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During extensive surveys of global Phytophthora diversity 14 new species detected in natural ecosystems in Chile, Indonesia, USA (Louisiana), Sweden, Ukraine and Vietnam were assigned to Phytophthora major Clade 10 based on a multigene phylogeny of nine nuclear and three mitochondrial gene regions. Clade 10 now comprises three subclades. Subclades 10a and 10b contain species with nonpapillate sporangia, a range of breeding systems and a mainly soil-and waterborne lifestyle. These include the previously described P. afrocarpa, P. gallica and P. intercalaris and eight of the new species: P. ludoviciana, P. procera, P. pseudogallica, P. scandinavica, P. subarctica, P. tenuimura, P. tonkinensis and P. ukrainensis. In contrast, all species in Subclade 10c have papillate sporangia and are self-fertile (or homothallic) with an aerial lifestyle including the known P. boehmeriae, P. gondwanensis, P. kernoviae and P. morindae and the new species P. celebensis, P. chilensis, P. javanensis, P. multiglobulosa, P. pseudochilensis and P. pseudokernoviae. All new Phytophthora species differed from each other and from related species by their unique combinations of morphological characters, breeding systems, cardinal temperatures and growth rates. The biogeography and evolutionary history of Clade 10 are discussed. We propose that the three subclades originated via the early divergence of pre-Gondwanan ancestors > 175 Mya into water-and soilborne and aerially dispersed lineages and subsequently underwent multiple allopatric and sympatric radiations during their global spread.

During extensive surveys of global Phytophthora diversity 14 new species detected in natural ecosystems in Chile, Indonesia, USA (Louisiana), Sweden, Ukraine and Vietnam were assigned to Phytophthora major Clade 10 based on a multigene phylogeny of nine nuclear and three mitochondrial gene regions. Clade 10 now comprises three subclades. Subclades 10a and 10b contain species with nonpapillate sporangia, a range of breeding systems and a mainly soil- and waterborne lifestyle. These include the previously described P. afrocarpa, P. gallica and P. intercalaris and eight of the new species: P. ludoviciana, P. procera, P. pseudogallica, P. scandinavica, P. subarctica, P. tenuimura, P. tonkinensis and P. ukrainensis. In contrast, all species in Subclade 10c have papillate sporangia and are self-fertile (or homothallic) with an aerial lifestyle including the known P. boehmeriae, P. gondwanensis, P. kernoviae and P. morindae and the new species P. celebensis, P. chilensis, P. javanensis, P. multiglobulosa, P. pseudochilensis and P. pseudokernoviae. All new Phytophthora species differed from each other and from related species by their unique combinations of morphological characters, breeding systems, cardinal temperatures and growth rates. The biogeography and evolutionary history of Clade 10 are discussed. We propose that the three subclades originated via the early divergence of pre-Gondwanan ancestors > 175 Mya into water- and soilborne and aerially dispersed lineages and subsequently underwent multiple allopatric and sympatric radiations during their global spread.

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Aims: The objective of the study is to determine the demographics and the in-hospital outcome of diabetic and non-diabetic patients treated with percutaneous coronary interventions (PCI) in Europe, to report the type of equipment and technology used for PCI procedures in diabetics and to clarify whether the treatment of diabetic patients complies with current European Society of Cardiology (ESC) guidelines. Methods and results: A total of 14,458 patients treated with PCI were enrolled from 29 member countries of the ESC between June 2005 and January 2006. Data were collected on patient characteristics and treatment, using new Cardiology Audit and Registration Data standards. In total, 3,603 patients (24.9%) were diabetic. Diabetics were older, more often female and had a higher body mass index than non-diabetics. Diabetics had higher rates of hypercholesterolaemia and hypertension, while current smokers were more frequent in the non-diabetics. Diabetics also had significantly higher rates of previous cardiovascular events. Clopidogrel was administered only in 48.1% of diabetic patients before PCI, while IIb/IIIa inhibitors were 22.9% during PCI. At discharge, there was a major adjustment of treatment with increases in the use of Beta-blocker (80.4%), angiotensin converting enzyme inhibitor (ACEI, 71.3%) and statins (89.8%) compared with on admission (Beta-blocker 60.9%, ACEI 55.0%, statin 63.1%). Inhospital mortality was higher in diabetics (1.8% vs 1.2%) although the in-hospital MACCE rate was not significantly different (3.6% vs 3.0%, p=0.09). Conclusions: Diabetic patients treated with PCI were older with more comorbidity. According to ESC guideline, the under-usage of clopidogrel, GP IIb/IIIa inhibitors should be improved. PCI is now taken as a good opportunity to adjust the use of appropriate medication. © Europa Edition. All rights reserved.

