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The article deals with the Swiss-Belarusian bilateral relations in the political, economic, humanitarian and cultural area from 1991 until nowadays. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this topic published in both countries as well as official reports by the Federal Council, where Belarus was mentioned. The article focuses on the former and current issues of intergovernmental relations between Switzerland and Belarus. It analyses the periods of deterioration caused by divergence of views on democracy and human rights, and the periods of improvement, when sanctions were lifted, the number of high-level visits increased, and new diplomatic and consular representations were established. The article traces the dynamics and structure of foreign trade between the two countries and notes its rapid growth since the mid-2000s, which was facilitated by major Swiss investors, joint ventures and other entities as well as business forums. It also gives data on the financial assistance and humanitarian aid that the Confederation has provided to Belarus, especially to the areas most affected by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, within its programmes of cooperation with Eastern Europe and via the Swiss Cooperation Office in Minsk (now the Embassy of Switzerland in Belarus). The article also describes the activities of the Belarusian diaspora in Switzerland as well as the cooperation between the educational, scientific and cultural institutions of the two countries. The author concludes that while Belarus is not one of Switzerland’s priority partners, in recent years the bilateral relations between them have been gradually improving.

The experience of Swiss Confederation in the field of integration of immigrants – one of the most economically developed countries of the world, occupying the leading position in Europe on the rate of foreign population in general demographic structure, – has been examined in the article. Evolution of the notions of “integration”, “social assimilation”, “acculturation” and others has been considered and different scientific approaches of Western researches to these notions have been adduced. Swiss immigration policy for the past decades has been traced and the modern integration policy of the country in the field of integration of foreign citizens into receiving society has been analyzed. A detailed analysis of the Swiss normative and legal framework in the field of migration, asylum and integration has been made also, and active development of migration laws over the last decade has been noted. Swiss migration politics, like in other developed Western countries-recipients of foreign labor, contains both: immigration policy (control over entry and stay of foreigners in the country) and policy of integration towards foreigners subject to integration processes.The process of integration of a foreign citizen into a new socio-economic, political and cultural environment is a complex, multidimensional phenomenon. There is a developed and scientifically grounded system of reception, accommodation and integration of foreigners and asylum seekers in Switzerland, which is based on constitutional values, respect and mutual tolerance. At the core of this system is a general strategy of integration, which constitutes a country’s core policy of integration and covers various areas: law, politics, labour issues, housing, education, culture and religion. In order to implement the policy of integration, in Switzerland there are being developed and implemented federal and cantonal integration programs. Integration processes management is administered through the developed system of state authorities at federal, cantonal and other levels, with active participation of different public organizations, including migrant organizations. Federal Council publishes reports on development of integration policy in the country, Federal Migration Office issues annual reports, numerous scientific researches on the theme are being conducted. At present each canton has its own Integration program, designed in accordance with the Modal cantonal program, that allows to implement different integration models, depending on regional requirements and priorities.

RESUMO Promovendo um diálogo entre arte, direito, esporte e guerra, este artigo aponta a crescente relevância do conceito de ordem pública de direito internacional privado da Confederação Suíça, em relação a regimes transnacionais privados, trazendo, como exemplos, o direito internacional privado do esporte e o sistema de autorregulação das empresas de segurança internacional. A partir de revisão da literatura e de documentos normativos, como Regulamentos da FIFA, o Estatuto da ICoCA e a lei suíça de direito internacional privado, o texto, sob método indutivo, pretende identificar se o conteúdo pretensamente transnacional dos regimes privados prescinde, afinal, da observância de alguma ordem pública. A relevância do tema reside na multiplicação de regimes privados transnacionais, como a ICANN para a Internet e a “lex mercatoria” para as transações comerciais, além disso, o texto busca identificar possível contradição na ideia de autonomia desses ordenamentos, por meio de uma analogia com o movimento artístico dadaísta. O artigo sustenta, ao final, que, nos dois exemplos estudados, existe uma clara supervalorização do direito suíço em detrimento das normas imperativas estrangeiras e sugere que tal conclusão pode ser estendida a outros ordenamentos privados. RESUMEN Emprendiendo un diálogo entre el arte, el derecho, el deporte y la guerra, este artículo señala la importancia creciente del concepto suizo de orden público de derecho internacional privado, con respecto a los regímenes privados transnacionales, tomando como ejemplo el derecho internacional privado del deporte y el sistema de autorregulación de las empresas de seguridad internacional. Revisando literatura y documentos normativos como los Reglamentos de la FIFA, los Estatutos de la ICoCA y la Ley Suiza de Derecho Internacional Privado, el texto, bajo el método inductivo, intenta identificar si el contenido supuestamente transnacional de los regímenes privados dispensa la referencia a el orden público de un Estado específico. La relevancia del tema reside en la multiplicación de regímenes privados transnacionales, como ICANN para Internet o la “lex mercatoria” para las transacciones comerciales; además, el artículo busca identificar una posible contradicción en la idea de que tales órdenes son autónomas, por medio de una analogía con el movimiento artístico dadaísta. El texto sostiene, al final, que, para los dos ejemplos estudiados, existe una clara sobrevaloración del derecho suizo en detrimento de las normas imperativas extranjeras y sugiere que tal conclusión podría extenderse a otros ordenamientos privados. ABSTRACT Promoting a dialogue between art, law, sports and war, this paper sheds light to the growing relevance of the Swiss concept of public order in private international law with regard to transnational private regimes, bringing the examples of private international law of sports and the self-regulatory scheme of international security companies. Starting with literature review and the discussion of normative documents such as FIFA Regulations, ICoCA Articles of Association and Swiss law, this paper, under inductive method, intends to identify if the purportedly transnational content of private regimes needs to observe any public order. The subject is relevant due to the multiplication of transnational private regimes, such as ICANN for the Internet and “lex mercatoria” for commercial transactions; moreover, the paper aims at identifying possible contradictions in the idea that such orders are autonomous, making an analogy with the Dadaist artistic movement. This contribution, finally, points out that in the two studied examples, there is a clear overvaluation of Swiss law in spite of imperative foreign norms and suggests that such conclusion might be extended to other types of private ordering.

