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When several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors’ public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy.

When several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors’ public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy.

Since the pandemic outbreak, the Netherlands has been repeatedly gripped by protests over successive restrictions. Protesters were often characterized by aggression and violence, so they had to be demobilized to restore order to the streets. In some cases, the police were forced to use coercive measures. Nonetheless, the November 2021 protest in Rotterdam caused considerable controversy. During the demonstration, gunshots were fired at demonstrators for the first time in a dozen years. This article aims to attribute the strategy of police action during the Rotterdam protests to one of the two models determined by McPhail, Schweingruber, and McCarthy and operationalized by Rak. The study draws on qualitative source analysis and the content analysis technique. The most opinion-forming Dutch news sites, both Dutch- and English-language, were used as sources. These sources were supported by international news sites and channels on the streaming service YouTube. Additionally, the Rotterdam police’s Twitter account and the official politie.nl website were analyzed. A theoretically grounded hypothesis was posited that: during the Rotterdam protests in November 2021, the police, due to the dynamic development of the rally, used a model closer to an escalated force. However, it did not occur in its pure form.

U Republici Hrvatskoj kao i u većini drugih zemalja eskaliraju neredi na športskim natjecanjima. U cilju učinkovite primjene propisa vezanih uz sprječavanje nereda na športskim natjecanjima, Republika Hrvatska je donijela Protokol o sigurnosti na utakmicama visokog rizika. U ovom radu autori analiziraju odredbe Protokola kao i njegovu dosadašnju učinkovitost u sprječavanju nereda na športskim natjecanjima., In the Republic of Croatia, as in most other countries, riots at sports competitions are escalating. In order to effectively apply regulations related to the prevention of riots at sports competitions, the Republic of Croatia adopted the Protocol on safety at High-Risk Matches. In this paper, the author analyzes the provisions of the Protocol as well as its effectiveness so far in preventing disorder at sport competitions.

This paper focuses on the encounter and collision of two different cultural systems in the influx of biomedicine and Protestant Christianity during the 1888 'baby riot' in Seoul, Korea. This research scrutinizes the relationship between religion and medicine in modern Korea to illustrate why Korean people contested against the nexus of Protestant Christianity and biomedicine that had been introduced from the West. For them, biomedicine was not simply a way of treating sickness or disease, but a way in which their bodies were examined and manipulated by placing a new gaze on the human body. These disputes developed due to the significant differences between biomedicine and the traditional perspective that was based on the values of Confucian teachings. The Korean people desired to protect the belief that the human body was a locus of virtue and should be preserved without modification, which was considered as a pivotal part of their social identity. Therefore, people who lacked social and political power tried to express their opposition to the medicine and religion from the West by spreading rumors of cannibalism. Through the spread of the rumors, the people interpreted and manifested that Western medicine was cruel, ignorant, immoral and dehumanizing. This paper states that Koreans were not merely passive recipients of biomedicine and Protestant Christianity, but also appropriated the new medical and religious discourses to maintain their dignity and cultural authority against the current of colonization.

Resumen El artículo, por medio de una mirada antropológica, explora los procesos de construcción del paisaje de la protesta a través de tres dispositivos conceptuales: la ruinación, la iconoclasia y la antropofagia. En base al trabajo de campo etnográfico y arqueológico hecho en el centro histórico de Santiago de Chile entre octubre de 2019 y marzo de 2020, se exploran y caracterizan estos procesos focalizando en las transformaciones materiales ocurridas en la plaza, la iglesia y el monumento. Se argumenta que en este ejercicio de construcción de un paisaje de la protesta como espacio de resistencia y deseo se expresan memorias, furias e heterotopias que permiten exorcizar los espectros de un pasado reciente de violencia política pero por, sobre todo, construir una comunidad emocional para iniciar un proceso de transformación política y cultural que actualmente se plasma en la escritura de una nueva Constitución. Abstract Via an anthropological gaze, the present article explores the construction of a landscape of protest through three conceptual devices: ruination, iconoclasm, and anthropophagy. Based on ethnographic and archaeological fieldwork undertaken in the historic center of Santiago de Chile between October 2019 and March 2020, these processes are explored through focusing on the material transformations that took place during demonstrations in and around the public square, the church, and the monument. We argue that the exercise of building a landscape of protest as a space of resistance, desire, memories, anger, and heterotopias is expressed by making possible the exorcism of the specters of recent past political violence. Additionally, material transformations enable the construction of an emotional community that is begins to make possible a process of political and cultural transformation, necessary for the ongoing writing of a new Chilean constitution. Resumo O artigo explora desde um olhar antropológico os processos de construção da paisagem dos protestos através de três dispositivos conceituais: a ruinação, a iconoclastia e a antropofagia. Com base em um trabalho de campo etnográfico e arqueológico desenvolvido no centro histórico de Santiago do Chile entre outubro de 2019 e março de 2020, se exploram e caracterizam esses processos focando nas transformações materiais acontecidas na praça pública, na igreja e no monumento. Nosso argumento é que no exercício de construção de uma paisagem dos protestos como espaço de resistência e desejo se expressam memórias, raivas e heterotopias que permitem exorcizar os espectros de um passado recente de violência política, além de possibilitar a construção de uma comunidade emocional para iniciar o processo de transformação política e cultural que hoje se expressa na escritura de uma nova Constituição para o Chile.

This article suggests a new perspective on the political signification of riots, using the 2011 England riots as a case. The sociological literature tends to look for the political signification of riots in the riots themselves. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s notion of the dispositive, the article develops a new approach that analyses the optical grids in which riots are made visible as objects for thought and action that can be either political or apolitical. By analysing the case of the 2011 England riots, the article shows how the dispositives that made the riots visible make it possible to ascribe a both obscure and radical political signification to the riots. The article opens up a new line of inquiry about the relation between riots and politics, and allows us to reconsider the political signification of riots.