Over a very long period, India's rich literary landscape did much to shape the ways in which its clerkly strata wrote and thought about the past. “Histories” were written in a range of literary genres in oral form – bardic tales, puranas, and in written form – Persian chronicles, Sanskrit court poetry. The great chroniclers of the Delhi sultanate worked in different genres, and the moral vision of Islam shaped their histories. Even as the Mughal Empire created a pan‐Indian Persian literary culture, its scribal communities focused their attention increasingly on the local states they served or observed. Karanam histories depicted vividly observed kings and warriors very much as agents of their own destinies. The coming of colonialism brought tremendous change to the social and literary landscape, with its progressive drive to create new institutions for the production of “useful” knowledge.

This thesis sets out to recover the agency of a wide range of Indian Muslim actors—elite and subaltern, secular and clerical, activist and apolitical—to illuminate the history of the world’s largest religious minority. Bringing the unity of the Muslim experience of postcolonial India from 1947 to c. 1977 under a single focus, it both generalises about the Indian Muslim condition and comments more broadly on the character of Indian democracy. The six chapters here tell of another India, as it were, one quite at variance with the exnominated account of the ‘world’s largest democracy’. Despite its best intentions, the Congress regime that ruled uninterruptedly through the period under study here appears, by turns, illiberal, intolerant, and undemocratic. Minority rights were at a discount. India’s Muslims, I document, had to contend with discrimination in the services, an electoral system that deprived them of commensurate representation, riots in which they accounted for most of the fatalities, a securitisation regime in the borderlands that dispossessed and disenfranchised them, and, a fortiori, an unresponsive leadership. Indeed, what I have called an ‘ashraf betrayal’ is the Ariadne’s thread running through the thesis. Steering between the Scylla of Islamophobia and the Charybdis of capitulation, the Muslim political elite plumped for depoliticisation and juridification. Muslim politics came to be identified with a set of elite symbols—the hajj subsidy, Urdu, Aligarh Muslim University, Muslim personal law, wasiqadari pensions, waqf income—that had little bearing on the lives of ordinary Muslims, shaped by discrimination, disadvantage, and deindustrialisation. There was no room for trade unions, mass protests, anti-discrimination legislation, and subaltern solidarity in this version of Muslim politics. The corollary was a jurisprudential habit of mind, the singular investment in two holy books, the Quran and the Constitution. ‘Muslim politics’ in postcolonial India, I conclude, has been a politics manqué.

De primaire focus van dit proefschrift is het onderzoeken van de politieke ideeën van BG Tilak (1856-1920), de congres-extremistische leider van de Indiase nationalistische beweging en, in het proces, de politieke en intellectuele geschiedenis van Maharashtra en India te reconstrueren tijdens de late 19e en begin 20e eeuw. Deze dissertatie daagt de oudere stijlfiguur uit die Tilak binnen de reikwijdte van de meerderheid van de hindoe-nationalistische politiek plaatst. Het plaatst zijn sociale conservatisme in de heersende sociale overtuigingen van en liturgische lezingen aangeboden door de laat 19e-eeuwse Marathi openbare intellectuelen. De belangrijkste agenda van Tilak was de creatie van een gecollectiviseerd en geradicaliseerd hindoe-zelf, geponeerd tegen het Britse kolonialisme. Zijn creatieve versmelting van moderne westerse historische exegese met Sanskriet kennissystemen in het pleiten voor hoge oudheid voor de Arische beschaving worden onderzocht. Zijn commentaar op de Bhagavad Gītā bood een infusie van ethische principes in massaal politiek activisme. Tilak slaagde erin om provinciale parochialisme ten opzichte van pan-nationale identiteiten te verminderen. Ten slotte stelt dit proefschrift dat het nationalistische ideaal van Tilak beperkt was tot Svarājya of Zelfbeschikking voor India binnen het Britse Gemenebest.

