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This article considers the turn to culture and heritage as a strategy for the preservation of majoritarian religious practices, including the implications of such a strategy for nonreligious people. This turn has been observed in analyses of court cases in which religious or cultural nature of symbols and practices has been negotiated. Drawing from previous scholarship regarding the turn, this article pays special attention to Finland by examining if and how cultural justification of symbols and practices takes place. We suggest that the shift to culture applies to Finland, although in international comparison Finnish instances are more prominent in public (media) discourses that refer to laws and legal experts than in court cases. We also argue that one of the consequences of this international development is that it becomes increasingly difficult for nonreligious people and also members of religious minorities to feel part of ‘us’ in a situation where justification by referring to ‘our culture and heritage’ is one of the strategies to define who and what belongs to ‘us’.

France, with its approach to managing religion known as laïcité, has been almost unique among Western nations in its approach to religious freedom for minority religious groups and movements. In recent decades it has passed widely criticized laws in efforts to implement a program of social control over such groups, including both new religious movements (NRMs) as well as older religious groups that have functioned in France for many decades. Examining why and how this has happened helps reveal how religious freedom can be curtailed in a modern Western society using the legislative process and the law. We apply theories from the sociology of law offered by Donald Black and by William Chambliss, as well as other relevant ideas, to understand how the situation developed in France. Black’s concepts of status and intimacy are particularly useful, as is Chambliss’ dialectic approach to law, which emphasizes human volition in lawmaking. Chambliss focuses on how societies develop resolutions to resolve dilemmas as they attempt to resolve conflicts that arise from contradictions in how society functions. The role of courts in such situations will also be addressed. We conclude that the liberalistic and humanitarian national motto (“liberté, égalité, fraternité”) of the French Republic does not necessarily lead to the non-discrimination and non-persecution of new religious movements and other nontraditional religious groups. We also conclude that the resolution obtained with the About–Picard law was, as predicted by Chambliss, not a final one, and that dilemmas continue to exist about how to address concerns about religious groups in French society.

Much literature has highlighted the current Chinese government’s restriction on freedom of expression on the internet and religious freedom. However, very little research has examined the nexus between freedom of expression in China and globalization. This article aims to offer a view on President Xi Jinping’s increasing autocracy over the freedom of expression and its implications on China’s performance in this globalizing world. A qualitative approach was utilized in this study and data were collected via library research. It was found that China’s increasing autocracy under Xi Jinping, as shown in its tightening controls on online freedom of expression and rules on religious freedom, has created a setback for China’s participation in globalization. This argument lies in two basic assumptions. Firstly, the spirit of globalization enables people to interact around the globe more freely in any way, while China’s government restricts such interaction. Secondly, as a significant global player, China shows little respect for the freedom of religion. Accordingly, it violates the globalization of religious liberty, which is considered a universal human right in the 21st century. KEYWORDSChina; freedom of expression; globalization; religious freedom

En este artículo se sostiene como argumento central que el movimiento constitucionalista de derechos humanos y el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos (DIDH) han jugado un papel crucial en el proceso de secularización en América Latina. Su objetivo es analizar cómo la región ha mantenido en su proceso de secularización una trayectoria significativamente convergente respecto a sus estándares normativos en materia religiosa y cómo, sobre la base de esa experiencia histórica regional, se ha desarrollado un constitucionalismo transformador en la ponderación judicial de casos conflictivos entre libertades religiosas y otros derechos humanos. Pese a las particularidades nacionales y a los diferentes niveles de implementación del DIDH a nivel interno, la constitucionalización del DIDH en varios países latinoamericanos ha producido un significativo acercamiento basado en estándares internacionales mínimos. Ello es especialmente destacable porque esta convergencia de reglas se ha producido en un contexto internacional adverso, dominado por tendencias autoritarias ultraconservadoras y nacionalistas que han generado retrocesos evidenciados en la intensificación del odio y la intolerancia religiosa. Considerando esta trayectoria tan disímil frente al resto del mundo, el artículo sugiere que América Latina sea analizada teóricamente desde sus especificidades, para lo cual se propone la aplicación de un enfoque de secularidades entrelazadas. The article’s main point is the crucial role that international human rights law (IHRL) and the constitutionalist human rights movement have played in the secularization process in Latin America. It aims to analyze how the region has maintained a convergent trajectory in its secularization process in line to its normative standards on religious matters and, based on that regional historical experience, how a transformative constitutionalism has emerged in the adjudication of conflicting cases between religious freedoms and other human rights. Despite national particularities and different implementation levels of IHRl at the domestic level, the constitutionalization of IHRL in several Latin American countries has produced a common ground based on minimum international standards. This is especially noteworthy as this convergence of rules has occurred in an adverse international context, dominated by ultraconservative and nationalist authoritarian tendencies with setbacks that are noticeable in the intensification of religious hatred and intolerance. Considering this very dissimilar trajectory compared to the rest of the world, the article argues that Latin America should be theoretically analyzed from its own specificities, by applying an approach of entangled secularities.

