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This article focuses on how and why some Jordanian Muslim Brothers have engaged in relatively exclusive, Islamist ways of confronting the regime during the “Arab Spring,” while others adopted a more inclusive, national strategy in the same period. As such, this article not only contributes to our knowledge of divisions within the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, but also shows how this can impact Islamist-regime relations in the Arab world. It argues that the organization as a whole initially wanted to exploit the uprisings in the region through a relatively exclusive, Islamist approach to the regime, but that others within the organization disagreed with this method as the “Arab Spring” proved mostly unsuccessful. Aware of the dangers of provoking the state from a position of increased isolation, these members advocated a more inclusive attitude toward the regime and others. While both groups were ultimately unsuccessful, the latter at least survived as a legal entity, while the Muslim Brotherhood lost its official presence in the kingdom because the regime was able to exploit the existing divisions within the organization.

The dissolution of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood suggests that the latter’s fate is similar to that of other Islamist movements in the Middle East. But this conclusion fails to consider the peculiar story of the Ikhwān in Jordan. An account of their relations with the Hashemite regime

The dissolution of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood suggests that the latter’s fate is similar to that of other Islamist movements in the Middle East. But this conclusion fails to consider the peculiar story of the Ikhwān in Jordan. An account of their relations with the Hashemite regime

Islam has long played an important role in the Jordanian state and society. The country has a regime whose royal family can boast of a robust Islamic pedigree, and apart from the state’s institutions, which represent “official Islam” and the spirituality found in Sufism, Jordan has also witnessed the rise of Islamic movements of various types. Two movements in Jordan that are quite popular are the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafism. This chapter focuses on them, giving special attention to how they have negotiated their relations with the regime throughout their history.

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Islam has long played an important role in the Jordanian state and society. The country has a regime whose royal family can boast of a robust Islamic pedigree, and apart from the state’s institutions, which represent “official Islam” and the spirituality found in Sufism, Jordan has also witnessed the rise of Islamic movements of various types. Two movements in Jordan that are quite popular are the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafism. This chapter focuses on them, giving special attention to how they have negotiated their relations with the regime throughout their history.

Academics do not agree on the historical continuity between ‘modernist’ Salafis from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and today's ‘purist’ ones. Interestingly, little attention has been paid to how the latter deal with this issue. This article seeks partly to fill this gap by analysing the reception of ‘modernist’ Salafis in the work of Jordanian ‘purist’ Salafis. It first provides background information on the history of ‘purist’ Salafism in Jordan, with a specific focus on the Syrian-Jordanian scholar Muḥammad Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Albānī (1914–1999). It then moves on to analyse the perception of ‘modernist’ Salafi scholars by al-Albānī and the politically quietist branch of ‘purist’ Salafism in Jordan. Next, it deals with the political branch of the ‘purist’ Salafis in the Kingdom and the way they have perceived ‘modernist’ Salafis. Finally, in the conclusion I link the topic of this article to the debate about the historical continuity between ‘modernist’ and ‘purist’ Salafis.

Deze rubriek concentreert zich op vergevorderde of recent afgeronde proefschriften in Nederland en Vlaanderen. Promovendi of recent gepromoveerden vertellen in kort bestek over hun onderzoek aan de hand van een vraag die ZemZem hen heeft gesteld. In dit nummer lezen we over het werk van Josephine van den Bent, Nella van den Brandt en Pooyan Tamimi Arab.

Over the last decade, a rift has emerged among Jihadi-salafis in Jordan between the “Zarqawiyyun”—who see Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi as their model and concentrate on combat—and the “Maqdisiyyun”—who want more scholarly guidance, emphasize the establishment of an Islamic State and follow Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi. The conflict in Syria, however, offered options for both: a jihad against a reviled regime and the possibility to set up an Islamic state. It thus had the potential to unite the “Zarqawiyyun” and the “Maqdisiyyun.” This article analyzes why this did not happen.

Over the last decade, a rift has emerged among Jihadi-salafis in Jordan between the “Zarqawiyyun”—who see Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi as their model and concentrate on combat—and the “Maqdisiyyun”—who want more scholarly guidance, emphasize the establishment of an Islamic State and follow Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi. The conflict in Syria, however, offered options for both: a jihad against a reviled regime and the possibility to set up an Islamic state. It thus had the potential to unite the “Zarqawiyyun” and the “Maqdisiyyun.” This article analyzes why this did not happen.

Deze rubriek concentreert zich op vergevorderde of recent afgeronde proefschriften in Nederland en Vlaanderen. Promovendi of recent gepromoveerden vertellen in kort bestek over hun onderzoek aan de hand van een vraag die ZemZem hen heeft gesteld. In dit nummer lezen we over het werk van Josephine van den Bent, Nella van den Brandt en Pooyan Tamimi Arab.

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Contains fulltext : 170694pub.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access)

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The extent to which religious ideology appeals to potential radicals and the role it plays in their actual radicalization depends on a number of factors, such as the centrality of the religious ideology’s message in the lives of the target group, its breadth, the credibility of both the message and the messenger expressing the religious ideology, as well as its experiential commensurability in the lives of the targeted audience. Variations in each of these factors help explain why religious ideology plays an important role in the radicalization of some Muslims, but less so in that of others, and why the same religious ideology can be influential in some contexts while having little impact elsewhere. This article uses the examples of the Jordanian Salafi scholars Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and Muhammad Ibrahim Shaqra to illustrate this and shows that religious ideology should be taken seriously as a factor in radicalization, but should also be contextualized to understand its full impact.

The extent to which religious ideology appeals to potential radicals and the role it plays in their actual radicalization depends on a number of factors, such as the centrality of the religious ideology’s message in the lives of the target group, its breadth, the credibility of both the message and the messenger expressing the religious ideology, as well as its experiential commensurability in the lives of the targeted audience. Variations in each of these factors help explain why religious ideology plays an important role in the radicalization of some Muslims, but less so in that of others, and why the same religious ideology can be influential in some contexts while having little impact elsewhere. This article uses the examples of the Jordanian Salafi scholars Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and Muhammad Ibrahim Shaqra to illustrate this and shows that religious ideology should be taken seriously as a factor in radicalization, but should also be contextualized to understand its full impact.