Over the last several years, law enforcement’s image in the United States has been tarnished by the unlawful acts of a number of bad actors. These actions have negatively influenced the perception of law enforcement, particularly within some minority communities located in metropolitan cities nationwide. To strengthen its public profile, law enforcement is exploring methods to improve its image. This thesis investigates how law enforcement can develop positive social media exposure to improve police–community relations in the current social climate. Using qualitative and quantitative research, this thesis examined the different methods the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, the Boston Police Department, and the Portland Police Bureau used to develop positive social media exposure on Twitter directly before and after the murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020. To assess the departments’ methods, this research analyzed their respective tweets by their frequency, method of posting, and the number of reactions they generated within this timeframe. As a result, this thesis finds that nationwide protests created significant exposure opportunities for law enforcement. This thesis concludes that to improve its image, law enforcement should continuously promote positive messaging on Twitter by highlighting positive work, conveying solidarity with the community, and exhibiting a willingness to work with the public. Civilian, State Govt Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Any public events, especially meetings, rallies, demonstrations can turn into riots. Law enforcement agencies are preparing in advance to carry out these activities. In accordance with the governing documents, a special operation is being carried out and groups of operational formation are being allocated to stop the riots. The quality of task performance depends on the timely management of these groups. Operational formation groups are controlled by voice, loudspeakers and radio stations. The equipment of law enforcement personnel during a special operation to stop the riots requires the presence of a protective helmet. It reduces the ability to perceive voice commands. Also, riots are always accompanied by noise, which affects the quality of receiving voice commands by personnel. In accordance with the governing documents, the commanders of subunits and groups of operational formation must have means of communication. However, in conditions of riots, such distribution of communications equipment may be insufficient, which may lead to failure to fulfill the relevant tasks. At the same time, providing each representative of law enforcement agencies with a radio station requires financial costs. The article proposes a mathematical model for determining the required number of means of communication to ensure the fulfillment of the tasks of stopping mass riots. When developing this model, an approach was used to calculate the power of loudspeakers for lumped systems. The developed mathematical model takes into account the specifics of performing tasks during a special operation to stop mass riots and allows you to determine the total number of communications equipment necessary to ensure the management of operational formation groups. The model will help improve the management of operational formation groups and improve the quality of command transmission by commanders to the personnel of these groups., Запропоновано математичну модель визначення необхідної кількості засобів звʼязку для забезпечення стійкого управління групами оперативного шикування під час припинення масових заворушень. У процесі розроблення вказаної моделі використовувався підхід до розрахунку потужності гучномовців для зосереджених систем. Розроблена математична модель ураховує особливості виконання завдань підрозділами Національної гвардії України та іншими правоохоронними органами під час проведення спеціальної операції з припинення масових заворушень і дає змогу визначити загальну кількість засобів звʼязку, яка необхідна для забезпечення управління групами оперативного шикування. Застосування моделі сприятиме поліпшенню управління групами оперативного шикування та підвищенню якості передачі команд командирами до особового складу вказаних груп.

The relation between political contention and social order is a fundamental field of sociological inquiry. This article puts forward a dispositive perspective on the relation by analysing its constitution in concrete objects of control. Focusing on the object of riots, I uncover a significant change at the turn of the nineteenth century. Before the change, political and social riot dispositives were both mutually exclusive and in danger of transforming into each other. This meant that riots were sites in which the relation between contention and social order was negotiated. This negotiation was brought to a halt by a new relation. Consequently, political and social riot dispositives could coexist on the condition that riots became a liminal object. This article contributes to our empirical knowledge on the link between political and social dispositives and opens up a new perspective on the general relation between contention and social order.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that state responses to disasters can mitigate negative political consequences of conflict exposure in the context of non-state conflict, but not when communities have been exposed to violence with the involvement of the state itself. In sum, this dissertation makes both theoretical and empirical contributions to the research on climate and conflict research, as well as to the scholarship on disaster risk reduction more broadly.

When several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors’ public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy.

Proteklih sto godina stanje u Siriji više je bilo u ratnom ozračju, nego u miru. Nakon Prvog svjetskog rata Sirija je došla pod francuski mandat. Tijekom francuskog mandata stanje u Siriji većinom je bilo označeno pobunama. Situacija se nije promijenila ni nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Diktatorska vlast u Siriji, također je otežala reforme te su unutarnji i vanjski sukobi u Siriji više pravilo, nego iznimka. Među važnijim sukobima je onaj koji je bio dio Arapskog proljeća. Siriju je nakon Arapskog proljeća zahvatio građanski rat. Danas se sve više uočava kako je Građanski rat u Siriji, zapravo, bio dio scenarij SAD-a i lobiranja izraelskog lobija za interese Izraela. For the past 100 years, the situation in Syria has been more at war than at peace. After World War I, Syria came under a French mandate. During the French term, the situation in Syria was mostly characterized by insurgency. The situation did not change even after World War II. The dictatorial rule in Syria has also hampered reform, and internal and external conflicts in Syria are more the rule than the exception. Among the most important conflicts is the one that is the part of the Arab Spring. Syria was gripped by the Civil War after the Arab Spring. Today, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Syrian Civil War was, in fact, the scenario of the US and lobbying of the Israeli Lobby for the interests of the Israel.

Purpose This study aims to explore the psychological effects of lockdown during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic on people living in an Italian prison. The suspension of family visits and most activities, along with the difficulties in applying social distancing to this vulnerable population was associated with increased psychological distress. Riots broke out over two days in more than 22 prisons across Italy at the beginning of March 2020, highlighting the negative psychological impact of the pandemic and the country’s emergency policies. Design/methodology/approach The research involves 17 men (Italians and foreigners) detained in a Lombardy prison from 1 March to 4 May 2020, corresponding to the lockdown phase in Italy. The qualitative content analysis (CA) of 27 posts, written by participants during that period and published on the blog “L’Oblò”, were analysed. The analysis allowed the identification of topics and subtopics that are related to two major categories of content: cognitions and emotional connotations about the COVID-19 lockdown in prison. Findings Analysis showed that blog post content was predominately negative in terms of emotional connotations. The most frequent coded negative emotional connotations were: missing, worry, psychological pain and fear, whilst the most frequent coded positive emotional connotations were: hope and gratitude for the support they received from prison workers. The rest of the blog content was coded as “cognitions”. Cognitions were coded as descriptions of lockdown effect on detention; prison during the COVID-19 emergency; the pandemic situation in general; and comparison between inside and outside prison. Originality/value The current study is original as it describes through blog CA the psychological condition of prisoners during the first COVID-19 pandemic lockdown in the most affected region in Italy.