The problem of exercising freedom of conscience in modern Ukraine in the conditions of Russia's full-scale aggression appears to be quite multifaceted, especially considering its global dimension, the attitude of the world community and adherents of different religious views to the events connected with the Russian-Ukrainian war, the attitude of religious communities of Ukraine to the need to defend the freedom of the country and the attitude of the religious associations of the Russian Federation to the terrorist activities of the authorities of Russia. The purpose of the article is to conceptualize the possibility of implementing freedom of conscience in modern Ukraine in the context of the modern Russian-Ukrainian war. The theoretical and methodological basis of the article was made up of generally recognized principles of religious studies: worldview and methodological pluralism, impartiality and humanism, comparability and non-involvement, ideological and religious diversity, tolerance and non-confessionalism, secularism and inter-confessional dialogue. Тhe concrete scientific methods, problem-chronological, system-structural and critical analysis of religious sources were used, as well as conceptual-discourse, system-chronology and problem-denominational approaches to the scientific understanding of phenomena and events of religious and political life. Conclusions and prospects for further research. Discrimination against the UOC is now harming the situation with religious freedom in Ukraine: it becomes unsafe to be an adherent of this church, because if the believers of the UOC contribute to the Russian peace, and an individual protects them, then there is an indirect protection of the Russian world. It is time to end the Russian-Ukrainian war, putting the main hopes on the armed forces of Ukraine. An attempt to solve any issues during military operations by violating the norms of the law on freedom of conscience is inherently unacceptable, and it is up to experts to decide what is canonical and non-canonical - the legitimacy of laws should be determined by a person who satisfies his religious needs., Проблема здійснення свободи совісті в сучасній нам Україні в умовах повномасштабної агресії Росії є досить багатогранною, особливо з огляду на її глобальний вимір, ставлення світової громадськості та прихильників різних релігійних поглядів до подій, пов'язаних з російсько-українською війною, ставлення релігійних спільнот України до необхідності відстоювати свободу держави та ставлення релігійних об'єднань РФ до терористичної діяльності владних органів Росії. Мета статті – у контексті сучасної російсько-української війни концептуалізувати можливості здійснення свободи совісті у сучасній Україні. Теоретико-методологічну основу статті склали загальновизнані принципи релігієзнавства: світоглядного та методологічного плюралізму, неупередженості та гуманізму, компаративності та незаангажованості, ідеологічного та релігійного різноманіття, толерантності та позаконфесійності, світськості та міжконфесійного діалогу. З конкретно-наукових методів було використано проблемно-хронологічний, системно-структурний та критичний аналіз релігієзнавчих джерел, а також концептуально-дискурсний, системно-хронологічний та проблемно-конфесійний підходи до наукового осмислення явищ та подій релігійної та політичної життя. Висновки та перспективи подальших досліджень. Дискримінація УПЦ нині шкодить ситуації з релігійною свободою в Україні: прихильником цієї церкви нині бути небезпечно, адже якщо віруючі УПЦ сприяють руському миру, а індивід їх захищає, то здійснюється опосередкований захист цієї ідеї. Настав час припинити російсько-українську війну, покладаючи основні надії на збройні сили України. Спроба вирішити будь-які питання в ході воєнних дій за допомогою порушення норм законодавства про свободу совісті за своєю суттю є неприйнятними, і саме експертам вирішувати, що є канонічним та неканонічним – легітимність законів має визначати саме людина, яка задовольняє свої релігійні потреби.

Since 2015, religious freedom has become a heated and divisive political and public policy issue in Australia. While rarely defined or interrogated, ‘religious freedom’ does not exist as a value-neutral principle with a single meaning. Rather, its discursive constructions are varied and serve to promote certain interests at the expense of others. Offering a new perspective on the politics of religious freedom, this paper draws together four separate studies of the public discourse of religious freedom in Australia (spanning 35 years from 1984 to 2019) to chart how its framing has changed over time and to explore the implications of these changes. This analysis reveals three major discourses of religious freedom emerging over three phases: ‘religious diversity’; ‘balancing rights’; and ‘freedom of belief’. This paper demonstrates how, once used to promote a progressive social agenda, religious freedom has become weaponised by the Christian Right and culture warriors in their battle to entrench in law the ongoing acceptability of discrimination against LGBTIQ+ people.

In the Second Vatican Council’s Dignitatis Humanae, the Catholic Church declares that all persons have a right to religious freedom. One question left unaddressed by this declaration, as well as by subsequent theological debate, is whether this notion of religious freedom extends to atheists. In the following, I attempt to answer this question by analyzing some of the Church’s most relevant Magisterial documents. I examine the most compelling reasons for thinking that the Church’s teaching does not extend religious freedom to the atheist, especially when the public propagation of atheism is in question. However, in the final section, I consider one sense in which the Church does acknowledge religious freedom for the atheist: the sense in which all “unbelievers” must be free to make the act of faith and formally embrace the Christian religion. In this sense, I conclude, the atheist and other unbelievers enjoy even greater religious freedom than baptized Christians.

The Indonesian Constitution guarantees the freedom of Indonesian citizens to worship according to their religion. In reality, however, the Indonesian government had issued regulations that restrict the building of worship places, which is one way of expressing religious freedom. These regulations, being trapped in the discourse of the politicisation of religion and the religionisation of politics, are contradictory to the aspirations of the founding fathers as expressed in the Indonesian Constitution. This article seeks to deal with this problem by conducting a critical and reflective study on religion–state relations, particularly on the concept of sphere sovereignty proposed by Abraham Kuyper. This study employed the content analysis method. The study demonstrates that this concept, when applied to the Indonesian situation, would prove helpful in restoring normative leadership to Indonesian politics and would enable it to align itself with the values of the Indonesian Constitution. The study also recommends a number of practical strategies in protecting religious freedom and rights in Indonesia, especially with regard to the restrictions on building worship places. Contribution:The study of the concept of Kuyper’s Sphere Sovereignty can be helpful in restoring normative leadership to Indonesian politics and would enable it to align itself with the values of the Indonesian Constitution and allow religion to fulfil its responsibility towards the state and the state towards religion, without being trapped in the discourse of the politicisation of religion and the religionisation of politics.

The issue of religious freedom while serving a sentence of imprisonment often occupies scientists from around the world. Basically, they agree that a prisoner, regardless of the act for which he or she has been convicted, has the right to religious freedom. Problems are posed, however, by the question of delimiting this freedom, especially at the level of the right to practise a chosen religion during prison isolation. The decisions of international tribunals and national courts are not uniform owing to the generality of the rules governing this issue. The initial research question that we pose is this: how does society perceive the right to religious freedom in prisons? Does a convict have the right to demand respect for the rules of his or her religion regarding diet, clothes, appearance and participation in religious services? We look for answers to these questions in research conducted in Polish society, one that is confronted by international regulations.

The issue of religious freedom while serving a sentence of imprisonment often occupies scientists from around the world. Basically, they agree that a prisoner, regardless of the act for which he or she has been convicted, has the right to religious freedom. Problems are posed, however, by the question of delimiting this freedom, especially at the level of the right to practise a chosen religion during prison isolation. The decisions of international tribunals and national courts are not uniform owing to the generality of the rules governing this issue. The initial research question that we pose is this: how does society perceive the right to religious freedom in prisons? Does a convict have the right to demand respect for the rules of his or her religion regarding diet, clothes, appearance and participation in religious services? We look for answers to these questions in research conducted in Polish society, one that is confronted by international regulations.