Konsultacje ludowe są jedną ze współcześnie spotykanych form partycypacji obywateli w procesach podejmowania rozstrzygnięć spraw ogólnospołecznych, w tym w procesach prawotwórczych. W czasie nasilonych dyskusji w polskiej sferze publicznej na temat kształtu modelu demokratycznego warto przedstawić, jak tego typu rozwiązanie uregulowane jest w państwie o ugruntowanej demokracji, to jest w Szwajcarii oraz jakie są konsekwencje praktyczne takich unormowań. Wnioski płynące z porównania obu systemów są następujące: choć regulacje polskie można, z pewnymi zastrzeżeniami, ocenić pozytywnie, jako potencjalnie umożliwiające współudział jednostek w procesach decyzyjnych, to realizacja tych założeń normatywnych, na tle praktyki szwajcarskiej nie wygląda okazale. People’s consultation is one of the forms of citizen participation in processes of settling national cases that can be found nowadays. These processes include legislative processes. During intensive discussions in Polish public sphere regarding the shape of democratic model, it is worth presenting, how that sort of solution is regulated in a country with well-established democracy, i.e. Switzerland, and what are practical consequences of that sort of normalization. The conclusion of comparison of both systems as follows: although the Polish regulations can be, with some objections, positively assessed as the one that can potentially enable entities’ participation in decision-making processes, realization of these legal provisions against the background of the Swiss practice does not look impressively.

C’est depuis Paris que Dumur dénonce les errements de la neutralité helvétique : celle-ci sert à masquer l’influence de plus en plus manifeste d’un esprit germanique en Suisse romande voire au sein du gouvernement fédéral. Qui plus est, elle ne s’embarrasse pas de principes moraux : son côté résolument pragmatique entre en contradiction directe avec les valeurs qu’elle est censée promouvoir. C’est, de fait, une pure chimère., It was from Paris that Dumur condemned the misguided ways of Swiss neutrality serving as cover for the increasingly obvious influence of Germanic mentality in Romandy, and even within federal government. Moreover, this policy of neutrality had little regard for moral principles, with its unwavering pragmatism coming into direct conflict with the values it supposedly upheld. Neutrality was, in fact, a sheer delusion.