Background Between October 2019 and February 2020, massive crowds protested in Lebanon against economic collapse. Various less than lethal weapons including riot control agents and rubber bullets were used by law enforcement, which led to several traumatic and chemical injuries among victims. This study describes the clinical presentation, management, outcome, and healthcare costs of injuries. Methods A retrospective review of the hospital records of all the casualties presenting to the Emergency Department of the American University of Beirut Medical Center between October 17th, 2019, and February 29th, 2020, was conducted. Results A total of 313 casualties were evaluated in the ED, with a mean age of 30.2 +/− 9.6 years and a predominance of males (91.1%). Most were protestors (71.9%) and arrived through EMS (43.5%) at an influx rate of one patient presenting every 2.7–8 min. Most patients (91.1%) presented with an Emergency Severity Index of 3. Most patients (77.6%) required imaging with 10% having major findings including fractures and hemorrhages. Stones, rocks, and tear gas canisters (30.7%) were the most common mechanism of injury. Musculoskeletal injuries were most common (62.6%), followed by lacerations (44.7%). The majority (93.3%) were treated and discharged home and 3.2% required hospital admission, with 2.6% requiring surgery. Conclusion Less-than-lethal weapons can cause severe injuries and permanent morbidity. The use of riot control agents needs to be better controlled, and users need to be well trained in order to avoid misuse and to lessen the morbidity, mortality, and financial burden.

The Psychology department at Durham University hold methodology and statistics seminars on Friday afternoons; depending on timezone of the speaker time might vary between 12PM and 3PM. This OSF page includes methods and statistics talks organised through our department, including events organised by Durham RIOT Science talks. What is RIOT Science Club? The RIOT Science Club is a forum where researchers can learn about Open Research reforms and practices, and central to its aims is encouraging Reproducible, Interpretable, Open & Transparent Science. Check out other events on RIOTS club website here: http://riotscience.co.uk/. RIOTS Club was originally founded in 2018 at King’s College London by Samuel Westwood and co-organised by Marion Criaud, Olivia Kowalczyk, and Sheut-Ling Lam. The R.I.O.T. Science Club is now brought to Durham University. First originating from the Psychology Department, RIOTS Club now has collaborated with the Durham Research Method Centre (DRMC) to organise seminars and events to introduce staff and students across disciplines to different RIOTS practices.

The research focuses on the growing food security crisis in the Middle East and North Africa. Western sanctions against Russia have led to a sharp rise in energy and food prices, which will have an impact on global energy and commodity markets in the long run. The Russian invasion has forced Ukraine to ban the export of wheat, oats, millet, buckwheat and other foods for its own domestic food supply. It is worth highlighting that in 2021, Russia and Ukraine together exported more than a quarter of the world’s wheat, a decline or failure of which places a heavy burden on the economies of its major importers. The coronavirus epidemic has highlighted vulnerabilities in global supply chains, public health systems, and food and energy security. Arab countries rely heavily on grain imported from Russia and Ukraine, buying more than 60 percent of their wheat from the two countries. States that have previously faced economic problems or conflicts have now found themselves in an even more difficult situation, for which they are urgently seeking solutions. But even if importers want to replace Russia and Ukraine, they will have to face a number of challenges when looking for alternative sources of wheat supply. Rising energy prices are exacerbating the problem and leading to drastic increases in food and wheat prices. And the high price of oil makes it quite expensive to import wheat from distant producers, whether in North or South America or Australia.

The text begins with a definition of the term “riot” and its uses in the 18th century. And then summarizes the reasons that led merchant marine sailors, including enslaved ones, to riot on the high seas. Finally, the case of the mutiny that occurred in the middle of the Atlantic aboard the ship N. S. da Piedade and São Boaventura and its forced entry in Rio de Janeiro in 1783 is described, to dialogue with the definition of movements of this type and with the notion of indiscipline in maritime historiography. O texto traz uma definição inicial do termo “motim” e seus usos correntes no século XVIII para, em seguida, apresentar sumariamente os motivos que levavam marinheiros mercantes, incluindo os escravizados, a se amotinarem em alto mar. Por fim, é descrito o caso do motim ocorrido em pleno Atlântico a bordo do navio N. S. da Piedade e São Boaventura e sua arribada forçada no Rio de Janeiro em 1783, para dialogar com a definição de movimentos desse tipo e com a noção de indisciplina na historiografia marítima.

This chapter explores how a highly diverse range of parties, including street-level social workers, police officers, children, young people, mothers, fathers, the local Imam, and gang members engage in efforts to prevent violence on the streets of Nørrebro, a previously working-class neighborhood in Copenhagen. During the last two decades, Nørrebro has transformed into a youthful multi-ethnic area while maintaining its historically strong tradition for political and social organizations and movements. This tradition was recently reignited when Rasmus Paludan, the leader of an extremist right-wing political party, announced his arrival at a central square in Nørrebro called Blågårds Plads. Paludan has toured socially disadvantaged residential areas, both in Denmark and abroad, burning the Quran in what he claims is a political manifestation. Based on a decentered mo(ve)ment analysis, this paper explores preventive street-level social work in this highly conflictual situation and investigates collective, transformative agency and counter-hegemonic struggles among and across the many different parties involved in the collective preventive actions linked to Paludan’s manifestation. We see how these counter-hegemonic struggles change over time: from riots in the street to various forms of peaceful, democratic collective agency, where some of the fathers whose family members were convicted collect signatures from local residents to avoid whole families getting thrown out / evicted from their homes.