Classical paradigms of the church-state relations may be reflected in how the church has tried to work and live out her integrity in different cultural-political contexts. The churches in Estonia have envisioned Christian integrity in relation to the state differently in different times and stages of societal and cultural development. One could distinguish the following four types of relationships: the conflict, the harmony, the two kingdoms, and the social servanthood. This article will focus on the characteristics of these relationship paradigms along with some personal, communal, and ecumenical examples in the sense of integrity of Estonian church-life from the last century to the present day when social servanthood seems to be most relevant.

El Estado colombiano a través del Presidente de la República, del Ministerio del Interior y de los entes territoriales, han adoptado a través de la historia unos lineamientos y/o acciones por medio de políticas públicas, en este caso particular, la Política Pública Integral de Libertad Religiosa; que sirve como guía para la materialización y protección de derechos fundamentales como son la libertad religiosa y de cultos, la libertad de conciencia, derecho a la igualdad, derecho a la participación; y el cumplimiento de los fines esenciales del actuar del Estado. Es por ello, que, en el marco de su competencia establecida previamente por tratados internacionales que han sido ratificados por Colombia, la Constitución política, leyes, decretos, la jurisprudencia y demás normas relacionadas, deben adelantar estrategias y mecanismos que promuevan la implementación de esta política pública en todo el territorio colombiano. A fin de que, el actuar de las entidades del estado, se adapte a las nuevas realidades y necesidades que van surgiendo en materia religiosa, y a los conceptos de diversidad, pluralismo, equidad y participación, dirigido en esta oportunidad al departamento del Meta. Colombia’s government through the President of the Republic, the Ministry of the Interior and the territorial entities, have adopted throughout history some guidelines and/or actions through public policies, and in this case, the Integral Public Policy of Religious Freedom; which serves as a guide for the materialization and protection of fundamental rights such as religious freedom and worship, freedom of conscience, right to equality, right to participation; and the fulfillment of the essential purposes of the state. For that reason, within the framework of their competence previously established by international treaties ratified by Colombia, the Political Constitution, laws, decrees, jurisprudence and other related norms, they must advance strategies and mechanisms that promote the implementation of this public policy in the Colombian territory. So that way, the actions of state entities adapt to the new realities and needs that are emerging in religious matters and related to t concepts like diversity, pluralism, equity, and participation, directed on this occasion to Meta department. Especialista en Derecho Administrativo http://www.ustavillavicencio.edu.co/home/index.php/unidades/extension-y-proyeccion/investigacion Especialización

The increasing presence of Muslim women in higher education centers in Spain (and, in countries around our European environment), generated - in its day before the pandemic - the debate on the possibility and feasibility of approving regulations or codes of clothing within the Public Universities. The purpose was none other than to prevent garments such as the burka or the niqab, which prevent and/or hinder the identification of university students in theclassroom and, specifically, the identification of female students because they are the bearers of this type of clothing, affect the normal development of academic institutions. Obviously, the query was extended, for reasons not only of identification, but also of security, to any type of garment or clothing that completely covered the face and/or head of its wearers. The current situation in many countries - after the more or less normalized return to attendance in postpandemic classrooms - has reopened the debate. Especially taking into account the imposition of the burqa on women in public spaces in countries such as Afghanistan as a result of an excessively restrictive interpretation of religious and/or cultural traditions whose burden - for purposes of observance - falls on women and, specifically, on the body of women. Saving the distances with the particular situation of Afghanistan, the debate emerges in the currentEuropean context on the need or opportunity to have regulations or dress codes in university environments that allow limiting the access and/or use of university spaces to people who cannot be identified. The article investigates the normative and jurisprudential framework that affects this issue from the perspective of the gender perspective as a critical methodology in the analysis of legal discourse. La cada vez mayor presencia de mujeres musulmanas en los centros de educación superior en España (y, en países de nuestro entorno europeo), generó antes de la pandemia el debate sobre la posibilidad y viabilidad de aprobar reglamentos o códigos de vestimentas en el seno de las Universidades Públicas. La finalidad no era otra que evitar que prendas como el burka o la niqab, que impiden y/o dificultan la identificación en el aula del alumnadouniversitario y, en concreto, la identificación de alumnas por ser estas las portadoras de este tipo de prendas, afectara al desarrollo normal de las instituciones académicas. Obviamente, la consulta se hizo extensible, por cuestiones no solo identificativas, sino de seguridad a cualquier tipo de prendas o vestimentas que cubriera completamente el rostro y/o cabeza de sus portadores. La situación actual en muchos países - tras la vuelta más o menos normalizada a una presencialidad en las aulas pospandemia - ha vuelto a abrir el debate. Máxime teniendo en cuenta la imposición en los espacios públicos del burka a las mujeres en países como Afganistán fruto de una interpretación excesivamente restrictiva de las tradiciones religiosasy/o culturales cuya carga - a efectos de observancia - recae sobre las mujeres y, en concreto, sobre el cuerpo de las mujeres. Salvando las distancias con la particular situación de Afganistán, emerge el debate en el contexto europeo actual sobre la necesidad u oportunidad de contar en los entornos universitarios con reglamentos o códigos de vestimenta que permitan limitar el acceso y/o utilización de los espacios universitarios a las personas que nopuedan ser identificadas. El artículo indaga en el marco normativo y jurisprudencial que resulta afecta a esta cuestión desde la óptica de la perspectiva de género como metodología crítica en el análisis del discurso jurídico.