Svijet se suočava sa geopolitičkim i geoekonomskim promjenama te ulazi u novu fazu globalne suradnje, predvođen tehnologijama nove generacije. Ipak, trenutni tip globalizacije karakterizira fragmentacija i polarizacija među duštvima i ekonomijama. U takvom okruženju, korištenje alata ekonomske diplomacije, trgovinskih sporazuma i saveza može biti presudno za integraciju malih država u globalnu ekonomiju. Kao primjer, u radu koristimo Švicarsku Konfederaciju koja svoju integraciju na europskoj i globalnoj razini ostvaruje, među ostalim, dubokom ekonomskom povezanošću. Također, Švicarska je svjetski predvodnik u globalnom inovacijskom indeksu što je stavlja u odličnu poziciju iskoristiti sve prednosti novih tehnologija. Uspon globalne, elektronski umrežene ekonomije i rastuća prekogranična integracija i međuovisnost proizveli su nove poslovne prilike, ali i mogućnosti za različite aktere da razviju nove metode i strategije ekonomskog ratovanja. Glavno oružje su izvjesnice, čija proliferacija kao i rastuća digitalizacija poslovanja omogućava globalnu obavještajnu revoluciju. Mnoge međunarodne tvrtke imaju svoje sjedište ili važne podatkovne centre upravo u Švicarskoj. Švicarska je također dom mnogih međunarodnih organizacija i često je domaćin međunarodnih pregovora, a to je čini privlačnom metom za ekonomsku špijunažu. Jednu od tri dimenzije izvjesnica – posebno ekonomskih izvjesnica – čine ofenzivne operacije, a ekonomska diplomacija u širem smislu može poslužiti „prikupljanju izvjesnica“, zbog čega je njen strateški značaj još jasniji. The world is facing geopolitical and geoeconomic changes and entering a new phase of global cooperation, led by next-generation technologies. Yet the current type of globalization is characterized by fragmentation and polarization among societies and economies. In such an environment, using the tools of economic diplomacy, trade agreements and alliances can be crucial for integrating small countries into the global economy. As an example, in this paper we use the Swiss Confederation, which achieves its integration at European and global levels, among other things, through deep economic integration. Switzerland is also a world leader in the global innovation index, which puts it in a great position to take full advantage of new technologies. The rise of the global, electronically networked economy and growing cross-border integration and interdependence have produced new business opportunities, but also opportunities for various actors to develop new methods and strategies of economic warfare. The main weapon is intelligence, whose proliferation as well as the growing bussines digitalisation has enabled the global intelligence revolution. Many international companies have their headquarters or important data centers in Switzerland. Switzerland is also home to many international organizations and often hosts international negotiations, making it an attractive target for economic espionage. Offensive operations are one of the three dimensions of intelligence – economic intelligence in particular – and economic diplomacy in a broader sense can serve to „collect intelligence“, which makes its strategic importance even clearer.

L’étude de la genèse d’Un estomac d’Autriche et des circonstances de sa publication nous renseigne sur les intentions de Dumur et sur les réactions suscitées par ses différentes prises de position. L’attitude des Genevois de 1814 face aux Autrichiens, les réserves suscitées par une possible adhésion à la Suisse ou l’attitude de Genève face à la France sont ains autant d’indicateurs d’un état d’esprit dont Dumur évalue sans concession la pertinence historique., Studying the genesis of Un estomac d’Autriche and the circumstances surrounding its publication informs us about Dumur’s intentions and the reactions elicited by the various positions he took. In 1814, the attitudes of Genevans vis-à-vis Austrians, reservations about possibly joining Switzerland, or Geneva’s attitude toward France are so many indicators of a state of mind whose historical relevance Dumur evaluates uncompromisingly.

The purpose of this study is analysis of Austrian Chancellor Metternich’s approach towards the civil war in Switzerland, which ensued in 1847 between the Catholic and Protestant cantons, and evaluation of the consequences of Metternich’s diplomatic defeat, for him personally and also for Austria and its relationship with the German Confederation. Eruption of the conflict itself, its progress and its consequences will be discussed. Metternich considered the dispute in Switzerland to be an issue for Austria, because he believed that the radical (Protestant) cantons’ efforts to create a unified federal state could act as an impulse for the increased involvement of German nationalists who would finally trigger a revolution in Germany. He made all possible effort to prevent this development, however, his intention this time was not just to use diplomatic means, but also armed intervention by Austria and France and he also considered using military assistance from the states of the German Confederation. But his efforts failed, the Sonderbund, a military defensive alliance of the seven Catholic conservative cantons created for the purpose of protecting the sovereignty of the cantons, was defeated in the civil war and a new federal constitution was adopted in Switzerland. The Prince’s fears were realised when the victory of the Swiss radicals became one of the impulses for a revolution in Germany and Italy in 1848.

International audience; The Swiss Confederation joined the international Rhine regime remarkably late but vigorously, with Basel becoming one of the Upper Rhine’s central ports. In the shades of Prussia’s decline during the First World War, the Confederation promoted itself as a shipping nation, joined the Zentralkommission in 1919, and even actively took part in the planning of the Canal d’Alsace together with France in the late 1920s. This chapter traces the role of the Swiss Confederation within the international Rhine regime and the Zentralkommission from the late nineteenth through to the second half of the twentieth century.