This thesis examines the political and social worldview of British and Indian royalty during the nineteenth century. Rather than viewing them as mere 'ornamental' figureheads, it seeks to highlight and scrutinise the ideas held by monarchs (sovereign or deposed) about empire and the role of royalty, as well as considering how their attempts at implementing such ideas can complicate existing narratives about the relative influence and authority of this group. Above all, this thesis breaks new ground by adopting a transnational approach in its study of such royal ideas and endeavours. Ruling dynasties, monarchs and courts have long been part of an interconnected, if rarefied, world encompassing Europe and Asia, though this is not adequately reflected in the historiography on the nineteenth century. This is despite the ironic fact that in that century, many royal houses were brought closer together than ever before, through the impact of growing global empires, and advancing communications and transportation networks. The first direct meetings between British and Indian royalty took place during this period, in the early 1850s, and are closely examined here. Based on a core case-study of the longstanding relationship between the Punjabi and British dynasties of Maharajah Ranjit Singh and Queen Victoria, and using a wide variety of textual and material sources, this thesis captures royal perspectives of their status and role in an evolving world, alongside considering how British and Indian royalty directly or indirectly influenced one another. This study effectively de-centres the British imperial official as the primary agent in Anglo-Indian elite encounters, and goes further to demonstrate that whether in the case of the connections between royal personages, or in the ties between ‘monarchy, nation and empire’, the capability for royal agency to shape the nature of such relationships evolved over time and was a consistently contested matter.

This thesis explores the origin of one of the most engrossing concerns of the post-colonial Indian state, that is, its extensive, intricate, and expensive feeding arrangements for the civilians. It tracks the colonial origin of the post-colonial welfare state, of which state-management of food is one of the most publicized manifestations. This thesis examines the intervention of the late colonial British state in food procurement and distribution in India during the Second World War, and various forms of such intervention, such as the introduction of food rationing and food austerity laws. It argues that the war necessitated actions on the part of the colonial state to secure food supplies to a vastly expanded British Indian Army, to the foreign Allied troops stationed in India, and to the workers employed in war-industries. The thesis brings forth the constitutional and political predicaments that deprived the colonial central government’s food administration of success. It further reveals how the bitter bargaining about food imports into India between the Government of India and the War Cabinet in Britain hampered the state efforts to tackle the food crisis. By discussing the religious and cultural codes vis-à-vis food consumption that influenced government food policies, this thesis has situated food in the historiography of consumption in colonial India. In addition to adopting a political approach to study food, it has also applied sociological treatment, particularly while dealing with how the wartime scarcity, and consequent austerity laws, forced people to accept novel consumption cultures. It also contributes to the historiography of ‘everyday state’. Through its wartime intervention in everyday food affairs, the colonial state that had been distant and abstract in the perception of most common households, suddenly became a reality to be dealt with in everyday life within the domestic site. Thus, the macro state penetrated micro levels of existence. The colonial state now even developed elaborate food surveillance to gather intelligence about violation of food laws. This thesis unravels the responses of some of the political and religious organizations to state intervention in quotidian food consumption. Following in this vein, through a study of the political use of famine-relief in wartime Bengal, it introduces a new site to the study of communal politics in India, namely, propagation of Hindu communal politics through distribution of food by the Hindu Mahasabha party. Further, it demonstrates how the Muslim League government’s failure to prevent the Great Bengal Famine of 1943-44 was politically used by the Mahasabha to oppose the League’s emerging demand for the creation of Pakistan.