En el presente artículo se hace un análisis documental del libro grado primero de la Colección Mundo Nuevo pertenece a la Editorial San Pablo, su composición literaria está regida por los lineamientos de Educación Religiosa Escolar (ERE) implementados por la Conferencia Episcopal de Colombia (2017); la colección es escogida como epicentro bibliográfico para evidenciar si el contenido temático y editorial se adecúa a lo consagrado en el artículo 24 de la Ley 115 de 1994 que garantiza el derecho a recibir educación religiosa sin perjuicios en concordancia igualmente con el artículo 19 de la Constitución Política de Colombia permitiendo la libertad de cultos en las instituciones educativas, la pluralidad y la expresión ecuménica. La investigación emplea el método cualitativo con uso de la técnica de análisis documental, se interesa en la propuesta de nuevos lineamientos y malla curricular para la ERE en concordancia con los enfoques humano, axiológico, espiritual y social en aras de promover la educación religiosa para el fortalecimiento del ser humano en su esencia y dignidad. In this article, a documentary analysis of the first grade book of the Mundo Nuevo Collection belongs to Editorial San Pablo, its literary composition is governed by the guidelines of School Religious Education (ERE) implemented by the Episcopal Conference of Colombia (2017); the collection is chosen as the bibliographic epicenter to evidence whether the thematic and editorial content is in line with what is enshrined in Article 24 of Law 115 of 1994, which guarantees the right to receive religious education without prejudice in accordance also with Article 19 of the Political Constitution of Colombia allowing freedom of worship in educational institutions, plurality and ecumenical expression. The research employs the qualitative method with the use of the documentary analysis technique, it is interested in the proposal of new guidelines and curriculum for ERE in accordance with the human, axiological, spiritual and social approaches in order to promote religious education for the strengthening of the human being in its essence and dignity. Licenciado en Teología Pregrado

This chapter examines the complex gestation of Dignitatis Humanae and the crucial conciliar debates on the right to religious freedom, a new and controversial topic whose inclusion in the agenda of Vatican II was suggested by the World Council of Churches. This chapter traces the phases of debate from the preparatory work of the Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity to the final promulgation of the document in the last public session of 7 December 1965. The debates over Dignitatis Humanae were marked by the difficulty of finding a compromise between ecumenical considerations and Church–State relations, civil liberties, and intersubjective rights. Dignitatis Humanae marked a decisive paradigm shift: with the acceptance of religious freedom, the Catholic Church brought into focus the principle that all religions have the same right to public expression in a democracy. The chapter concludes with a brief look at the profound differences in the cultural, theological, and socio-political backgrounds of the council fathers, which factored heavily in the conciliar debates on Dignitatis Humanae as well as in its reception.

Le présent article propose de s’intéresser une nouvelle fois au document juridique romain qui est improprement qualifié d’ « Édit de Milan ». L’approche et les arguments avancés ici ne sont pas nécessairement nouveaux et originaux. Néanmoins, il a semblé qu’un énième retour sur cette question s’imposait, après que plusieurs manifestations scientifiques internationales ont été organisées à l’occasion du supposé 1700e anniversaire de la proclamation de ce document par Constantin Ier. On verra, notamment, que le qualificatif d’edictum remonte à une erreur de traduction du grec vers le latin. On s’intéressera aussi à la nature juridique, de même qu’à la signification et à l’intérêt historiques du texte que nous ont livré Eusèbe de Césarée et Lactance. This paper intends to focus once again on the Roman legal document which is improperly called the “Edict of Milan”. The approach and arguments put forward here are not necessarily new or original. Nevertheless, it seems that this umpteenth return to this issue is useful, after several international scientific events were organised on the occasion of the supposed 1700th anniversary of the proclamation of this document by Constantine. We will see, in particular, that the title of edictum dates back to an error in translating from Greek to Latin. We will also be interested in the legal nature, as well as the historical significance and interest of the text that Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius have given us.

This study examines the impact of religious and educational freedoms on prosperity. The system GMM model is applied by using the data of 45 lower-, middle-, and high-income countries from 2009 to 2018. The results show that religious and academic freedoms are positively and statistically significantly associated with prosperity. It is revealed from the results that the lagged impact of both religious and education freedoms has a higher impact on prosperity than the current level of both variables. Interestingly, the interaction term between academic and religious freedom is also positive and statistically significant, indicating that their combined effect further increases prosperity. Further, the interaction term between government effectiveness and gross fixed capital formation is introduced. Its impact is positive and significant, indicating that capital investment positively affects prosperity in the case of higher government effectiveness. This study uses gross fixed capital formation and trade openness as control variables and these variables have a positive impact on prosperity, but the impact of trade openness on prosperity is insignificant. Thus, this study recommends religious and education freedom to achieve prosperity, especially in low-income countries that are already lagging.

This study examines whether religion clauses in countries’ constitutions predict levels of government-based discrimination (GRD) against religious minorities. Using the Religion and State (RAS) and Religion and State-Constitutions (RAS-Constitutions) datasets, I find that clauses declaring official religion, separation of religion and state (SRAS), and religious freedom have no significant influence on GRD. In fact, 152 of 154 types of religion clauses found in constitutions measured by the RAS-Constitutions dataset do not significantly predict GRD. However, constitutional clauses banning religious hate speech and protecting the right to not be religious are associated with higher levels of GRD. I theorize that these causes likely represent an anti-religious form of secularism, which can be hostile to religious minorities.

The theories of William Chambliss, a prominent twentieth century theorist in the Sociology of Law, are applied to examples of both conflict and the resolution of conflict concerning the use of Shari’a family law in the United States, Australia and Canada. Chambliss’ dialectic processing model, as extended by later scholarship, is applicable to instances of efforts to formally integrate certain aspects of Shari’a into legal systems within these three societies. Recognition (or lack of recognition) of major changes concerning Shari’a represents significant development within the legal structures in western societies. Implications of the use of Chambliss’ theories in comparative studies of legal pluralism are examined.

The article provides an overview of the most salient actions implemented by the Biden administration in the field of religious freedom. It analyzes the discrepancies between such actions and the current US Supreme Court’s judicial trend in the field of religion. Finally, it provides an evaluation of the overall state of religious freedom and Church/State relations and identifies the potential challenges that lie ahead.

Die für § 37 SächsSchulG-E und § 2 Abs. 2a SächsKitaG-E vorgesehenen Regelungen sind nicht diskriminierungsfrei ausgerichtet, sondern beziehen sich ausschließlich auf das "islamische Kopftuch". Allein durch diese Ausrichtung sind die vorgesehenen Regelungen des Entwurfs - unter Beachtung völkerrechtlicher Vorgaben, insbesondere der UN-Kinderrechtskonvention - evident verfassungswidrig.