Social disturbances due to socioeconomic and political factors were present in the media during 2019, including places like France, Hong Kong, Chile, Nigeria, Sudan, Haiti, and Lebanon. In October 2019, Chile saw massive demonstrations in the capital city of Santiago. As a result, the cost of damage to infrastructure during the first month of unrest is estimated at US$ 4.6 billion, and the cost to the Chilean economy was about US$ 3 billion, 1.1% of its Gross Domestic Product. This study aims to analyze how the topology of the public transport network affected the locations of the 2019 riots in Santiago. On average, we find a clear association between proximity to the subway network and riot density. This association is significant only in neighborhoods with residents in the highest and lowest income quartiles. When analyzing social unrest and the critical role of public transport, policymakers should consider the crucial role of income in the previous relationship.

A corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis of news reporting on the January 6th Event (also known as the '2021 United States Capitol attack') in the two Australian broadsheet newspapers The Australian and The Sydney Morning Herald

Resumen Este artículo recorre la historiografía sobre los enfrentamientos militares de Centro América entre 1808 a 1824. En un primer plano se repasaron aquellos escritos que los describieron de una manera general. En un segundo, los relatos sobre cada provincia. Además, se propuso un estudio del periodo en dos fases y la inclusión de nuevos actores en el desarrollo de la independencia. De hecho, el artículo sugiere que las pugnas militares y las fuerzas armadas de Centro América son parte de un proceso que debe examinarse. Abstract This article reviews the historiography on military confrontations in Central American between 1820 and 1824. In the foreground, it looked over those writings that described it in a general way. In a second, the narrative published in each province. Additionally, to study this period should be done in two phases and must include new actors in the development of independence. Consequently, this paper suggests that the military conflicts of independence and the armed forces of Central America are part of a process that must be examined as such. Resumo Este artigo faz uma revisão da historiografia sobre os confrontos militares na América Central entre 1808 e 1824. Em primeiro plano, foram revisados os escritos que a descreveram de maneira geral. Em um segundo, as histórias de cada província. Além disso, foi proposto um estudo do período em duas fases e a inclusão de novos atores no desenvolvimiento da independência. De fato, o ensaio sugere que os conflitos militares e as forças armadas da América Central fazem parte de um processo que deve ser examinado como tal.

This study evaluated the impact that Freddie Gray's death on April, 19, 2015, had on homicides within Baltimore, Prince George's County, and the rest of Maryland. The numbers of these deaths were compared in the 2 years prior and after his death. The average number of homicide per month in Baltimore and Prince George's County, but not the rest of Maryland, showed a statistically significant increase in the 2 years after his death, with a sudden spike in homicides in Baltimore immediately following his death. Spatial density ("heat") maps of homicides showed an increase in clustering of deaths after Freddie Gray's demise in portions of Baltimore, particularly near his arrest site. Hot spot maps showed a massive expansion of statistically significant clusters of homicides in areas of West and East Baltimore after his death. An emerging hot spot analysis revealed consecutive hot spots in large areas of West Baltimore with new hot spots prominent along the southern edge of this area. A review of the history of Baltimore, as well as discussions with Baltimore homicide detectives, revealed that prior socioeconomic and political trends likely primed Baltimore for the protests and violence that occurred after Freddie Gray's death. It is probable that a perceived "overcharging" of officers involved in his death by the State's Attorney resulted in a "pullback" from policing that directly led to increased homicides in Baltimore.

In this paper, a direct immersion solid-phase microextraction procedure for the simultaneous analyses of four primary riot control agents: 2-chloroacetophenone, o-chlorobenzylidene malonitrile, dibenz(b,f)-1,4-oxazepine, and oleoresin capsicum at μg/L concentration from environmental water was developed. Several parameters that influence the extraction effectiveness were investigated, including fiber type, extraction temperature, extraction time, starring rate, and salinity. Under the recommended conditions, the optimized method had reasonable linearity and accuracy. The average recovery of this method ranged from 84 to 108.1%. The limit of detection for all the analytes ranged from 0.2 to 3 μg/L and the limit of quantification ranged from 1 to 10 μg/L, respectively. A relative standard deviation from 3.0 to 4.3% can be achieved depending on the compounds. The procedure was applied to analyze all the four riot control agents simultaneously in several environmental samples.

The "tonsil riots" of 1906 were panics that developed at several public schools in historically immigrant-dominated neighborhoods of New York City (NYC). Per archived newspaper articles, several NYC public schools asked for parental consent to have Board of Health physicians come and perform tonsillectomy and adenoidectomy on their students. When children subsequently returned home from school "drooling mouthfuls of blood and barely able to speak," mothers reacted with panic and flocked to the schools demanding the safe return of their children. Police, ultimately, had to be called in to manage the crowds, and the events of 1906 largely faded from the public eye. However, these events can offer important lessons in communication and cultural humility as the United States continues its mass vaccination against coronavirus disease 2019.

Notre article vise à discuter les principales analyses philosophiques et politiques des émeutes, à partir du soulèvement des Gilets jaunes. Une telle démarche permet de comprendre à quel point cette forme d’action a joué un rôle fondamental au sein du mouvement, sans pour autant faire des « actes » du samedi son moment de vérité. Contre toute stigmatisation ou fétichisation de l’émeute, notre approche fondée sur la parole des Gilets jaunes restitue à cette pratique l’importance politique cruciale qu’elle a assumée depuis quelques décennies et notamment depuis l’enclenchement de la crise de 2008. Starting from the yellow vests uprising, our article aims to discuss the main philosophical and political analyses of the riots. Such an approach allows us to understand to what extent this form of action played a fundamental role within the movement, without making the Saturday “acts” its moment of truth. Against any stigmatization or fetishization of the riot, our approach based on the words of the yellow vests restores to this practice the crucial political importance that it has assumed for several decades and particularly since the onset of the 2008 crisis.