Instytucje demokracji bezpośredniej są stosowane w Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej na skalę nieporównywalną z jakimkolwiek innym państwem. Sama inicjatywa ludowa wykorzystywana jest co najmniej kilka razy do roku przez różnorodne grupy interesu i przez partie polityczne. Celem opracowania jest kompleksowe przedstawienie aspektów prawnych i praktycznych zastosowania inicjatywy ludowej w Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Pierwsza część pracy obejmuje prezentację genezy i rozwoju instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej na przestrzeni lat. W kolejnej części zaprezentowano regulacje prawne dotyczące inicjatywy ludowej i postępowania z nią związanego (począwszy od jej zgłoszenia aż po publikację wyników i możliwości ich weryfikacji). Następna część pracy poświęcona została zobrazowaniu podmiotów zgłaszających inicjatywy i treści samych inicjatyw. Wskazano również na aspekt skuteczności tej instytucji oraz na cele, którym, oprócz możliwości nowelizacji Konstytucji Federalnej, może ona służyć. The institutions of direct democracy are being applied in the Swiss Confederation on a scale that is incomparable with any other country. The popular initiative itself is being used by various interest groups, as well as by political parties, at least a few times each year. This article aims at presenting in a complex manner both legal and practical aspects of the popular initiative’s application in the Swiss Confederation. The first part of the article deals with the origin and the development of the direct democracy institutions throughout the years. In the next part the legal regulations concerning the popular initiative and the proceedings relating to it (from its submission to results’ publication and possibilities of their verification) are being presented. The following fragment of the article describes the interest groups and political parties submitting the initiatives and also initiatives’ objects. The article is concluded by the presentation of the various purposes, which popular initiative can serve, apart from its aim to amend the Federal Constitution.

This paper tries to describe for students, for managers, for tourists, the complex experience that I had travelling, for the second time, in the summer of 2010, for a few weeks, in Switzerland, visiting friends, but also discovering again cities, towns, castles, museums, and even some small and medium sized private companies.

The topic of this thesis is the language regime of Swiss Confederation: theory and practice. The first part will deal with the theoretical basis of this issue and is divided into two chapters. The first of these briefly expresses the Swiss history and provides some basic information about the Swiss Confederation, more significant is devoted to the distribution of languages in the territory of this state. In the next chapter Switzerland is described in terms of its administrative structure and distribution of power. The second part of the thesis represents its core. I deal with the legal treatment of linguistic diversity, I concern especially with the Constitution and several other laws which are essential to the functioning of multilingualism. The last chapter of the thesis is a list of several areas of everyday life in the Swiss Confederation which are largely influenced by existence of multilingualism. The conclusion of the thesis evaluates whether all languages are really used strictly equal or whether any of them is in practical repressed.

Les facteurs historiques et géopolitiques ont eu, à Genève, une influence notable sur la structure du territoire et la morphologie de certaines localités. A Meyrin par exemple, la création d’un nouvel axe routier a transformé en quelques années un village-rue en village-carrefour. A Malagny, un hameau d’origine médiévale a été presque entièrement détruit au XVIIIe siècle pour faire place à un grand domaine. A Genthod, un modeste village s’est embourgeoisé suite à l’implantation de trois domaines patriciens et les paysans ont accepté de déplacer leur fumier dans une rue secondaire, créée à cet effet. A Chêne, un village a été scindé en deux entités politiques et confessionnelles bien distinctes, tandis qu’à Plan-les-Ouates, le contraste est frappant entre les deux côtés de la rue principale, colonisés à deux époques différentes. Ces quelques exemples relèvent de ce que l’on peut considérer comme de l’aménagement du territoire avant la lettre et démontrent qu’il est impossible de dissocier l’architecture rurale de son environnement et de son histoire.In Geneva, historic and geopolitical factors have significantly influenced the region’s overall structure and the form of particular locals within it. For example, in the course of just a few years, a new road transformed Meyrin from a one-street village into an important commercial crossroad. In Malagny, a medieval hamlet was almost entirely demolished in the 18th century to make way for a grand estate. In Genthod, a farming village was “gentrified” after 3 nobles estates were established around it. The village peasants agreed to move their dung-heaps to a more discreet secondary street, donated by one of the estates for the purpose. In Chêne, a village was divided into two distinct political and religious districts. Finally, at Plan-les-Ouates, there is a strong contrast between the two sides of the village’s main street, which were built during different periods. These examples are indicative of what can be considered the region’s settlement period (prior to its official recognition as an administrative entity). They show that it is impossible to separate rural architecture from its surrounding and history; rather, these should be seen as an integrated whole.

The bachelor thesis deals with the polical system of the Swiss Confederation. The work is divided into 9 parts. The aim of the bachelor thesis is a description and analysis of the political system of Switzerland with a focus on individual issues (federalism, multiculturalism, neutrality, protection of minority rights and the implementation of direct democracy). The work describes the separation of powers within the state with all Swiss specifics, including the "Zauberformel" rule. The work also presents the party and electoral system of the country; the position of Switzerland on the issue of European integration as well as the membership of Switzerland in international organizations.

The Diploma paper " The Health Care Providing System in Switzerland" describes the development, structure and typical aspects of health care providing system in Switzerland. The Diploma paper concentrates on identification of the key factors which helped Switzerland health care providing system to reach very high quality and also ensured large availability of the services. The work is divided into theoretical and practical part. Theoretical part describes Swiss Confederation and its health care providing system. The practical part offers the comparison with the system in Czech Republic. The finale part is devoted to the key factors which could be implemented into the Czech system and which would be helpful for its further development.