Російська інтервенція на Сході України, що супроводжувалася появою невизнаних державних утворень, таких як самопроголошені "Донецька Народна Республіка" і "Луганська Народна Республіка", значним чином трансформувала місцеві релігійні ландшафти, зробивши політику у сфері релігії дуже чутливим питанням. Політика окупаційної влади, спрямована на переслідування окремих релігійних громад та віруючих, перетворила тимчасово окуповані території України на простір релігійної несвободи, де порушуються релігійні права. Останні законодавчі ініціативи в Донецьку та Луганську викликали серйозне занепокоєння у широкої громадськості. Враховуючи незадовільний стан релігійної свободи на тимчасово окупованих територіях Східної України, а також необхідність належного реагування на чисельні випадки переслідування багатьох конфесій, у дослідженні надається не лише аналіз релігійної політики на цих територіях, але й всебічне пояснення конкретних наслідків у випадку Донбасу. The Russian interference in Eastern Ukraine followed by the appearance of unrecognized states such as the so-called “Donetsk People’s Republic” and “Luhansk People’s Republic” has distinctly shaped local religious landscapes, thus making policy on religion a very sensitive issue. Policies by the occupation authorities aimed to persecute certain religious communities and believers have transformed the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine into a space of religious non-freedom where religious rights are violated. The latest legislative initiatives in Donetsk and Luhansk cities raised serious concerns in the general public. Given the unsatisfactory state of religious freedom in the temporarily occupied territories of Eastern Ukraine and the need to respond appropriately to flagrant cases of persecution of many denominations, this study provides not only an analysis of religious policy in those territories, but also a comprehensive explanation of the specific outcome in the case of Donbas.

We discuss whether and under what conditions people should be allowed to choose which COVID-19 vaccine to receive on the basis of personal ethical views. The problem arises primarily with regard to some religious groups’ concerns about the connection between certain COVID-19 vaccines and abortion. Vaccines currently approved in Western countries make use of foetal cell lines obtained from aborted foetuses either at the testing stage (Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna vaccines) or at the development stage (Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine). The Catholic Church’s position is that, if there are alternatives, Catholic people have a moral obligation to request the vaccine whose link with abortion is more remote, which at present means that they should refuse the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine. We argue that any consideration regarding free choice of the vaccine should apply to religious and non-religious claims alike, in order to avoid religion-based discrimination. However, we also argue that, in a context of limited availability, considering the significant differences in costs and effectiveness profile of the vaccines available, people should only be allowed to choose the preferred vaccine if: 1) this does not risk compromising vaccination strategies; and 2) they internalize any additional cost that their choice might entail. The State should only subsidize the vaccine that is more cost-effective for any demographic group from the point of view of public health strategies.

Zagrożenie z powodu rozprzestrzeniania się koronawirusa w Polsce spowodowało wprowadzenie w marcu 2020 r. stanu zagrożenia epidemicznego, a następnie stanu epidemii na terenie całego kraju. Właściwe organy władzy państwowej wprowadziły liczne ograniczenia poszczególnych praw i wolności człowieka, w tym również wolności uzewnętrzniania religii. Polski prawodawca w art. 31 ust. 3 i art. 53 ust. 5 Konstytucji RP określił zasady dotyczące możliwości wprowadzenia dozwolonych ograniczeń tej wolności. Ograniczenia takie zgodnie z przepisami konstytucyjnymi mogą być wprowadzone tylko w ustawie i w sytuacji, gdy są konieczne w społeczeństwie demokratycznym z powodu ochrony dóbr szczególnie chronionych. Muszą być proporcjonalne tak, aby nie naruszać samej istoty ograniczanego prawa. Wprowadzone ograniczenia dotyczące możliwości uczestniczenia i sprawowania kultu religijnego budzą wątpliwości co do ich legalności i konstytucyjności. Zagrożenie epidemiczne uzasadnia podejmowanie działań ze strony właściwych organów władzy państwowej w celu zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa, jednak organy te powinny działać na podstawie i w granicach prawa. Przepisy konstytucyjne nie pozostawiają dowolności w zakresie możliwości wprowadzania ograniczeń praw i wolności człowieka, w tym również prawa do wolności religii. The threat posed by the spread of coronavirus in Poland resulted in the introduction of the state of epidemic emergency for the whole country in March 2020, subsequently followed by the state of epidemic. The competent state authorities have introduced numerous limitations on individual human rights and freedoms, including limitations on the freedom to manifest religion. The Polish legislator laid down the principles for permissible limitations on this freedom in Articles 31(3) and 53(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. In accordance with the constitutional provisions, such limitations may only be introduced by statutory acts and in situations when they are necessary in a democratic society for the protection of specially protected goods. They must be proportionate so as not to impair the very essence of the right being limited. The introduced limitations on participating in and performing religious worship raise doubts as to their legality and constitutionality. The epidemic threat justifies taking action by competent state authorities to ensure safety. However, state authorities should act on the basis and within the limits of the law. The constitutional provisions do not leave any room for discretion as regards the possibility of introducing limitations on human rights and freedoms, including the right to freedom of religion.

Este trabalho analisa o impacto das restricoes a liberdade religiosa, provocadas pelo estado de emergencia sanitaria, ligado a pandemia da covid-19, durante o primeiro periodo de confinamento em Portugal. Ao partir do marco teorico da era secular e secularidade, esta investigacao permite interpretar, atraves de uma analise qualitativa, hipotetico-dedutiva, o lugar da religiao em sociedades marcadas por culturas de secularidade. Conclui-se que a normalizacao da subordinacao de valores e praticas religiosas aos da esfera politica, evidenciada pela hierarquizacao de atividades essenciais e nao-essenciais, e a sua promocao atraves da autossecularidade esvaziam a presenca da religiao no espaco publico e ajudam no avanco de uma cultura de secularidade.

