analizado el papel de las mujeres en los huertos domésticos. Debido a que muchos huertos son gestionados por varios miembros del hogar, es difícil identificar las diferencias de género en el manejo de los huertos. En este artículo utilizamos un enfoque innovador para analizar diferencias de género en las características y manejo de los huertos. Específicamente, utilizamos información sobre el predominio de diferentes miembrosdel hogar en el cuidado del huerto para clasificar los huertos como de hombres, de mujeres, o compartidos. Luego comparamos las características de estos tres tipos de huertos. El estudio fue realizado en tres zonas rurales de montaña de la Península Ibérica. Hallamos que las responsabilidades del manejo de los huertos son a menudo compartidas y que muchas características de los huertos varían según la distribución de las tareas. Los huertos manejados por hombres principalmente son más grandes, más alejados de la casa, y tienen una mejor exposición que los manejados por mujeres. El género también influye en el predominio de técnicas de manejo; la fertilización orgánica y los métodos tradicionales de control de plagas predominan en los huertos de mujeres. También hallamos diferencias en el destino de los productos del huerto: las mujeres favorecen el consumo en el hogar en vez de la venta o el regalo. Por último, los huertos manejados principalmente por mujeres tienen una mayor diversidad de usos de especies y una mayor diversidad de especies por unidad de área. Las normas culturales que determinan el comportamiento culturalmente correcto para hombres y mujeres ayudan a explicar las diferencias en las características, la composición, y la estructura de los huertos caseros.