This article reviews the historiography on military confrontations in Central American between 1820 and 1824. In the foreground, it looked over those writings that described it in a general way. In a second, the narrative published in each province. Additionally, to study this period should be done in two phases and must include new actors in the development of independence. Consequently, this paper suggests that the military conflicts of independence and the armed forces of Central America are part of a process that must be examined as such. Este artículo recorre la historiografía sobre los enfrentamientos militares de Centro América entre 1808 a 1824. En un primer plano se repasaron aquellos escritos que los describieron de una manera general. En un segundo, los relatos sobre cada provincia. Además, se propuso un estudio del periodo en dos fases y la inclusión de nuevos actores en el desarrollo de la independencia. De hecho, el artículo sugiere que las pugnas militares y las fuerzas armadas de Centro América son parte de un proceso que debe examinarse. Este artigo faz uma revisão da historiografia sobre os confrontos militares na América Central entre 1808 e 1824. Em primeiro plano, foram revisados ​​os escritos que a descreveram de maneira geral. Em um segundo, as histórias de cada província. Além disso, foi proposto um estudo do período em duas fases e a inclusão de novos atores no desenvolvimiento da independência. De fato, o ensaio sugere que os conflitos militares e as forças armadas da América Central fazem parte de um processo que deve ser examinado como tal.

How do riots affect civil conflict? The effects of riots on escalation and civil conflict have largely been overlooked in the peace and conflict literature. I argue that this omission is of particular significance because riots could act as a potent escalatory proxy for a government authority and legitimacy crisis, a robustly supported cause of escalation and civil conflict. Drawing on civil conflict theories concerning motivation, feasibility, and contentious politics, the hypothesis as riots increase, the intensity of state-based organized violence increases was developed. To test this hypothesis, a zero-inflated negative binomial regression analysis was conducted on 14728 country-month observations from African countries between 1997 and 2020, using riot events and state-based organized violence fatality data and theoretically and empirically motivated controls. Notwithstanding certain research design limitations, the regression analysis and the complementary tests and investigation strategies yielded findings that support the hypothesis and the supposition that riots tend to affect civil conflict by increasing the intensity of state-based organized violence. The novelty of the findings opens up avenues for future research and sheds light on the value of studying lower-level societal violence and minor-scale escalatory dynamics to enhance our collective understanding of civil conflicts.

Beyond the material consequences, violence can have a great psychological impact on the individual. Violence can cause institutional and interpersonal distrust, and in turn harm economic growth and political stability. As of today, there is more knowledge about the consequences of trust than its determinants, and longitudinal studies are scarce. This paper exploits survey data and disaggregated data on violence from Mexico, a country which since 2007 has experienced a rapid increase in violence. With the use of a Linear Fixed Effects Model, I analyse the impact of municipal level violence on trust in crime-related institutions and in other individuals. I find a significant relationship, robust across different model specifications, between exposure to battles and trust in the federal, state, and municipal police forces. This positive effect is also found for battles involving police forces. Furthermore, I find evidence of a negative relationship between riots and interpersonal trust.

How is political contention constituted as an intelligible political practice, distinct from mere social disorders? This article gets at the question by analysing the relation between protests and riots at the turn of the 19th century in England. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s discussion of visibilities and post-foundational political theory, it contrasts the 1760s Wilkes and Liberty agitations with that of the London Corresponding Society in the 1790s. It articulates two ways of configuring the relation and constituting political contention in the self-governing practices of contentious actors. In the first case, political contention is an exercise of public spirit that may include riots and is opposed to passivity or factional interest. In the second, it is a process of public inquiry premised on a constitutive exclusion of riots. The comparison reveals how the emergence of protest politics also resulted in a new way of delineating and constituting political contention. In this way, it offers a new perspective on the contemporary constitution of political contention.

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During the second half of October 2019, Chile, and especially its capital city, Santiago, suffered from widespread violence with public and private infrastructure destruction. This work aims to expand an epidemiological non-local model that successfully described the French riots of 2005 to incorporate the topology of Santiago's subway network and explain the reported distribution of rioting activity in the city. Although the model reproduced the disorders' aggregated temporal evolution, it could not deliver results resembling the observed spatial distribution of activity on Santiago. The main reason for this failure can be attributed to the fact that the model lacks a population displacement mechanism, which seems vital to explain Santiago's unrest episodes., Comment: 6 pages, 4 figures

The goal of this work is to analyze the study of the revolts in contemporary history from a visual perspective. It does not claim nor the ambition to be completely exhaustive, it obviously does not take into consideration all the insurrectional events of the past centuries and their selection is partly motivated by the historical significance they had, and partly decided in an arbitrary way. The same methodology has been adopted for what concerns the analyzed images, some of which are iconic pictorial or cinematographic representations, while others are relevant because they are related to the more theoretical part of the dissertation. Through the study and analysis of contemporary revolts and their representations, the objective of this work is to identify the recurring elements and symbols of the revolt, following their evolution and researching their origins and socio-cultural motivations. Starting from these assumptions, the work asks itself crucial questions on the historical-philosophical and visual characteristics that unite and identify the revolts of contemporary history; but not only that, it follows the development of the distinctive elements of the aforementioned revolts over the centuries from the 19th to the 21st. Among them, a decisive role belongs to the crowd. For this reason, the work aims to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon and highlight its centrality in the most contemporary uprisings and social movements.

Riots are unpredictable and dangerous. Our understanding of the factors that cause riots is based on correlational observations of population data, or post hoc introspection of individuals. To complement these accounts, we developed innovative experimental techniques, investigated the psychological factors of rioting and explored their consequences with agent-based simulations. We created a game, ‘Parklife’, that physically co-present participants played using smartphones. In two teams, participants tapped on their screen to grow trees and flowerbeds on separate but adjacent virtual parks. Participants could also tap to vandalize the other team's park. In some conditions, we surreptitiously introduced inequity between the teams so that one (the disadvantaged team) had to tap more for each reward. The experience of inequity caused the disadvantaged team to engage in more destruction, and to report higher relative deprivation and frustration. Agent-based models suggested that acts of destruction were driven by the interaction between individual level of frustration and the team's behaviour. Our results provide insights into the psychological mechanisms underlying collective action.