Freedom and religious rights in this nation have gone through a long phase of ups and downs; in this case, the ones that are most heavily highlighted are the adherents of local religions. Even so, local religion continues to exist amid various existing problems. One form of the problem is multiple efforts to discriminate and violate the right to religious freedom for students who follow the Sunda Wiwitan faith in Cirendeu, Cimahi, West Java. This study aims to explain the various forms of discrimination students receive from the Sunda Wiwitan faith. This study uses a qualitative method. Based on case studies and interviews, it is stated that there have been various forced attempts to change beliefs that often occur in schools; one of the fundamental criticisms is the absence of religious learning facilities according to ideas in school. So it is often the case that students with beliefs as believers are forced to take lessons according to the majority religion in the school.

This paper will consider the extent to which two competing norms—freedom of religion, on the one hand, and Islam as the religion of the state, on the other—are in tension with each other as seen through the lens of three Muslim-majority countries in the Maghreb. I examine this potential tension in four steps: first, the transformation of meaning of the Arabic word “hurriyya” (freedom) during and after the 19th century; second, the articulation of Islam as the religion of the state in the constitutions of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia; third, the articulation of freedom of religion (whether freedom of worship or conscience) in the constitutional texts of these three countries, and finally, the question whether the laws and practices that implement these two constitutional norms are compatible or whether they in fact give priority to Islam as the state religion over the norm of freedom of religion. In Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, Islam plays an important role in the legal system, especially in family codes: the Moroccan Family Code (2004), the Algerian Family Code (2016), and the Tunisian Personal Status Code (1957). These are the remaining citadels most implicated with references to Islamic law, the interpretation of which has placed women in an unequal position.

The paper offers an analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights at the intersection of women’s rights and religious freedom. It maps different configurations of gender and religious interests across the corpus of case law, and analyses the Court’s intersectionality practice.

The study reviews the regulation of the freedom of religion in the age of dualism in Hungary. Dualism was the era of the transforming Hungarian society; the article gives a description of the ongoing socio-economic processes. Although freedom of religion was already regulated in 1848, the most significant laws were enacted in 1894 and 1895. The regulation of religious freedom has also influenced the enactment of other laws, such as the content of laws on matrimonial/birth registration or marriage, so these laws are also presented by the author. The period distinguished between the accepted and recognised religions; they are also presented to the reader in detail in the study together with the views of the prominent politicians and statesmen of the period. During this period, the current outlines of the freedom of religion developed, and after the repressive era of socialism, this freedom restored its foundations of the rule of law with the change of the regime.

O presente artigo aborda o assunto sobre a Liberdade Religiosa em meio a pandemia da Covid-19. Analisa-se, sucintamente, o impacto sofrido pela esfera religiosa por um vírus onde o ser humano é o principal vetor de transmissão e disseminação, trazendo enormes mudanças nas atividades religiosas. Depois o termo é problematizado a partir das concepções de Boaventura de Sousa Santos e por John M. Barry, a respeito da crise causada pela pandemia da Covid-19 e a necessidade de adaptação, identificando os problemas gerados pela pandemia e a busca pela manutenção da liberdade, entre outros. Portanto, busca-se promover a reflexão sobre a prática religiosa em meio a pandemia e a tentativa de conservação do vínculo humano e religioso.

This study discusses the religious freedom of an individual living in the country of India. It discusses human rights and the protection of human rights at the face of rising nationalism in Uttar Pradesh (UP), India. It also has shed the light on the effect of nationalism on religious freedom affecting in UP. It has also described the various human rights that protect the religious beliefs of the people of UP and beyond. Probability sampling is discussed as the sampling method which was necessary for selecting the participants for collecting the data. The data collected required for the analysis to elaborately understand the topic. It highlighted the data collection process and ethical consideration of this topic to determine its reliability and validity. There is a discussion of the result of the important findings and analyses to meet the research objectives. Data has been collected through primary and secondary process and some themes have also been developed to improve the findings. It has illustrated different factors of nationalism that had impact on religious freedom in Uttar Pradesh. It demonstrates the full of information regarding this topic of previous analysis sectors. The recommendation provided the exact information for future complete sources of nationalism in India in the case study of Uttar Pradesh. There will be some recommendations at the end. Este estudo aborda a liberdade religiosa na Índia. Discute os direitos humanos e a proteção dos direitos humanos tendo em conta o nacionalismo crescente no Estado do Uttar Pradesh (UP), Índia. Também lança luz sobre o efeito do nacionalismo na liberdade religiosa que afeta a UP. Descreve ainda a legislação sobre os direitos humanos que protegem as crenças religiosas na Índia. Na metodologia explica-se como foram selecionados os participantes para a recolha de dados empíricos, importante para compreender melhor o tema em análise, bem como são referidas considerações éticas para essa mesma recolha ser confiável e válida. Procede com a discussão dos resultados, procurando responder aos objetivos da pesquisa. Além de entrevistas, procedeu-se a uma análise doutros dados, incluindo análise de conteúdo de artigos e dados estatísticos disponíveis. Desta forma ilustra-se como o nacionalismo impactou a liberdade religiosa no Uttar Pradesh. Há uma riqueza de informações muito diversificada anterior a este trabalho. O estudo presente procura aprofundar esta realidade. No final, são feitas algumas recomendações para combater os impactos do nacionalismo indiano na liberdade religiosa.