This thesis’ original contribution to knowledge is to indicate the unique contribution of qasbah­‐based Urdu newspapers to the emergence of an Urdu public sphere in early 20th century South Asia, using as a primary lens the Urdu newspaper Madīnah. In doing so, this thesis will shed light on debates relating to Muslim religious identity, urban life, social status, and gender reform. Madīnah newspaper was published in Bijnor qasbah in Bijnor district, UP, from 1912 onwards. By the early 20th century, elite, literate qasbah dwellers increased their attachment to their ashrāf identity, even as the definition of that social status group was being transformed. The nature of ashrāf conceptions of the qasbah in the Urdu newspaper conversation sheds light onto the nature of the Urdu public sphere, complicating existing narrative explanations of UP Muslim identity transformations. In the 12 years that constitute the span of the study, international developments such as the Italo-­‐Turkish War, the Balkan Wars, and World War I, with domestic transformations in municipal policies and the activism of some Hindu groups motivated Muslims to redefine their place in early 20th century society. At the same time, the early 20th century saw the rising prominence of the qasbah as a centre of spiritual and cultural life among ashrāf Muslims. World War I and the non-­‐cooperation movement threatened the British Empire’s hold on South Asia. In the midst of these shifting sands stood the city of Bijnor, a backwoods qasbah in the district of the same name. Bijnor’s publication Madīnah provided a regional platform for scholars, laymen, and poets to discuss their place in the new order. As part of a network of literary publications exchanged between qasbahs in the first half of the twentieth century, Madīnah shaped and complicated gender boundaries, religious identity, social status, and political alliance, all in the service of the Muslim ummah, or community. This thesis places Madīnah in the context of the broader Urdu newspaper market and the incipient newspaper culture of qasbahs, which both reflected the broadened geographic horizon of the qasbatī ashrāf and placed a premium on the qasbah as a place set apart from the city. After laying this foundation, the thesis turns to the place of Islam in qasbah newspapers and Madīnah. Newspapers reflected a division among ashrāf regarding the centrality of Islam in elite culture, revealing an ideological division between the qasbah and major urban centres Delhi, Lucknow, and Calcutta. Madīnah and other newspapers sought to establish an indelible link between Islam and ashrāf identity, in contrast to some urban newspapers, which sought to lay the groundwork instead for a secular, nationalized Muslim identity. This thesis then turns to the expanding geographic horizons of Madīnah newspaper, both enabled by novel technology and neutralized as a threat by careful framing of international and trans-‐regional content. The subsequent chapter deals with Madīnah's Women’s Newspaper, which demonstrated a trend toward gender ventriloquism in reformist approaches to gender. Many articles penned ostensibly by women had male authors; Madīnah's articles expressed a complex set of reactions to intimate female experiences, including curiosity, fascination, and anxiety. Qasbah newspapers offer new avenues for insight into the tensions that characterized the Urdu public of the early 20th century. This thesis highlights the character of qasbatī ashrāf's engagement with the broader literary conversation via newspapers during a time of dramatic social transformation, in the process contributing to the form of the Urdu public sphere.

In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.

This dissertation traces a series of cultural negotiations through which the Parsis, a community of ethnic Zoroastrians, fashioned themselves into ‘modern’ citizens in the setting of colonial Bombay. It examines the ways Parsis negotiated change in a number of personal spheres such as their dress, deportment, dining and domesticity as well as the ways the community managed internal groupings such as Persian Zoroastrian refugees and the Parsi poor in the landscape of Bombay. It proposes that it was this unusual, simultaneous fashioning at the levels of the personal and the broader community, that turned the series of negotiations into a project of self-fashioning. It argues that it is in these cultural and intra-communal domains of self-fashioning that we see some of the more difficult negotiations, as well as the inner tensions, that the Parsi model of modernity entailed at the different levels of Parsi society.