On Jan. 30, 2021, antivaccine protestors briefly disrupted efforts at Dodger Stadium to administer vaccinations against severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARSCoV-2), the virus that causes coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Other protestors have disrupted shopping centres to protest

Un entorno digital dominado por la inteligencia artificial, la influencia de los líderes políticos, el activismo de las audiencias y la eclosión de desinformación y fake news definen los códigos de la agenda. Se dibuja además un escenario en el que el papel de las agencias de fact-checking como propulsoras o detractoras de lo fake está cuestionado. En un contexto marcado por la convocatoria continuada de elecciones generales en España y por el conflicto de la Independencia de Cataluña se publica la Sentencia del Tribunal Supremo sobre los juicios del Procés (14-O). Una cadena de movilizaciones ciudadanas inunda la red. El objetivo general del estudio es conocer en Twitter las fake news sobre los disturbios catalanes, las estrategias de verificación en las agencias seleccionadas (@malditobulo, @Newtral y @veri_fi_cat), el nivel de impacto y la reacción de los públicos. Aplicamos una metodología triangular de análisis de contenido comparado y sobre una muestra general de tweets (n1=4500) se analiza el tratamiento de los bulos detectados por los fact-checkers (n2=62). Los resultados confirman que la autoría de las noticias falsas corresponde a cuentas de particulares y que las estrategias de fact-checking pueden favorecer más la viralización que el desmentido. In a digital environment dominated by artificial intelligence, the influence of political leaders and audience activism, the emergence of misinformation and fake news define the agenda codes. A scenario in which the role of fact-checking agencies as propellers or detractors of the fake is also questioned. In a context defined by the continued general elections in Spain and the conflict of the independence of Catalonia, the Supreme Court Judgment on the trials of Procés (14-O) is known. A chain of citizen mobilizations floods the network. The general objective of the study is to know on Twitter the fake news about the Catalan riots, verification strategies and the level of impact and reaction of the public. We apply a triangular methodology of comparative content analysis and on a sample of tweets (n1=4500) we analyze the treatment of the hoaxes detected by the fact-checkers (n2=62). The results confirm that the authorship of the false news corresponds to accounts of individuals and that the strategies of fact-checking can favor the viralization more than the denial.

Zusammenfassung In Anlehnung an eine kurzlich erschienene Studie der Sozialpsychologen John Drury und Clifford Stott zeigt der vorliegende Aufsatz, wie die sozialwissenschaftliche Wahrnehmung von Menschenmengen („Crowds“) durch den franzosischen Intellektuellen Gustave Le Bon verschoben wurde. Le Bon spricht Menschenmengen jegliche Rationalitat ab und vergleicht die sozialen Prozesse wahrend stadtischer Unruhen und Aufstande mit der Ausbreitung von Viren. Der grose Einfluss Le Bons auf die wissenschaftliche Analyse solcher Unruhen wird in aktuellen Publikationen und Theoriegebauden teils sehr deutlich. Um besonders die zeitliche Resilienz dieser Diskursverschiebung erklaren zu konnen — Le Bons Hauptwerk erschien 1895 — nutzt dieser Aufsatz Antonio Gramscis Konzept der „Hegemonie“. Somit kann Le Bon als „organischer Intellektueller“ einer herrschenden Klasse analysiert werden, welcher die Wahrnehmung von Unruhen zugunsten dieser Klasse fur mehr als einhundert Jahre verschieben konnte. Der Aufsatz schliest mit einem kurzen Uberblick uber alternative Konzepte von stadtischen Unruhen. Schlagworter: Riots; Gewaltsoziologie; Crowd Science; Politische Theorie; Hegemonie; Gramsci ----- Bibliographie : Erz, Hendrik: Der lange Schatten von Gustave Le Bon. Zum sprachlichen Einfluss der Crowd Science auf die Soziologie der Gewalt, Soziologiemagazin, 2-2019, S. 71-88. https://doi.org/10.3224/soz.v12i2.06

En 1909 nueve personas murieron por disparos de la Guardia civil en la aldea de Oseira (Ourense), cuando una multitud se opuso a la retirada de un baldaquino de la iglesia local. Este episodio y la polémica posterior son analizados en profundidad para comprender mejor la dinámica del poder local bajo el régimen de la Restauración. La reacción de la oposición tiene una semejanza sorprendente, a menor escala por supuesto, con la campaña contra el gobierno Maura posterior a la Semana Trágica sólo tres meses después. In 1909 nine people were killed by the Guardia Civil in the village of Oseira (Ourense) when a mob opposed the removal of a canopy from the local church. This episode and the subsequent controversy are analysed in depth to better understand the dynamics of local power under the Restauración regime. The reaction of the opposition has an astonishing resemblance, at a minor scale of course, with the campaign against the Maura government after the Semana Trágica just three months later. SI

Introduction:In the summer of 2015, Beirut experienced a garbage crisis that led to rioting. Riot control measures resulted in multiple casualties. This study examines injury patterns of riot victims presenting to the emergency department of a tertiary care center in a developing country.Methods:A retrospective study was conducted in the emergency department of the American University of Beirut Medical Center between August 22 and August 30, 2015. Patients seen in the emergency department with riot injuries were included. Patient characteristics, injuries, and resources utilized in the emergency department were analyzed.Results:Ninety-five patients were identified. Most patients presented to the emergency department within a short time period. The mean age of the patients was 28.0 ± 8.7 years. Most (90.5%) of the patients were males and 92.6% were protestors. Emergency medical services were utilized by 41.0% of patients. Laceration was the most common presenting complaint (28.5%), and blunt trauma was the most common type of injury (50.5%). The head/face/neck was the most common injured body region (55.8%). Most patients did not require blood tests or procedures (91.6% and 61.0%, respectively), and 91.2% of patients were treated in the emergency department and discharged. One patient required intensive care unit admission and another was dead on arrival.Conclusions:Most patients had mild injuries on presentation. The emergency department experienced a high influx of patients. Complications and deaths can occur from seemingly nonlethal weapons used during riots and warrant effective prehospital and hospital disaster planning.