Resumen La presente investigación hace una revisión de la producción académica publicada sobre educación religiosa escolar (ERE) entre los años 1991-2020 en Hispanoamérica, donde la ERE ha estado presente en los sistemas educativos en estos países a partir de la primera evangelización desde la época de la colonia, cambiando de finalidades, métodos y formatos. Entender su lugar en la escuela actual requiere identificar los cambios históricos, de contexto y finalidad, y las distintas preocupaciones de sus actores educativos. La investigación hace una revisión general de las publicaciones de la región, puntualizando en el caso colombiano, argentino, mexicano y uruguayo. La metodología usa un análisis de contenido que identifica tres niveles de análisis del texto: de superficie, analítico e interpretativo. Los hallazgos se clasificaron en cinco temáticas: 1) análisis jurídicos; 2) estudios historiográficos; 3) análisis sobre las nuevas realidades sociales y educativas; 4) análisis de los currículos y la práctica pedagógica del maestro; y, 5) fundamentación epistemológica de la ERE. La revisión permite concluir que el tipo de educación religiosa escolar de cada país en Hispanoamérica está determinado por la comprensión de laicidad que cada país tenga en su ordenamiento constitucional y por las complejas trayectorias históricas de las relaciones Iglesia - Estado en su consolidación como nación. Además, los documentos dan cuenta de diversidad de enfoques y preocupaciones por la necesidad -o no- de una educación religiosa fundamentada teológica y pedagógicamente, para un contexto religioso y cultural claramente diverso y plural en el cual se encuentran jóvenes y adolescentes que asisten a la escuela, algunos en búsqueda de identidad y sentido de vida. Abstract This research work makes a review of the academic production which has been published about scholar religious education (SRE) since 1991 to 2020. The SRE has been present in the educational systems of the Hispanic America countries from the first evangelization since colonial times and it has been changing purposes, methods and formats. It requires to identify historical changes in the context and the purposes, as well as the different concerns of its educational actors in order to understand its role in today's school. The research makes a general review of the publications of the region, highlighting the Colombian, Argentine, Mexican and Uruguayan cases. The methodology uses a content analysis that identifies three levels of text analysis: over ground, analytical, and interpretative. The coding of the documents was carried out with the Atlas-ti program version 8.4. The interest of Hispanic-American researchers was classified into five topics: 1) legal analysis; 2) historiographic studies; 3) research from an intercultural perspective; 4) analysis of the curricula and the teacher's pedagogical practice; and, 5) epistemological foundation of the SRE. The review allows to conclude that the type of scholar religious education of each country in Hispanic America is determined by the understanding of secularism that each country has in its constitutional order and by the complex historical trajectories of Church- State relations in its consolidation as a nation. Besides, the documents reveal the diversity of approaches and concerns regarding the need - or not - of a theologically and pedagogically based religious education, for a clearly diverse and plural religious and cultural context in which there are young people and adolescents who attend the school, some of them searching their identity and sense of life.

Introduzione allo special issue che raccoglie Interventi tenuti il 26 novembre 2021 in occasione del Seminario di studio sul tema “Religious freedom before, during and after covid-19 between Europe and the Member States” organizzato dall’Eulerit Academic Forum dell’Università degli Studi di Trieste col supporto del Modulo Jean Monnet su “The European impact on the regulation Law&Religion in Italy and Beyond”.

While economic studies have coined the catchphrase “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” the importance of “religious freedom with Chinese characteristics” remains undervalued and overlooked. Consistently a significant factor influencing international conflict, religion must be considered an integral part of any holistic analysis of the growing tension between the People’s Republic of China and the United States. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, headquartered in the United States, continues to grow internationally and has become an important case study demonstrating the strain caused by the arrival of a foreign religion in China. This analysis will describe the context and history of religious freedom in China, presenting the three most important factors influencing the religious perspective of the Chinese Communist Party: rule of law; foreign oppression; and collectivism. An analysis of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints’ approach to strategic communication in China, including recommendations for foreign churches operating in China, will be provided. Keywords: religious freedom, Chinese Communist Party, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, strategic communication, State Administration of Religious Affairs, {"references":["Albert, E., & Maizland, L. (2020, September 25). Religion in China. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/religionchina","Askar, J. G. (2010, Aug 30). Mormon Church announces talks to 'regularize' operations in China. Deseret News. https://www.deseret. com/2010/8/31/mormon-church-announcestalks-to-regularize-operations-in-china","Bays, D. H. (2012). A new history of Christianity in China. Wiley-Blackwell","Boardman, E. P. (1951). Christian influence upon the ideology of the Taiping Rebellion. The Journal of Asian Studies, 10(2), 115-124. https:// dx.doi.org/10.2307/2049091","Botan, C. H. 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This research sees to discuss the position of the State regarding Freedom of Belief, under the legal perspective. In other words, as the Brazilian Constitution guarantees freedom and the free exercise of religion in its art. 5, item VI, the question is: May the Brazilian State interfere with the freedom of individual belief, or can it provide legal guarantees so that this freedom is ensured? By the deductive method and by the analysis of recent judgments of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court in cases of extraordinary appeals, the limits of the State of action or inaction in relation to religious freedom will be upheld, concluding that the State must always ensure the sovereignty of secularity and neutrality in religious matters, observing freedom of belief. Keywords: Religious freedom; Brazilian State; Law

This article is based on a research on religious moderation in Pesantren (Islamic Boarding School) reviewed from the perspective of Ibn Arabi. It focuses on the violation of belief and religious freedom (KKB) in Indonesia, with its intensity through coercion and subjective judgement against other beliefs and sects. This study aims to relate wahdat al-wujūd, the concept of Ibn Arabi, with religious moderation concept in pesantren. This study found that (1) the concept of wahdat al-wujūd has philosophically constructed moderate mental and mindset; (2) pesantrens are able to instill the concept of religious moderation into students through their educational system; and (3) through wahdat al-wujūd Ibn Arabi proposes unifying concept and the nature of human being supporting the existence of religious moderation.

The article puts forward a novel democratic framework to rethink the relationships between religious freedom and religious discrimination. First, it makes a case for a unifying normative basis for all religious interests grounded in a democratic framework, which emphasises the dual dimension of religious interests, both as negative rights protecting individual autonomy against interferences as well as positive rights of participation. Second, it builds upon this democratic framework to revisit the relationships between discrimination law and religious freedom and guard against trends to subject discrimination law claims to preliminary (higher) thresholds. Third, the article examines how contextual balancing exercises between competing interests should (and to a large extent have) become a key unifying feature of both routes and draws from the democratic framework insights as to how these balancing exercises should be carried out.

The article deals with the problem of religious freedom in Crimea after the occupation of the Peninsula by Russian military forces in February 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The subject matter of the study is religious freedom in Crimea during the Russian occupation since 2014. The systematic and the structural approach allow the authors to see the entire picture of religious freedoms violation on the Peninsula. The study hypothesizes that with the occupation and annexation of Crimea, Russia brought the collapse of the religious pluralism and freedom that Ukrainians had experienced since 1991. In this paper, the authors cover a wide range of issues such as torture of religious activists, destruction and the illegal seizure of religious property, persecution of Ukrainians on political and religious grounds, deportation of Crimea’s population to the mainland of Ukraine. The research establishes that the occupiers created unbearable conditions for religious freedom, the lives of many clergymen and believers appeared to be in great danger. Different religious communities, especially the representatives of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (the OCU), Crimean Muslim Tatars, suffered significantly from applying Russia’s severe criminal and administrative requirements. The analysis allows seeing the complete picture of religious discrimination of different denominations and cruel religious persecution in the annexed Crimea beginning from February 2014 till nowadays. Artykuł dotyczy wolności religijnej na Krymie po rozpoczęciu okupacji Półwyspu przez rosyjskie siły zbrojne w lutym 2014 roku oraz aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską. Przedmiotem badania jest wolność religijna na Krymie od tamtej pory. Wykorzystanie podejścia systematycznego i strukturalnego pozwala autorom przedstawić pełen obraz naruszeń wolności religijnej na Półwyspie. Na potrzeby studium założono, że wraz z zajęciem i aneksją Krymu Rosja doprowadziła do upadku pluralizmu i wolności religii, którymi Ukraińcy cieszyli się od 1991 roku. W przedstawionej pracy autorzy poruszają szereg zagadnień, np. torturowanie aktywistów religijnych, niszczenie lub nielegalne przejmowanie własności o charakterze religijnym, prześladowanie obywateli Ukrainy na tle politycznym i religijnym, czy deportowanie mieszkańców Krymu do innych obszarów Ukrainy. Na podstawie analizy ustalono, że okupanci stworzyli warunki uniemożliwiające korzystanie z wolności religijnej oraz stwarzające zagrożenie życia dla wiernych i duchownych. Różne wspólnoty religijne, szczególnie przedstawiciele Kościoła Prawosławnego Ukrainy i Tatarów krymskich, poważnie odczuły skutki działań Rosji, która wdrożyła przeciwko nim szereg procedur administracyjnych i kryminalnych. Analiza umożliwia dostrzeżenie pełnego obrazu dyskryminacji różnych wyznań na tle religijnym oraz okrutnych prześladowań na terenie Krymu od lutego 2014 roku do chwili obecnej.

People who are committed to religious freedom are generally also committed to protecting the conditions for the cultivation of religious life. Because of the deep linkages between religious belief and practice and religious institutions, it can seem natural and straightforward to move from championing religious freedom to championing religious freedom for religious institutions themselves. Members of the Supreme Court of Canada indicated their readiness to make this move in a 2015 case involving a Catholic secondary school in Quebec. In this article, I challenge the idea that according religious institutions section 2(a) protection in their own right is either a natural or a straightforward consequence of a commitment to collective religious freedom. I describe the intellectual history and characteristics of religious institutionalism and summarize the claims of its principal Canadian proponent. I then outline several ways in which religious institutionalism clashes with our basic constitutional commitments. Finally, I develop several prongs of a feminist response to religious institutionalism. I highlight the normative character of questions about the constitutional status of religious institutions, the gendered nature of the relationship between religious institutions and individual rights-holders, and the organic and dynamic features of religious institutions. I argue that we must approach institutional religious freedom claims cautiously and resist any interpretation of section 2(a) that would entrench and shield from internal resistance a singular, institutional religious voice.

Emergencies are exceptions to the rule. Laws that respond to emergencies can create exceptions to rules that protect human rights. In long lasting emergencies, these exceptions can become the rule, diluting human rights and eroding the rule of law. In the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic prompted states to change rules governing commercial and personal activities to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. Many governors’ executive orders were challenged as violations of the constitutionally protected rights of those affected. Judges are deciding whether emergencies can justify more restrictions than would be permitted in normal circumstances and whether some rights deserve more protection than others, even in an emergency. This article analyzes ongoing litigation involving emergency restrictions on religious freedom and access to reproductive health services. These cases suggest that some judges are altering the standards of judicial review of the state’s emergency powers in ways that could permanently strengthen some rights and dilute others in normal circumstances.

How do legal strategies at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) vary among activists in highly asymmetrical social positions? Social scientists have demonstrated that legal mobilization raises the pressure on states to provide broader minority accommodation. While this may be true, such outcome-oriented studies overlook the fact that judicial mobilization is itself deeply imbued with inequalities and divergent interests among diverse activists. We lack comparative studies to examine how such differences play out in litigation. Drawing on a qualitative in-depth study among Sikh, Muslim, Catholic, Evangelical, and secular advocacy groups involved in religious freedom disputes at the ECtHR, this article argues that claims making often is a balancing act between legal power relations and extra-legal commitments, which leads to variation in activists’ leverage to challenge legal marginalization. First, hostile legal environments discourage more easily activists with weaker transnational connections who are in vulnerable domestic positions. Second, while the most marginalized readily seek to fit identity narratives into dominant legal frames of religion, more powerful actors can target the core of legal principles and power distribution within the legal field as such. Even when unsuccessful in judicial outcomes, they might affect broader political and legal debates.

“The Experiment” presents scholars of religion with an opportunity to draw upon their training to reflect upon a contemporary issue. Editorial assistant Jacob Barrett engages with a recent edited volume from Routledge titled Leading Works in Law and Religion that, while focusing on the identity of the subfield of law and religion within the discipline of legal studies in the United Kingdom and Ireland, provides many sites for comparison with the religion and law subfield of religious studies in the United States context. Drawing upon the model set by the volume, Barrett imagines what a volume titled Leading Works in Religion and Law could look like and what the subfield of religion and law stands to gain from engaging in a project like the one done by its law and religion counterpart.

Nowadays, liberty of conscience as an inalienable right is a standard of demoliberal constitutionalism. It is an obvious component of a well-organized society and state. However, at the very beginning of its presence in the political discourse, it was more a product of Christian theology (the free conscience perceived as a gift of God) than a legal category; more an endowment of divinity than an intrinsic human value. In the contemporary, secularized world, our understanding of freedom of religion includes not only free exercise of religion but also freedom from religion. An increasing number of non-believers changes our expectations of the state that is obliged to protect the freedom of conscience of all citizens regardless of their beliefs. The goal of the article is to consider the difficulties faced by people with a theistic worldview in the reality of a state founded on the principle of ideological neutrality.