RESUMO A atuação dos índios inseridos na formação do Estado brasileiro era, muitas vezes, caracterizada pelos administradores como “tumultos”. Nesse clima de instabilidades, era assustador para as elites políticas das diversas regiões do Brasil o fato de novas ideias estarem sendo apropriadas pelas camadas subalternas. Indo além dos atos de nomear dos administradores, nosso objetivo é dar destaque aos possíveis significados daquela conjuntura para os indígenas nela envolvidos. Sua atuação nessa e em outras conjunturas girava em torno de sua liberdade e do combate à exploração de sua mão de obra. ABSTRACT The activity of the Indians inserted in the formation of the Brazilian State was often characterized by the administrators as “riots “. In this climate of instabilities, it was frightening to the political elites of the various regions of Brazil that new ideas were being appropriated by subaltern strata. Going beyond the acts of appointing of the administrators, our objective is to highlight the possible meanings of that conjuncture for the Indians involved in it. Their performance in this and other conjunctures revolved around his freedom and combating to the exploitation of his workmanship.

Orientador: Robert W. Slenes Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: No ano de 1832 foi descoberto um plano de revolta escrava em Campinas, envolvendo quinze fazendas. O objetivo deste trabalho é construir uma biografia coletiva dos escravos e do liberto envolvidos nesse plano de rebelião. Buscaremos acompanhar a trajetória desses revoltosos desde o momento em que chegaram na vila de Campinas até o ano de 1832. Levantaremos vários aspectos de suas vidas, como, por exemplo, a época em que chegaram na região, as procedências, os tipos de tarefas desempenhadas nas fazendas, as relações de parentesco e outros. Esperamos com isso tirar algumas conclusões para discutir a temática da comunidade escrava. Existiria uma comunidade escrava homogênea pelo simples fato de todos terem a mesma condição cativa? Ou os escravos eram bastante divididos entre si pelas diferenças de origem, sendo os crioulos (cativos nascidos no Brasil) menos propensos a se rebelarem contra os senhores que os africanos? Ou, ainda, seriam aqueles escravos casados e com profissões especializadas completamente estranhos à maioria dos cativos que não experimentavam essas vivências e totalmente avessos a rebeliões coletivas? O trabalho utiliza o método de ligação nominativa das fontes, baseado em cinco séries documentais: processo-crime de 1832, inventários, censos populacionais, registros de batismo e casamento escravo Abstract: In the year of 1832 a plan of enslaved revolt in Campinas was discovered, involving fifteen farms. The objective of this work is to construct a collective biography of the slaves and of free people involved in this plan of rebellion. We will search to follow the trajectory of these rebels since the moment where they had arrived in the village of Campinas until the year of 1832. We will raise some aspects of its lives, as, for example, the time where they had arrived in the region, the origins, the types of tasks played in the farms, the relationships and others. We wait with this to obtain some conclusions to argue the thematic of the enslaved community. Would exist a homogeneous enslaved community for the simple fact of all to have the same captive condition? Or the slaves sufficiently were divided between itself for the origin differences, having been the crioulos (captive been born in Brazil) less inclined to rebel against the masters who the Africans? Or, still, they would be those slaves married and professions specialized completely strange to the majority of the captives who did not try these experiences and total opposite the collective rebellions? I will use five documents: the evidence produced during the repression, inventories, censuses, registers of baptism and enslaved marriage Mestrado História Social Mestre em História

Collective actions, particularly organization, promotion, encouragement, and incitement to civil disturbances, are hard to imagine without use of information and communication technologies (ICTs). Recent events such as the Arab Spring, the colour revolutions (e.g. in former Eastern Bloc and the Balkan countries), the unrest in Minneapolis in 2020 which subsequently spread to other US cities, and the US Capitol riots 2021 present significant evidence in this regard. The dissemination of information online inciting to riots involves internet service providers (ISPs) alongside the author. The aim of the paper is to specify the actors in accordance with their functions and determine their eligibility to be prosecuted in cases of incitement to riots using ICTs. Formulated a conclusion about the onset of intermediary liability of ISPs, holding the organizational and technical capacity to influence the information social relations of their users at any time.

Economic and Social Research Council. Grant Number: ES/N01068X/1. Waves of riots are politically and psychologically significant national events. The role of police perceptions and practices in spreading unrest between cities has been neglected in previous research, even though the police are significant actors in these events. We examined the role of police interventions in the spread of rioting to one English city in August 2011 by triangulating multiple data sources and analyzing police accounts and community-participant interviews. Rioting in other cities had relatively little direct influence in the community, but it led to heightened vigilance in the police. The resultant police mobilization inadvertently created a large gathering in a local community with a history of hostile relations with police. Police attempts to disperse the crowd affected many more people than those originally intending to riot, leading to collective conflict. These findings support a new theoretical account of the role of policing in riot spread. Complementing existing accounts of diffusion, our study helps explain how self-fulfilling prophecy can operate to spread conflict between cities. Publisher PDF

Theater audiences have been expressing their opinions about what is happing on stage and in the world around them for centuries. In some instances, uproarious behavior bordering on — and including — full-fledged riots, have provided early indications of profound conflicts taking shape within society that eventually can gather to overturn the political and social order. As the cases discussed here — drawn from Naples, London, Brussels, New York, Dublin, Paris, Miami, and Kyiv — suggest, such disturbances can reflect economic discontent, the rise of nationalist identities, and the emergence of new artistic movements. A night at the theater, the concert hall, or the club is always about more than the background noise of our lives. What happens when performers meet their audiences signals how we see our futures; and ourselves; and how we like what we see, or not., Сторіччями театральна аудиторія виражала своє ставлення до подій на сцені і вширокому світі. В деяких випадках така колотнеча, що межувала (і включала) з повномасштабними заворушеннями, була сигналом про глибокі конфлікти, що оформлювалися в суспільстві, які згущувалися до такої міри, що загрожували політичним і соціальним переворотом. Випадки, описаних у статті— обмежених Неаполем, Лондоном, Брюсселем, Дубліном, Маямі та Києвом— дозволяють зробити припущення, що такі хвилювання можуть відображати незадоволення економічною ситуацією, посилення націоналістичних настроїв, постання нових художніх течій. Вечір у театрі, концертній залі чи клубі — це завжди що більше, ніж просто фоновий шум нашого життя. Те, що відбувається, коли виконавці зустрічаються з аудиторією, вказує на те, яким ми бачимо наше майбутнє, нас самих, і чи подобається нам це чи ні

Military units of the National Guard of Ukraine have law enforcement functions. While planning and conducting tasks in accordance with these functions, the unit commander decides to perform these tasks. In the decision-making process, you need to have the information about the operational situation in the area of the task. For this purpose, the headquarters of the military unit organizes the monitoring of the operational situation which means a system of constant monitoring of processes and events which take place in the area of tasks; the results of which serve to justify management decisions to ensure human safety. In the monitoring process the information is obtained from various sources, such as: interacting structures; the Internet; an intelligence subunit of this unit and others. In compliance with it, the more sources of information exist, the more reliable information will be, but it also increases the time for its processing. That is why there is a need to evaluate the effectiveness of monitoring the operational environment, considering the factors which are being monitored and determine the state of the operational environment, and also the time spent on it. For this purpose, the evaluation technique of effectiveness of planning and organization of monitoring the operational environment while conducting law enforcement functions by military units of the National Guard of Ukraine is developed. This technique considers the importance of factors that determine the state of the operational environment as well as the time required to process information in accordance with these factors. This can help the military to select the appropriate monitoring necessary in certain circumstances and, as a result, to evaluate the operational environment reliably in order to decide and conduct the task., Розроблено методику, яка дає змогу оцінити ефективність організації моніторингу оперативної обстановки під час виконання правоохоронних функцій військовими частинами Національної гвардії України. Вказана методика враховує важливість чинників, які визначають стан оперативної обстановки, а також час, необхідний для оброблення інформації відповідно до цих чинників. Це може допомогти органам військового управління обрати необхідний за певних обставин відповідний спосіб ведення моніторингу і, як наслідок достовірно оцінити обстановку для прийняття рішення на виконання завдання.

En los últimos años en el departamento de Putumayo se han presentado varios incidentes que han alterado el orden público y que han tenido una incidencia directa en las empresas petroleras que allí laboran, dichas alteraciones en su mayoría han sido protagonizadas por comunidades indígenas que encuentran en estas afectaciones una forma de expresión social para que sus reclamos sean atendidos por el gobierno nacional. Es así que por medio de este ensayo se pretende determinar la gravedad de las afectaciones contra los activos de las compañías petroleras ubicadas en el departamento de Putumayo, el papel de la vigilancia y seguridad privada durante los eventos de manifestaciones, disturbios del orden público y dar a conocer las estrategias necesarias para garantizar la protección de los activos de estas empresas garantizando así su funcionamiento. Disturbios y manifestaciones del orden público: desafíos estratégicos para la protección de activos en las empresas petroleras del departamento de Putumayo. 1 Índice de Tablas. 4 1. Resumen 5 Palabras claves. 5 2. Abstract 6 Key Words 6 3. Introducción 7 4. Marco de Referencia. 12 5. Resultados. 14 5.1. Distribución por fecha de publicación. 14 5.2. Distribución por el tipo de material. 15 5.3. Distribución de acuerdo al origen. 15 5.4. Tabla de reseña bibliográfica. 16 6. Discusión. 20 6.1. Antecedentes. 20 6.2. Impacto económico. 23 6.3. Protocolos de acción de las empresas de seguridad y vigilancia privada. 25 7. Conclusión. 29 8. Recomendaciones. 31 9. Referencias Bibliográficas 32 In recent years in the department of Putumayo there have been several incidents that have altered public order and have had a direct impact on the oil companies that work there. These alterations have mostly been led by indigenous communities who find in these affectations a form of social expression so that their claims can be addressed by the national government. Thus, through this trial, the aim is to determine the seriousness of the effects on the assets of the oil companies located in the department of Putumayo, the role of private security and surveillance during demonstrations and public order disturbances, and to make known the strategies necessary to guarantee the protection of the assets of these companies, thus ensuring their functioning. Especialización Ces dernières années, le département du Putumayo a connu plusieurs incidents qui ont altéré l'ordre public et ont eu un impact direct sur les compagnies pétrolières qui y travaillent. Ces altérations ont été principalement le fait des communautés indigènes qui trouvent dans ces affectations une forme d'expression sociale de leurs revendications à l'égard du gouvernement national. Ainsi, à travers cet essai nous entendons déterminer la gravité des affectations contre les actifs des compagnies pétrolières situées dans le département du Putumayo, le rôle de la surveillance et de la sécurité privée lors des événements de manifestations, de troubles de l'ordre public et faire connaître les stratégies nécessaires pour garantir la protection des actifs de ces compagnies, garantissant ainsi leur fonctionnement.

Highlights • We document trends in inter-group conflict at this historical moment. • Globally, we see a dramatic short-term decline in conflict events as awareness of COVID-19 spread. • This overall trend is mostly driven by a short-term decline in protest events globally. • We also document critical heterogeneity and exceptions to this general finding. • In some contexts inter-group conflict events have declined, in others these events have increased. • Quantitative case studies highlight challenges in estimating robust causal estimates., What does the threat of and the policy response to the coronavirus pandemic mean for inter-group conflict worldwide? We examine time series trends for different types of conflict and evaluate discernible changes taking place as global awareness of COVID-19 spread. At the country level, we examine changes in trends following policy responses, such as lockdowns, curfews, or ceasefires. We specifically examine violent conflict events (e.g., battles, remote violence and bombings, and violence against civilians) as well as civil demonstrations (e.g., protests and riots) using data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project. Globally we see a relatively short-term decline in conflict, mostly driven by a sharp decrease in protest events, that has since recovered to pre-pandemic levels. Critical heterogeneity at the country level, however, persists. Finally, context-specific details challenge robust causal inference identifying the specific relationship between policy responses and conflict.